The Autonomist Antifa movement (MP3), or anti–fascism, opposes the domination of subaltern (MP3) or marginalized races, ethnicities, nationalities, castes, and tribes. Autonomism (MP3), for its part, is an anti–authoritarian communism. There is, utilizing a Venn diagram (), a limited overlap between various left–centrist, and third–way, ideologies and the Left. The question is, Which of these philosophies will become the major source for one’s assumptions? While advancing, ever mindfully, toward individual and collective emancipation, the preliminary class consciousness of New Deal progressivism, social democracy, or Keynesianism can be among the biggest obstacles to full proletarian class consciousness. Thought bridges must be built to transfer people, of diverse backgrounds, from progressivism to the Left.
The only sensible response to neofascism is the autonomist libertarian Marxist one: Antifa. Contrary to loads of right–wing propaganda, Antifa has nothing to do with punching people. That practice has only been performed by a few social misfits here and there. Such gravely unfortunate people can be found on the periphery of virtually every social movement. Neofascism and its cohorts, such as neonazism, must be challenged and, ultimately, destroyed. I describe, in its broad outlines, a nonviolent approach to doing so on this website. However, there is no room for compromise or accommodation with fascistic individuals. The conceivable ramifications of merely burying one’s head in the sand are candidly too dire. The massive shedding of blood, from a bygone era of the first half of the 20ᵗʰ century, should never be repeated.
Nazism (German, Nazismus [MP3])—short for National Socialism (German, Nationalsozialismus [MP3])—in Germany, Fascism (Italian, Fascismo [MP3]) in Italy, and Kokka•Shugi (Japanese, 国家主義 [MP3], nationalism)—including Nippon•Gunkoku•Shugi (Japanese, 日本軍國主義 [MP3], Japanese militarism)—in Japan forever tarnished human history. Each one of them revealed, in its own unique way, the potentially evil and deadly consequences of an unchecked authoritarianism. A similar time, which might be referred to as an age of right–authoritarianism or possibly a period of neofascism, could be upon us. For the socially alientated age in which we live, going back to a past of power for the majority, not for the minority, may appear, to some, as an attractive alternative. The levers of power must be universal.
Let us remain awake and aware that the hell of global warfare shall never again become a deadly reality. During World War II, only one country, the United States, possessed and deployed the formidable and dreadful power of the atom. Presently, under the hypnotic spell of a potentially devastating multilateral arms race, the nuclear club has mushroomed alarmingly. Signs of genuine unity are nowhere to be seen. That same atom, the very unit of existence, could, by simply entering a secret code onto the nuclear biscuit, kill most or all of us. Sadly, the President of the United States has, in this field of domination, no accountability. Not the Vice–President, not the Secretary of State, not the Secretary of Defense, not Congress, and not the Supreme Court has veto power over the President’s authority to launch nuclear missiles.
Critical Social Theory
The communist tendency of ([MP3] ALCC™), Antifa Luxemburgism™ (MP3), is a true agent of left regroupment or unity. Left regroupment requires left refoundation or renewal. Therefore, Bhaskarian critical realism (MP3) is the metatheory and the critical social theory (theory and praxis), and intersectionality (MP3) is a key critical social theory. World–systems analysis, from American sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein (MP3; born in 1930), is utilized in part. An extensive assortment of additional critical theories and emancipatory methodologies, which would significantly depend upon particular circumstances, can be incorporated into the work of ALCC, as well. ALCC is libertarian Marxist communism, not reformist democratic socialism or, worse, social democracy.
Sources of ALCC, a social–and–economic development (SED) project, are: proto–left communist Rosa Luxemburg ([MP3] 1871–1919) as the rightful successor to Karl Marx ([MP3] 1818–1883) and Friedrich Engels ([MP3] 1820–1895), British critical realism from philosopher and libertarian Marxist Roy Bhaskar ([MP3] 1944–2014), intersectionality from legal scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw ([MP3] born 1959), post–Trotskyist international socialism from Tony Cliff (1917–2000), neo–Trotskyist third–camp socialism from Max Shachtman (1904–1972), Titoism (MP3) from Maršal J̌osip Broz Tito (Serbian, Маршал Јосип Броз Тито [MP3], 1892–1980), workers’ self–directed coöperative enterprises from Richard D. Wolff (born 1942), De Leonism (MP3) from Daniel De Leon ([MP3] 1852–1914), and many others.
