Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective
Free Speech is Speech which Frees the Dominated!
www.Antifa.red
The Autonomist Antifa movement (MP3), or anti–fascism, opposes the domination of subaltern (MP3) or marginalized races, ethnicities, nationalities, castes, and tribes. Autonomism (MP3), for its part, is an anti–authoritarian communism. There is, utilizing a Venn diagram (Venn Diagram), a limited overlap between left populism—namely, the faux left—and the Left. The question is, Which of those two philosophies will emerge as the foundation for one’s assumptions? Alas, while advancing toward the pursuit of both collective and individual emancipation, the nascent class consciousness of New Deal progressivism, social democracy, or Keynesianism can be among the primary impediments to full proletarian class consciousness. Thought bridges must be built to take people, of diverse backgrounds, from progressivism to the Left.
The Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective ([MP3] ALCC) or Antifa Luxemburgism (MP3) is, by design, a unifying agent of left regroupment. ALCC remains nonviolent and nonconfrontational. Its practices are always protective and defensive, never aggressive and offensive. Regarding left refoundation, ALCC adopts Marxism–Luxemburgism (MP3) as the overall communist tendency with Bhaskarian critical realism (MP3) as the metatheory and intersectionality (MP3) and world–systems analysis (MP3) as key frameworks. When events warrant, activists may, for instance, escort targeted victims to safe areas. Strategically, union members alongside non–unionized workers can facilitate a coördinated transition to communism. Follow ALCC on NationStates (Join NationStates) and dialogue with us on Facebook (Join Facebook).
Major sources of ALCC, a social–and–economic development (SED) project, are: The proto–left communist Rosa Luxemburg ([MP3] 1871–1919) as a rightful successor to Karl Marx ([MP3] 1818–1883) and Friedrich Engels ([MP3] 1820–1895), British critical realism from libertarian Marxist Roy Bhaskar ([MP3] 1944–2014), intersectionality from legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw (born 1959), post–Trotskyist International socialism from (MP3) Tony Cliff (1917–2000), neo–Trotskyist third–camp socialism from Max Shachtman, Titoism (MP3) from Maršal J̌osip Broz Tito (Serbian, Маршал Јосип Броз Тито [MP3], 1892–1980), workers’ self–directed coöperative enterprises from Richard D. Wolff (born 1942), De Leonism (MP3) from Daniel De Leon ([MP3] 1852–1914), and a host of others.
The above eleven perspectives, from Antifa to De Leonism, have been integrated into The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism (MP3) or IDmR and The Collective to Fight Neurelitism (MP3) or CFN. Inspired by the revolutionary and transformative legacy of Red Rosa (German/Deutsch, rote Rosa [MP3]) 🌹, ALCC promotes democratic libertarian communism while avoiding partisan politics. ALCC is proudly a member of: rs21: revolutionary socialism in the 21ˢᵗ century (see also their Facebook page), the International Organization for a Participatory Society, the United Socialist Front, the Modern International Socialist Association, the International Association for Critical Realism, the Union for Radical Political Economics, Antifascist Action (Google+ Edition), F!ghtFasc!sm, and so forth.
The tetrad of Antifa Luxemburgism, which features the model used by ALCC on democratic libertarian communism, includes Marxism–Luxemburgism (MP3), Autonomist Antifa (MP3), the multi–tendency socialism from below of Hal Draper (1914–1990), and Roy Bhaskar’s critical realist method for reaching left–libertarian communism. Yet, this four–fold articulation of libertarian Marxism, left–libertarianism, libertarian communism, or libertarian socialism are the principle, but not the exclusive, components of Antifa Luxemburgism. Given the daunting global diffusion of disgusting fascist and quasi–fascist ideologies, Antifa Luxemburgism, or a comparable framework developed by someone else, will, I would hope, serve as a redemptive perspective for the 21ˢᵗ century and beyond. Not that much time may still remain.
Arguably, fascism is a form of liberation but of altogether the wrong kind. Many fascists, oddly enough, apparently wish to liberate the oppressor from the oppressed. This pseudo–deliverance is unequivocally opposed by ALCC. Some fash crudely misappropriate the language and symbols of the Left, including populist references to revolution and the utilization of a fist clenched in solidarity. These confiscations, perhaps intended to hoodwink certain less informed people, may occasionally be successful. However, Antifa activists should persevere in their attentive alertness to such deceptive activities and, when appropriate, directly and decisively challenge them. An indispensable facet of any effective emancipatory praxis—which is far more important than one’s preferred leftist current—must be intellectual warfare.
One of the greatest exemplars of fascist ideology is the German political theologian Carl Schmitt (MP3). He lived from 1888 until 1985—long enough to observe the fascist world he entered fall apart. He is mostly known for his work on sovereignty. To Schmitt, the sovereign, whether an individual or a group, decides on the exception. As such, the sovereign is essentially deified. The connection of sovereignty and exceptionality, on the one hand, with fascism and related ideologies, on the other, is unmistakable. Schmitt’s political theology can even be read as a prophetic endorsement of Donald Trump’s politics of exclusion. Exceptions made by fascists and neofascists are multiple: Jews, Muslims, Latinos, Armenians, Gypsies, varied Indigenous peoples, or any population which is othered, marginalized, or subaltern (MP3).
