The libertarian Antifa movement (MP3), or anti–fascism, opposes the domination of subaltern (MP3) or marginalized races, ethnicities, nationalities, castes, and tribes. Antifa is a praxis within anti–authoritarian communism. There is, utilizing a Venn diagram (), a limited overlap between various left–centrist, and third–way, ideologies and the Left. The question is, Which of these philosophies will become the major source for one’s assumptions? While advancing, ever mindfully, toward individual and collective emancipation, the preliminary class consciousness of New Deal progressivism, social democracy, or Keynesianism can be among the biggest obstacles to full proletarian class consciousness. Thought bridges must be built to transfer people, of diverse backgrounds, from progressivism to the Left.
The only sensible response to the scourge of neofascism is the left–libertarian one: Antifa. Contrary to revolting right–wing propaganda, Antifa has nothing to do with punching people. That practice has only been performed by a few social misfits here and there. Such gravely unfortunate people can be found on the periphery of virtually every social movement. Neofascism and its cohorts, such as neonazism, must be challenged and ultimately destroyed. I describe, in broad outlines, a nonaggressive approach to doing so on this website. However, there is no room for compromise or accommodation with fascistic individuals. The conceivable ramifications of merely burying one’s head in the sand are candidly too dire. The massive shedding of blood, from a bygone era of the first half of the 20ᵗʰ century, should never be repeated.
Nazism (German, Nazismus [MP3])—short for National Socialism (German, Nationalsozialismus [MP3])—in Germany, Fascism (Italian, Fascismo [MP3]) in Italy, and Kokka•Shugi (Japanese, 国家主義 [MP3], nationalism)—including Nippon•Gunkoku•Shugi (Japanese, 日本軍國主義 [MP3], Japanese militarism)—in Japan forever tarnished human history. Each one of them revealed, in its own unique way, the potentially evil and deadly consequences of an unchecked authoritarianism. A similar time, which might be referred to as an age of right–authoritarianism or possibly a period of neofascism, could be upon us. For the socially alientated age in which we live, going back to a past of power for the majority, not for the minority, may appear, to some, as an attractive alternative. The levers of power must be universal.
In Antifa Dialectical metaRealism, we appreciate that, throughout World War II, only the American Empire possessed and deployed the formidable and dreadful power of the atom. Presently, under the hypnotic spell of a potentially devastating multilateral arms race, the nuclear club has mushroomed alarmingly. Signs of genuine unity are nowhere to be seen. That same atom, the very unit of existence, could, by simply entering a secret code onto the nuclear biscuit, kill most or all of us. Sadly, the President of the United States has, in this field of domination, no accountability. Not the Vice–President, not the Secretary of State, not the Secretary of Defense, not Congress, and not the Supreme Court has veto power over the President’s authority to launch nuclear missiles.
Critical Social Theory
This is The Real Antifa (MP4 video or MP3 audio). The current of (ADmRC™) is an agent of left regroupment or unity. It requires left refoundation or renewal. Moreover, ADmRC is libertarian Marxist communism, not reformist democratic socialism or social democracy. ADmRC is the praxis of the The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism™ (MP3) or IDmR™, a nonpartisan Bahá’í social–and–economic development (SED) project. Its major sources are:
In the libertarian communist pentad, an application of Dialectical metaRealism, those five perspectives are layed out in a diagram:
ADmRC accepts Rosa’s typology of spontaneity and organization. Spontaneous uprisings will be largely unplanned responses to ongoing deteriorations in the capitalist world–system. They shall, quite likely, intensify over the coming months and years. Organized revolutionary activities, perhaps persisting for several centuries, will follow the collapse of capitalism. Communism, the completion of the dialectic, might then be established in two stages: first, a transnational state and, second, a localized global federation or administration. Yet, the political economy to come and corollary social institutions must be formulated by our heirs or beneficiaries. There are no road maps or manuals. If you happen to stumble upon Establishing Communism for Dummies, do not waste your money. No such book has been, or could be, written.