The above eleven perspectives, from Antifa to De Leonism, have been integrated into The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism™ (MP3) or IDmR™, The Collective to Fight Neurelitism™ (MP3) or CFN™, and ALCC. Inspired by the revolutionary and transformative legacy of Red Rosa (German, rote Rosa [MP3]; or Polish, rudy Rosa [MP3]) , ALCC promotes democratic libertarian communism and avoids partisan politics. ALCC belongs to: rs21: revolutionary socialism in the 21ˢᵗ century (see their Facebook page), the United Socialist Front, the International Organization for a Participatory Society, the Modern International Socialist Association, the Union for Radical Political Economics, the International Association for Critical Realism, Fight Fascism, F!ght✊Fasc!sm, ZCommunications/ZNet, and so forth.
ALCC accepts Rosa’s typology of spontaneity and organization. Spontaneous uprisings will be largely unplanned responses to ongoing deteriorations in the capitalist world–system. They shall, quite likely, intensify over the coming months and years. Organized revolutionary activities, perhaps persisting for several centuries, will follow the collapse of capitalism. Communism, the completion of the dialectic, might then be established in two stages: first, a transnational state and, second, a localized global federation or administration. Yet, the political economy to come and corollary social institutions must be formulated by our heirs or beneficiaries. There are no road maps or manuals. If you happen to stumble upon Establishing Communism for Dummies, do not waste your money. No such book has been, or could be, written.
The Antifa Luxemburgist pentad is our paradigm for: left–libertarianism, libertarian communism, libertarian socialism, revolutionary and libertarian democratic socialism, left–communism, and radical democracy. That model incorporates Marxism–Luxemburgism (MP3); Autonomist Antifa (MP3); Hal Draper’s (1914–1990) neo–Trotskyist, third–camp socialism from below which has thankfully been adopted by others; Roy Bhaskar’s critical realist method for implementing libertarian communism; and intersectional theory (intersectionality) as designed, at the outset, by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw and coupled with sociology by Patricia Hill Collins (born 1948). This articulation of our tendency explores the basic—but not the exclusive—character of the Antifa Luxemburgist project of left refoundation or renewal:
ALCC is not dogmatically attached to its own perspective on left–libertarianism or even to the Libertarian Communist Pentad. Whether ALCC or some other individual or collective formulates a workable revolutionary strategy is beside the point. Capitalists have demanded credit and residuals. Our sole concerns are deliverance and personal autonomy. We do feel, however, that Bhaskarian critical realism, or a related methodology, will need to be incorporated into whatever framework will emerge over time. Still, the sands continue flowing rapidly through the hourglass. Given the daunting global diffusion of fascist and quasi–fascist ideologies, Antifa Luxemburgism, or a like–minded construction delineated by someone else, shall, we hope, serve as a redemptive communist current for the 21ˢᵗ century and possibly beyond.
Promenades to Praxis
ALCC will now consider the indispensible issue of praxis or revolutionary practice. Theory, which has been discussed up to this point, is unproductive, indeed paralyzed, unless activists and revolutionaries champion the rights and liberties of the other. We will always remain: nonviolent, nonconfrontational, protective, and defensive―never aggressive or offensive. Whenever events might warrant, activists can, for instance, escort the targets of fascistic persons or groups to safe areas. Strategically, union members alongside non–unionized workers can all strive for a left–libertarian individual and social freedom. Protect the vulnerable, attempt to educate fascists whenever possible, and report criminal acts by fascists to law enforcement. The main factor is to keep one’s eyes open at all times. Be prepared to confront the unexpected.
I despise fascism, nazism, the alt–right, and the like, but the only pathway to really empathize with miscreants, however contemptible, is by sincerely conversing with them. Sometimes fascists with their cohorts have even abandoned fascism or similar philosophies and become communists and revolutionary socialists. Dialogue is not appeasement. Presumably, my approach to this matter parallels one taken by most academic communists. I have, over my years in higher education, had students from various far–right fringe positions. One learns, through experience, to deal effectively with a broad spectrum of individuals without over–reacting. Becoming hysterical or terror–stricken only aids in achieving the objectives of one’s opponents. Yet, to be brutally honest, this capacity was carefully cultivated. It did not develop naturally.