Fascism and its ultra–right cousins—nazism, alt–rightism, neo–confederalism, white identitarianism and nationalism, nativism, national Bolshevism, national syndicalism, national anarchism, thuleanism (MP3), ôðalism/odalism (MP3 and MP4), xenophobia (MP3), the neo–folkish movement (German, die neo–völkisch Bewegungen [MP3]), third positionism, and so on—negate the unifying essence of humanity. An utter eradication of these virulent scourges of the Earth must become a universal moral responsibility. The assemblage of contradictions commonly observed in fascistic ideologies should be dutifully acknowledged, established as ethically illegitimate, and then swiftly cast aside as untenable. ALCC is dedicated to the proposition that fascism can be thoroughly vanquished in the space of just one or two generations.
ALCC accepts Rosa’s typology of spontaneity and organization. Spontaneous uprisings will be largely unplanned responses to continuing deteriorations in the capitalist world–system. They shall, quite likely, intensify over the coming months and years. Organized revolutionary activities, perhaps persisting for several centuries, will follow the collapse of capitalism. Communism, the completion of the dialectic, might then be established in two stages: first, a transnational state and, second, a localized global federation or administration. Yet, the political economy to come and corrally social institutions must be formulated by our heirs or beneficiaries. There are no road maps or manuals. If you happen to stumble upon Establishing Communism for Dummies, do not waste your money. No such book has been, or could be, written.
Antifa has, sadly, become one of the more favored objects of derision among left–wing populists. These individuals represent, in my view, the most menacing threat to the American Left since the McCarthyist era of the 1950s. My reflections on the issue of Antifa, as a focal point of contempt and mockery, often drift into many extraneous directions. However, to maintain focus, I shall conclude with a single thought. I would challenge the most virulent anti–Antifa left–wing populist to find a respectable sampling of Jewish libertarian communists, whether Marxist or anarchist, who oppose Antifa. Since I have done no independent research on this subject myself, my thoughts are, I fully admit, provisional. However, as a man—one born and raised in this demographic—I suspect that the scores will be underwhelming.
I despise fascism, nazism, the alt–right, and similar factions, but the only way to truly empathize with miscreants, however contemptible, is by honestly conversing with them. Sometimes fascists and their cohorts have even abandoned fascism or similar philosophies and become communists and revolutionary socialists. Dialogue is not appeasement. Presumably, my approach to this matter parallels one taken by most academic communists. I have, over my years in higher education, had students from various far–right fringe positions. One learns, through experience, to deal effectively with a broad spectrum of individuals without over–reacting. Becoming hysterical or terror–stricken only aids in achieving the objectives of one’s opponents. Yet, to be brutally honest, this skill was carefully cultivated. It did not develop naturally.
Antifa, while obviously far from perfect, is, however, the beloved. American Antifa, the most enduring legacy of the New Left, is a current or tendency of autonomist Marxism. As such, Antifa must be adored, nurtured, improved, and treasured. Simply dismissing it because of the possible excesses of some enthusiasts serves no purpose and, as the saying goes, throws out the baby with the bathwater. What greater and more worthy duty can we have, as global citizens, than to fight neofascism and its kindred spirits? Me, I am devoted to an integration of Antifa, Luxemburgism, and critical realism, along with various critical theories, into a version of left–refoundation. The objective of this work is a cross–tendency left–regroupment. Striving for synthesis is, borrowing a term popularizied by some religious groups, my calling.
As the humble founder of this collective, I shall conclude this essay with just a little bit of history. It will be accompanied by a succinct discusssion of some obstacles which American communism and revolutionary socialism—particularly in middle schools, high schools, and academies of higher learning or education—are facing in the first half of the 21ˢᵗ century:
Within secondary schools and universities, the Students’ Democratic Coalition was, in years gone by, a social movement organization of the libertarian American New Left. In the view of this one writer—a libertarian Marxist communist reared, since the relative antiquity of 1968, in that coalition—a vast panorama of traditionalisms and conservativisms appear shamefully on the ascendent in the modern world. These last wretches and scoundrels of iniquity are among the main stumbling blocks facing communism in the present era. With an ardent scrutiny, avoid them all like the plague. Struggle against the tide, through a heart filled with love and passion, for a world of inclusiveness and internationalism. Radical, merely an over–used smear word, is too commonplace. Whatever the language, I am proudly an extremist:
  • ne plus ultra (Latin, nē plūs ultrā [MP3], “not more beyond or, in effect, an extremist”)
  • mutaṭarrif (Arabic, مُتَطَرِّف [MP3], “an extremist”)
  • qiyṣōniy (Hebrew, קִיצוֹנִי [MP3], “an extremist”)
  • ʾif°rātí (Persian and Pashto, اِفْرَاطَی [MP3], “an extremist”)
  • ʾanatahāpasan°dānah (Urdu, انَتَہَاپَسَنْدَانَہ [MP3], “an extremist”)
  • ʾanatahāpasan°d (Sindhi, انَتَهَاپَسَنْد [MP3]), “an extremist”)
  • sꞌənəfäña (Amharic, ጽንፈኛ [MP3], “an extremist”)
  • kaṭaṛavādī (Guramukhi Punjabi, ਕੱਟੜਵਾਦੀ [MP3], “an extremist”)
  • ḱaṭaṛavādí (Shahmukhi Punjabi, کَٹَڑَوَادِی [MP3], “an extremist”).
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