The Dialectical metaRealist Pentad is intimately integrated into The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism™ (MP3) or IDmR™, and ADmRC. ADmRC’s primary target is the vast corruption, incluidng medical corruption, in the predominantly Mexican–American McAllen, Texas, area. For instance, despite its poverty, McAllen has the second most expensive costs in the U.S. following Miami. Among our memberships are: rs21: revolutionary socialism in the 21ˢᵗ century (see their Facebook page), the Modern International Socialist Association, F!ght✊Fasc!sm, the Union for Radical Political Economics, the International Association for Critical Realism, the United Socialist Front, ZCommunications/ZNet, Marx21 US, and so forth.
ADmRC is not dogmatically attached to its own perspective on left–libertarianism or even to the Libertarian Communist Pentad. Whether ADmRC or some other individual or collective formulates a workable revolutionary strategy is beside the point. Capitalists have demanded credit and residuals. Our sole concerns are deliverance and personal autonomy. We do feel, however, that Bhaskarian critical realism, or a related methodology, will need to be incorporated into whatever framework will emerge over time. Still, the sands continue flowing rapidly through the hourglass. Given the daunting global diffusion of fascist and quasi–fascist ideologies, Dialectical metaRealism, or a like-minded construction delineated by someone else, shall, we hope, serve as a redemptive communist current for the 21ˢᵗ century and possibly beyond.
Promenades to Praxis
ADmRC will now consider the important issue of praxis or revolutionary practice. Theory, which has been discussed up to this point, is unproductive, indeed paralyzed, unless activists and revolutionaries champion the rights and liberties of the other. We will always remain: nonconfrontational, protective, and militantly defensive―but never violently offensive. Whenever events might warrant, activists could, for instance, escort the targets of fascistic persons or groups to safe areas. Strategically, union members alongside non–unionized workers can all strive for a left–libertarian individual and social freedom. Protect the vulnerable, attempt to educate fascists whenever possible, and report criminal acts by fascists to law enforcement. The main factor is to keep one’s eyes open at all times. Be prepared to confront the unexpected.
To highlight the modern–day issue of police brutality against unarmed Black women and men: If ADmRC witnesses such an incident, we would immediately intervene. If necessary, we would attack the perpetrators of the state violence and defend the victim. It is apparent that merely yelling at members of so–called law enforcement has not been a successful tactic. Those officers should be immediately terminated and criminally prosecuted. As representatives of the state, they should be held to a higher ethical standard than others, not, as is commonly believed, a lower one. Therefore, the burden of proof for imprisoning or executing those former police officers should be notably low. Their names will remain on a national pig registry for the rest of their lives. Not all cops are pigs, but a large number of pigs are certainly cops.
I despise fascism, nazism, the alt–right, and the like, but the only pathway to really empathize with miscreants, however contemptible, is by sincerely conversing with them. Sometimes fascists with their cohorts have even abandoned fascism or similar philosophies and become communists and revolutionary socialists. Dialogue is not appeasement. Presumably, my approach to this matter parallels one taken by most academic communists. I have, over my years in higher education, had students from various far–right fringe positions. One learns, through experience, to deal effectively with a broad spectrum of individuals without over–reacting. Becoming hysterical or terror–stricken only aids in achieving the objectives of one’s opponents. Yet, to be brutally honest, this capacity was carefully cultivated. It did not develop naturally.
How can individuals identified with the amorphous Antifa effectively challenge fascistic movements? Because many thrive on publicity and attention, tactically ignoring them is an option. Sadly, that is unlikely to succeed, since the media will, presumably, cover their events. Another approach is to attend their rallies and irately heckle them. Yet, that method could easily backfire. It might provide these deluded individuals with the publicity and attention they crave. Perhaps the best alternative is to cultivate superb communicators. Experts on far–right phenomena could write articles and letters to the editor, appear on radio and TV, and produce well–made videos for YouTube, Daily Motion, Vimeo, and similar video–sharing services. One can also choose anonymity. That way, the possibility of reprisals may be reduced.