How can individuals identified with the amorphous Antifa effectively challenge fascistic movements? Because many thrive on publicity and attention, tactically ignoring them is an option. Sadly, that is unlikely to succeed, since the media will, presumably, cover their events. Another approach is to attend their rallies and irately heckle them. Yet, that method could easily backfire. It might provide these deluded individuals with the publicity and attention they crave. Perhaps the best alternative is to cultivate superb communicators. Experts on far–right phenomena could write articles and letters to the editor, appear on radio and TV, and produce well–made videos for YouTube, Daily Motion, Vimeo, and similar video–sharing services. One can also choose anonymity. That way, the possibility of reprisals may be reduced.
I have, when circumstances warranted, kicked self–defined fascists and neonazis out of my college classes who have made disparaging comments about minorities. That, to me, is like yelling fire in a crowded theater. In doing so, I am not only enacting formal college policy but my own values. As to who gets the power to define hate speech, such is the heart of the problem. The Western world, and perhaps the U.S. in particular, is divided in a so–called culture war, and, unfortunately, universal agreement is wanting that minorities and oppressed persons should be protected. Their primary advocates and champions should be people, like myself, who would ordinarily be defined by the public as white males. That would be the embodiment of a caring community, which I have viewed only seldomly and in select groups.
The author and social commentator Mark Twain, pen name of Samuel Langhorne Clemens (1835–1910), has been alleged to utter such words as history does not repeat itself, but it rhymes. The poetry of capitalism and hardship is a bit too frequent to ignore. Thus, contrary to the views of the originator of evolutionary socialism, German revisionist Eduard Bernstein (MP3; 1850–1932), the matrix which produced the capitalist world–system can hardly remedy it. Numerous obstacles hamper the expansion of American communism and revolutionary socialism—particularly in middle schools, high schools, and academies of higher learning or education—in the first half of the 21ˢᵗ century. These albatrosses must be earnestly examined. They should then, in righteous indignation, be confronted, directly or indirectly, by Antifa.
Antifa, while obviously far from perfect, is, however, the beloved. American Antifa, the most enduring legacy of the New Left, is a current or tendency of autonomist Marxism. As such, Antifa must be adored, nurtured, improved, and treasured. Casually dismissing it because of the possible intemperance of some fanatics serves no purpose and, as the saying goes, throws out the baby with the bathwater. What higher and more honorable duty do we have, as global citizens, than to fight—through left refoundation and left regroupment—neofascism and its kindred spirits? They are, possibly, the most challenging social problems which now afflict the current generation. A passion for left unity is, borrowing a term popularizied by some religious groups, our calling. This “secular” universalism can be encouraged by all antifascists.
Among secondary schools and universities, the Students’ Democratic Coalition was, in years gone by, a social movement organization of the libertarian American New Left. In the view of just this writer—a libertarian Marxist communist reared, since the relative antiquity of 1968, in that coalition—a vast panorama of traditionalisms and conservativisms appear diabolically on the ascendent in the modern world. These last dogmas and sentiments of iniquity are among the major stumbling blocks facing communism in the present era. With an ardent scrutiny, shun them all like the plague. Meanwhile, treat the believers in these vile doctrines with respect. Separate the individual from her or his mindset. Struggle against the tide, through a heart flowing with love and passion, for a world of inclusiveness and internationalism.
ALCC strongly champions the activism of social justice warriors (SJWs). In our view, their nascent class consciousness makes them ideal prospects to become libertarian communists and Antifa. SJWs should, therefore, be both praised and guided to synthesize their praxis with libertarian Marxist theory. They must not be condemned and dismissed, as is now all–too common on the faux left. A non–SJW libertarian communist is an oxymoron or a contradiction in terms. Left–libertarianism must displace the entire intersectional capitalist world–system. Opposing: LGBTQQIAA/GSD/SGD rights or anti–heterosexism, feminism, Black Lives Matter, anti–racism, anti–ethnicism, Occupy, anti–nativism, anti–ableism (anti–disablism in British Commonwealth English), and so on is inconsistent with a communism of genuine liberty.
Obviously, not all SJWs are Leftists. The majority of these activists, though I am only speculating, would most likely be left–wing (left of center) and position themselves as progressives, liberals, social democrats, or reform–minded democratic socialists. With whichever tendency one chooses to identify, should any claimant to Leftism attack liberation or social justice movements of oppressed persons, she or he is not, by our definition, on the Left. Indeed, one of the oddest behaviors I have seen on discussion forums by alleged Leftists is the mimicking of right–wing anti–feminism. As itemized in my partial list, feminism is hardly a unified movement. Even so, Leftists do not malign feminists. We are not suggesting that all feminist types on the list are Leftist. Some are, while others, most likely, are not. All are feasible candidates.
At least in part, ALCC uses the term SJW as a tactic for disruption. We are thoroughly mindful that, among many self–defined Leftists, the abbreviation has acquired a negative undertone. In our view, such an outlook on SJWs is misguided. By intentionally utilizing the label in this essay and in our work, we are consciously challenging people to confront their own prejudices. Our ultimate hope is that individuals will reconsider their appraisals of SJWs. By alienating a segment of the population which decidedly has the potential to become libertarian communists, we are, in effect, shooting ourselves in the foot. Knowingly or not, such estrangements can, in the long run, damage our cause. We would prefer to welcome and embrace SJWs as possible comrades in libertarian communism than to disrespect them with biased slurs.
Fascism is a genre of liberation but altogether the wrong kind. Libertarian Marxists desire to liberate the oppressed from the oppressor. Many fascists, oddly enough, seemingly wish to liberate the oppressor from the oppressed. Some fash crudely misappropriate the language and symbols of the Left, including populist references to revolution and the utilization of a fist clenched in solidarity. These confiscations, perhaps intended to hoodwink certain less informed people, may be successful on occasion. However, Antifa activists should persevere in their attentivenes and alertness to such deceptive activities and, as appropriate, squarely and decisively challenge them. An indispensable tool for any effective emancipatory praxis—which is considerably more crucial than someone’s orthodoxy—must be intellectual warfare.
For purposes of activism, ALCC has a considerably broader definition of fascism than is commonly held by others. Plain and simple, to us, fascism is is authoritarianism. Libertarian Marxist communism is freedom. If a person of color, a woman, a disabled individual, or, for that matter, anyone was being assaulted on the street, or elsewhere, we would immediately take action. Whether the assailant or aggressor was thin and diminutive or muscular and 7′ tall is irrelevant. Far too many people exhibit the bystander effect. They observe a gross act of injustice but simply walk on by. All of us will, inevitably, die at one point or another. It is far better to pass on as a defender of the helpless than as a self–centered coward. As we see it, opposing authoritarianism, in its multiple and diversified forms, is the open heart of Antifa.
Assemblages of contradictions are all too commonly observed in fascistic, protofascistic, neofascistic, and quasifascistic ideologies. These ideologies must be dutifully acknowledged, established as ethically illegitimate, and swiftly cast aside as untenable. ALCC is dedicated to the proposition that fascism and comparable evils can be thoroughly vanquished in a span of merely one or two generations. Should, on the other hand, these ideologies be permitted, through our collective inaction, to gather both energy and followers, and to not simply fester, the consequences for this planet may, indeed, be extremely grave. Let us all labor and hope for the day when such fascistic systems are nothing more than a footnote in freshman, or first–year, university history texts. At that point, the path to libertarian communism will be cleared.
One of the more stunning exemplars of fascism is the German political theologian and jurist Carl Schmitt (MP3). In the midst of his long life, 1888–1985, he witnessed the fascist world he had entered fall apart. Schmitt’s foremost legacy was his work on sovereignty. Whether an individual or a collective, the sovereign decides on the exception. As such, the sovereign is essentially deified. The connection of sovereignty and exceptionality, on the one hand, with fascism and related ideologies, on the other, is unmistakable. Schmitt’s political theology can even be read as a prophetic endorsement of Donald Trump’s politics of exclusion. Exceptions made by fascists and their like are multiple: Jews, Muslims, Latinos, Armenians, Gypsies, various Indigenous peoples, or any population which is othered, marginalized, or subaltern (MP3).