I have, when circumstances warranted, kicked self–defined fascists and neonazis out of my college classes who have made disparaging comments about minorities. That, to me, is like yelling fire in a crowded theater. In doing so, I am not only enacting formal college policy but my own values. As to who gets the power to define hate speech, such is the heart of the problem. The Western world, and perhaps the U.S. in particular, is divided in a so–called culture war, and, unfortunately, universal agreement is wanting that minorities and oppressed persons should be protected. Their primary advocates and champions should be people, like myself, who would ordinarily be defined by the public as white males. That would be the embodiment of a caring community, which I have viewed only seldomly and in select groups.
The author and social commentator Mark Twain, pen name of Samuel Langhorne Clemens (1835–1910), has been alleged to utter such words as history does not repeat itself, but it rhymes. The poetry of capitalism and hardship is a bit too frequent to ignore. Thus, contrary to the views of the originator of evolutionary socialism, German revisionist Eduard Bernstein (MP3; 1850–1932), the matrix which produced the capitalist world–system can hardly remedy it. Numerous obstacles hamper the expansion of American communism and revolutionary socialism—particularly in middle schools, high schools, and academies of higher learning or education—in the first half of the 21ˢᵗ century. These albatrosses must be earnestly examined. They should then, in righteous indignation, be confronted, directly or indirectly, by Antifa.
Antifa, while obviously far from perfect, is, however, the beloved. American Antifa, the most enduring legacy of the New Left, is a current or tendency of libertarian Marxism. As such, Antifa must be adored, nurtured, improved, and treasured. Casually dismissing it because of the possible intemperance of some fanatics serves no purpose and, as the saying goes, throws out the baby with the bathwater. What higher and more honorable duty do we have, as global citizens, than to fight—through left refoundation and left regroupment—neofascism and its kindred spirits? They are, possibly, the most challenging social problems which now afflict the current generation. A passion for left unity is, borrowing a term popularizied by some religious groups, our calling. This “secular” universalism can be encouraged by all antifascists.
ADmRC totally rejects accelerationism. Some approaches to Antifa, common among many anarchists and even some Marxists, argue that communists must engage in acts of civil unrest in order to hasten the demise of capitalism. To us, accelerationism is both unnecessary and morally problematic. The causal mechanisms of the dialectic are bringing the intersectional capitalist system to a fitting finale. Those mechanisms do not require human interventions or accelerants. Communism, however, is not inevitable. The revolution will begin, in full force, in the ash heap of capitalism. The contemporary world of lumproletarians will be replaced by class–conscious Proletarians. Should we survive long enough to inhabit such a world, even Platonic proto–fascism must be rejected.
Among secondary schools and universities, the Students’ Democratic Coalition was, in years gone by, a social movement organization of the libertarian American New Left. In the view of just this writer—a libertarian Marxist communist reared, since the relative antiquity of 1968, in that coalition—a vast panorama of traditionalisms and conservativisms appear diabolically on the ascendent in the modern world. These last dogmas and sentiments of iniquity are among the major stumbling blocks facing communism in the present era. With an ardent scrutiny, shun them all like the plague. Meanwhile, treat the believers in these vile doctrines with respect. Separate the individual from her or his mindset. Struggle against the tide, through a heart flowing with love and passion, for a world of inclusiveness and internationalism.
ADmRC strongly favors the activism of social justice warriors (SJWs). In our view, their nascent class consciousness makes them ideal prospects to become libertarian communists and Antifa. SJWs should, therefore, be both praised and guided to synthesize their praxis with libertarian Marxist theory. They must not be condemned and dismissed, as is now all–too common on the faux left. A non–SJW libertarian communist is an oxymoron or a contradiction in terms. Left–libertarianism must displace the entire intersectional capitalist world–system. Opposing: LGBTQQIAA/GSD/SGD rights or anti–heterosexism, feminism, Black Lives Matter, anti–racism, anti–ethnicism, Occupy, anti–nativism, anti–ableism (anti–disablism in British Commonwealth English), and so on is inconsistent with a communism of genuine liberty.