Notably, right–libertarianism is quite frequently difficult to distinguish from right–authoritarianism. Sovereign citizens wrongly believe that, by filing precise legal documents, their personal authority automatically eclipses the laws and regulations of their respective countries. Certain true believers in sovereign citizenship have committed horrific acts of domestic terrorism in both the U.S. and other nations. Listen to this sixty–second audio file (MP3), and read these articles (PDF) on the movement. Many of the materials which focus upon the sovereign citizen movement (MP3), and its precarious activities, have been provided to the general public as a courtesy of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (the FBI). Earnestly studying them could, I feel, be beneficial. The more one understands about one’s antagonists, the better.
Hebrew–language and, later, traditional Arabic–language numbering systems were deliberately selected to admonish, if not to flagrantly shame, individuals who should be admonished and ashamed―practitioners of antisemitism (MP3) and Islamophobia (MP3). The list just below features only a selection of fascism’s ultra–right cousins. Nevertheless, the careful reader should bear in mind that not all instances of the specific categories included are necessarily either authoritarian or hateful. Thus, the National People’s Party in the U.K., which has defined itself as National Bolshevik (Russian, Национальный Большевик [MP3], Nacionalʹnyj Bolʹševik), is one apparent case of such a tolerant antifascist grouping. Although ALCC does not support the party’s platform, its distinctivness should, in fairness, be duly noted.
Here is an alphabetized enumeration of diverse ideologies which share one or more conglomerated aspects—generally characteristics of right–wing authoritarianism—with fascism:
Radical, a term often employed by Leftists from a broad spectrum of tendencies and currents, has unfortunately been diminished into an essentially over–used smear word. Any descriptive or critical significance radicalism may have at one time conveyed was long ago clouded by the parlor games played and then played again in partisan politics. For explaining the manifold intersections of domination, tendencies or currents are many. However, all heart–centered libertarian communists, libertarian socialists, libertarian Marxists, left–libertarians, left–communists, and revolutionary and libertarian democratic socialists must, we would most strongly contend, be unreservedly, and very proudly, dedicated extremists. ¡Viva la revolución! (Spanish [MP3]) ❉ Taḥ°yā ʾal•ṯaw°raẗ! (Arabic, تَحْيَا الثَوْرَة! [MP3]) ✹ Yəḥiy hạ•mạhəpēḵāh! (Hebrew, יְחִי הַמַהְפֵּכָה! [MP3])
Antifa has, sadly, become one of the more favored objects of derision among left–wing populists. These individuals represent, in my view, the most menacing threat to the American Left since the McCarthyist era of the 1950s. My thoughts on the issue of Antifa, as a focal point of contempt and mockery, often drift into many directions. However, to maintain a degree of focus, I shall conclude with a single notion. I would challenge the most virulent anti–Antifa left–wing populist to find a respectable sampling of Jewish libertarian communists, whether Marxist or anarchist, who oppose Antifa. Since I have done no independent research on this subject, my reflections on it are, I fully admit, provisional. However, as a man—one born and raised in that population—I suspect that the numbers will be underwhelming.
For further information, as the humble founder of ALCC, I will offer a proposition to the kind reader of this essay: Please follow ALCC on NationStates (), and also connect with us on Facebook (). If you are Antifa, an advocate, or any type of left–libertarian, we most warmly welcome your participation in our discusssions and your valued input. However, for security reasons, all memberships are by invitation only. ALCC—based upon our long–term considerations—tries to be prudent and practical when accepting new comrades into the collective. Although we remain open to newcomers, we are well–aware of isolated acts of violence, including the juvenile punching seen, however rarely, among some other and totally unaffiliated groups of Antifa. Frankly, we are neither looking to make trouble nor to find it.
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Copyright © 2017– Mark A. Foster, Ph.D. All rights reserved.
Mōšẹh ʾẠhărōn hạ•Lēwiy bẹn Hẹʿrəšẹʿl is Foster’s communist name.
Made in the U.S.A., the shameful capital of 21ˢᵗ-century neofascism.