Obviously, not all SJWs are Leftists. The majority of these activists, though I am only speculating, would most likely be left–wing (left of center) and position themselves as progressives, liberals, social democrats, or reform–minded democratic socialists. With whichever tendency one chooses to identify, should any claimant to Leftism attack liberation or social justice movements of oppressed persons, she or he is not, by our definition, on the Left. Indeed, one of the oddest behaviors I have seen on discussion forums by alleged Leftists is the mimicking of right–wing anti–feminism. As itemized in my partial list, feminism is hardly a unified movement. Even so, Leftists do not malign feminists. We are not suggesting that all feminist types on the list are Leftist. Some are, while others, most likely, are not. All are feasible candidates.
At least in part, ADmRC uses the term SJW as a tactic for disruption. We are, indeed, mindful that, among many self–defined Leftists, the abbreviation has acquired a negative undertone. In our view, such an outlook on SJWs is misguided. By intentionally utilizing the label in this essay and in our work, we are consciously challenging people to confront their own prejudices. Our ultimate hope is that individuals will reconsider their appraisals of SJWs. By alienating a segment of the population which decidedly has the potential to become libertarian communists, we are, in effect, shooting ourselves in the foot. Knowingly or not, such estrangements can, in the long run, damage our cause. We would prefer to welcome and embrace SJWs as possible comrades in libertarian communism than to disrespect them with biased slurs.
Fascism is a genre of liberation but altogether the wrong kind. Libertarian Marxists desire to liberate the oppressed from the oppressor. Many fascists, oddly enough, seemingly wish to liberate the oppressor from the oppressed. Some fash crudely misappropriate the language and symbols of the Left, including populist references to revolution and the utilization of a fist clenched in solidarity. These confiscations, perhaps intended to hoodwink certain less informed people, may be successful on occasion. However, Antifa activists should persevere in their attentivenes and alertness to such deceptive activities and, as appropriate, squarely and decisively challenge them. An indispensable tool for any effective emancipatory praxis—which is considerably more crucial than someone’s orthodoxy—must be intellectual warfare.
For purposes of our activism, ADmRC has a much broader definition of fascism than is commonly held by others. Plain and simple, to us, fascism is is authoritarianism. Libertarian Marxist communism is freedom. If a person of color, a woman, a disabled individual, or, for that matter, anyone was being assaulted on the street, or elsewhere, we would immediately take action. Whether the assailant or aggressor was thin and diminutive or muscular and 7′ tall is irrelevant. Far too many people exhibit the bystander effect. They observe a gross act of injustice but simply walk on by. All of us will, inevitably, die at one point or another. It is far better to pass on as a defender of the helpless than as a self–centered coward. As we see it, opposing authoritarianism, in its multiple and diversified forms, is the open heart of Antifa.
Assemblages of contradictions are all too commonly observed in fascistic, protofascistic, neofascistic, and quasifascistic ideologies. These ideologies must be dutifully acknowledged, established as ethically illegitimate, and swiftly cast aside as untenable. ADmRC is dedicated to the proposition that fascism and comparable evils can be thoroughly vanquished in a span of merely one or two generations. Should, on the other hand, these ideologies be permitted, through our collective inaction, to gather both energy and followers, and to not simply fester, the consequences for this planet may, indeed, be extremely grave. Let us all labor and hope for the day when such fascistic systems are nothing more than a footnote in freshman, or first–year, university history texts. At that point, the path to libertarian communism will be cleared.
One of the more stunning exemplars of fascism is the German political theologian and jurist Carl Schmitt (MP3). In the midst of his long life, 1888–1985, he witnessed the fascist world he had entered fall apart. Schmitt’s foremost legacy was his work on sovereignty. Whether an individual or a collective, the sovereign decides on the exception. As such, the sovereign is essentially deified. The connection of sovereignty and exceptionality, on the one hand, with fascism and related ideologies, on the other, is unmistakable. Schmitt’s political theology can even be read as a prophetic endorsement of Donald Trump’s politics of exclusion. Exceptions made by fascists and their like are multiple: Jews, Muslims, Latinos, Armenians, Gypsies, various Indigenous peoples, or any population which is othered, marginalized, or subaltern (MP3).
Notably, right–libertarianism is quite frequently difficult to distinguish from right–authoritarianism. Sovereign citizens wrongly believe that, by filing precise legal documents, their personal authority automatically eclipses the laws and regulations of their respective countries. Certain true believers in sovereign citizenship have committed horrific acts of domestic terrorism in both the U.S. and other nations. Listen to this sixty–second audio file (MP3), and read these articles (PDF) on the movement. Many of the materials which focus upon the sovereign citizen movement (MP3), and its precarious activities, have been provided to the general public as a courtesy of the U.S. Federal Bureau of Investigation (the FBI). Earnestly studying them could, I feel, be beneficial. The more one understands about one’s antagonists, the better.
Hebrew–language and, later, traditional Arabic–language numbering systems were deliberately selected to admonish, if not to flagrantly shame, individuals who should be admonished and ashamed―practitioners of antisemitism (MP3) and Islamophobia (MP3). The list just below features only a selection of fascism’s ultra–right cousins. Nevertheless, the careful reader should bear in mind that not all instances of the specific categories included are necessarily either authoritarian or hateful. Thus, the National People’s Party in the U.K., which has defined itself as National Bolshevik (Russian, Национальный Большевик [MP3], Nacionalʹnyj Bolʹševik), is one apparent case of such a tolerant antifascist grouping. Although ADmRC does not support the party’s platform, its distinctivness should, in fairness, be duly noted.
Here is an alphabetized enumeration of diverse ideologies which share one or more conglomerated aspects—generally characteristics of right–wing authoritarianism—with fascism:
Radical, a term often employed by Leftists from a broad spectrum of tendencies and currents, has unfortunately been diminished into an essentially over–used smear word. Any descriptive or critical significance radicalism may have at one time conveyed was long ago clouded by the parlor games played and then played again in partisan politics. For explaining the manifold intersections of domination, tendencies or currents are many. However, all heart–centered libertarian communists, libertarian socialists, libertarian Marxists, left–libertarians, left–communists, and revolutionary and libertarian democratic socialists must, we would most strongly contend, be unreservedly, and very proudly, dedicated extremists. ¡Viva la revolución! (Spanish [MP3]) ❉ Taḥ̊yā ʾal•ṯaẘraẗ! (Arabic, تَحْيَا الثَوْرَة! [MP3]) ✹ Yəḥiy hạ•mạhəpēḵāh! (Hebrew, יְחִי הַמַהְפֵּכָה! [MP3])
Antifa has, sadly, become one of the more favored objects of derision among left–wing populists. These individuals represent, in my view, the most menacing threat to the American Left since the McCarthyist era of the 1950s. My thoughts on the issue of Antifa, as a focal point of contempt and mockery, often drift into many directions. However, to maintain a degree of focus, I shall conclude with a single notion. I would challenge the most virulent anti–Antifa left–wing populist to find a respectable sampling of Jewish libertarian communists, whether Marxist or anarchist, who oppose Antifa. Since I have done no independent research on this subject, my reflections on it are, I fully admit, provisional. However, as a man—one born and raised in that population—I suspect that the numbers will be underwhelming.
For clarification, as the humble founder of ADmRC, I will suggest a proposition to the kind reader of this essay: Please follow ADmRC on NationStates (), and also connect with us on Facebook (). If you are Antifa, an advocate, or any type of left–libertarian, we most warmly welcome your participation in our discusssions and your valued input. However, for security reasons, all memberships are by invitation only. ADmRC—based upon our long–term considerations—tries to be prudent and practical when accepting new comrades into the collective. Although this Antifa cell remains open to newcomers, we are well–aware of isolated acts of aggression, such as the juvenile punching seen, however rarely, among some other and totally unaffiliated groups of Antifa. Frankly, we are neither looking to make trouble nor to find it.
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Copyright © 2017– Mark A. Foster, Ph.D. All rights reserved.
Mōšẹh ʾẠhărōn hạ•Lēwiy bẹn Hẹʿrəšẹʿl is Mark’s communist name.
Made in the West, the shameful capital of 21ˢᵗ-century neofascism.