Eudaimonic Eutopiaᵀᴹ
The Tendency of Dialectical metaRealismᵀᴹ
Mark A. Foster, Ph.D.
aka
Mōšẹh ʾẠhărōn hạ•Lēwiy bẹn Hẹʿrəšẹʿl
Formulating a Fulfilled or Realized Libertarian Marxism
O Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light!
DmR.institute/tendency.html
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I dedicate this monograph to my comrade Jason Unruhe: an autodidact of autodidacts, a father of the Maoist–Third Worldist movement, and a future clinical psychologist. The present volume shall elaborate upon the multifaceted Marxist theory I developed for Dialectical metaRealism™. My lifelong predilection has been to support Marxian universalism. I remain on solid footing by standing beneath the big tent of left–libertarian Bhaskarian critical realism. In heterodoxy, unconventional viewpoints allow us to expand our minds beyond the taken–for–granted assumptions of others. As a Maoist–Third Worldist, I am a heterodox Maoist. However, I became twice heterodox as an undoubtably mystifying Post–CivilizationMutual AidLocalist–Maoist–Third Worldist. My lifelong aversion has been against triumphalism. Accordingly, deepening my praxis of humility, above all virtues great and small, must remain at the heart of my objectives. Now turning respectfully to my previous readers, to those of you acquainted with some of the many and varied subjects I have reflected and written upon over several decades, ššālôm dear friends. Welcome home. And enjoy exploring the book.
1: Preamble to the Tendency
The motto of the Dialectical metaRealist tendency, also a Bahá’í–inspired secular social–and–economic–development project (𝼞єɗᶈ), is Λɾเȶ๏ƈɾคȶเƈ Δ๒๏𝔩เȶเ๏ภ. It is stylized as ΛΔ. As Maoist–Third Worldists, we advocate the liberation of both the Third World and Indigeneity from the beast of Empire (𑼳𑼆). At this dire hour, deliverance from First World imperialism and a universal unshackling from the capitalist world–system are the courses to be taken. International affairs now appear to be disintegrating by the hour. As the right continues to gain ascendancy and dominance throughout the globe, no one can predict, with assurance, the devastating headlines of tomorrow. Even I, a man and a communist since 1968, am constantly shocked and appalled by the despicable inhumanity of our age.
As I am now writing, I turned 70 yesterday: February, 27ᵗʰ, 2026. It is sad, speaking from the heart, I will always remember that significant birthday as the date, at 10:40 PM U.S. Central Standard Time, on which Empire (𑼳𑼆), with the U.S. at the helm but also dominated by the zionist entity and its own imperialist interests, began attacking Iran. Regrettably, totally oblivious to the news, I was selfishly mourning for, and praying about, my age. If I had known, I would rather have dedicated the entire day to mourning and praying for the Third World and Indigeneity.
Historical memories of First World injustice can be longstanding in the Third World. Iran for one has documented knowledge of the U.S. oil coup against Mohammad Mosaddegh (Persian, مُحَمَّد مُصَدِّق, Muḥammad Muṣaddiq), 1881–1967. He selflessly wanted to nationalize oil for the benefit of all Iranian citizens. And that is truly not a small thing. Furthermore, the archives of this act of international terrorism were declassified: In 1953, the CIA, acting on behalf of petroleum companies, overthrew that democratically elected prime minister and turned Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (Persian, شَاه مُحَمَّد رِضَا پَهْلَوِی, Šāh Muḥammad Riḍā Pah°laví), 1919–1980, into an absolute monarch and a U.S. puppet. Why then would the Iranian leadership have submitted to a second oil coup by Donald John Trump (né 1946)?
Do the U.S. and its chief operating system, NATO, give a damn about their malfeasance in Iran? No. But temporarily set that aside. Perhaps even more importantly, did those federal agents have living souls? For they could obviously care less. They, furthermore, suffered no consequences for their betrayal of our common humanity while in this world. Indeed, not a single one of ever them faced a judge or a jury. But the Nuremberg defense, “I was just following orders,” was, at least on paper, rejected a long time ago.
I vividly remember Iranians taking to the streets in 1979 and chanting that the U.S. is the Great Satan (Persian, شَیْطَانِ بُزُرْگ, Šaý°tān•i Buzur°g). And, just for information:
  • Tajik, Шайтони Бозорг, Šaýton•i Bozorg
  • Modern Turkish, Azerbaijani, Kurmanjî Kurdish, and Latin Tatar, Şeytan–i Bozorg
  • Crimean Tatar, Kazakh, Bashkir, and Kyrgyz, Шайтан–и Бозорг, Šaýtan–i Bozorg
  • Tuvan, Сатана–и Бозорг, Satana–i Bozorg
  • Turkmen, Şeýtan–i Bozorg
  • Soranî Kurdish, شَایْتَان ـ ِی بۆزۆرْگ, Šaý°tān–í Bozor°g
  • Uyghur, شەيْتَان ـ ئِى بُوزُورْگ, Šey°tān–⫯iỹ Būzūr°g
Then and now, most Americans have never understood that common sentiment. “Why do they hate us?” was an often repeated mantra. The oppressed of the Third World have a long memory. And those of us in the U.S. need to learn our tangled imperialist history. Throughout much of the Global South, we have long been international villains, not paragons of trust. Sadly, at this moment, my own country is undeserving of much, if any, admiration. How many nation–states, aside from the U.S., now support the zionist entity? The correct answer is “none.”
I wrote the following paragraph a few years ago: The U.S., outwardly at least, presents a compassionate front toward Ukraine but not particularly toward non–Western countries, as in present–day Afghanistan and Syria. Whether concerns for Ukraine are actually heartfelt is not for this writer to determine. However, it is unclear if the U.S. is honestly troubled about Ukraine per sē. The U.S. does care about NATO—though merely as shorthand for the U.S. Empire. NATO is the American Empire just as the Warsaw Pact was the Soviet Empire. NATO is a vehicle for Pax Americana and the Monroe Doctrine. We have no collective security, and Ukraine, which is not at the bargaining table, sometimes appears close to defeat.
  • Arabic, كِيَان الصَهْيُونِيّ, kiyān ʾal•ṣah°yūniyy, “the zionist entity
  • Hebrew, יֵשׁוּת הַצִיּוֹנִית, yēšūṯ hạ•ṣiyyôniyṯ, “the zionist entity
  • Yiddish, דִּי צִיוּנִיסְטִישְׁע עֶנְטִיטִי, diy ṣiyūniysəṭiyšəʿ ʿẹnəṭiyṭiy, “the zionist entity
  • Iranian and Dari Persian aka “Persian,” نِهَادِ صَهْیُونِیسْتِی, nihād•i ṣah°ýūnís°tí, “zionist entity
  • Tajiki Persian aka “Tajik,” ниҳоди саҳюнистӣ, nihod•i sahyunistī, “zionist entity
  • Sindhi, جَي صَهْيُونِي وَجُود, ǧay ṣah°yūnī waǧūd, “the zionist entity
  • Pashto, دَ صَهْیُونِیسْټ وَجُود, da ṣah°ýūnís°t̥ waǧūd, “the zionist entity
  • Turkish, siyonist varlık, “zionist entity
The global situation has since changed dramatically. Empires, like Ancient Rome, sometimes take a long time to fall. The collapse of the U.S. Empire may have started, in my youth, during the Lyndon Baynes Johnson administration (1963–1969), with its anticommunist escapades, or perhaps even earlier in Korea or during the Army–McCarthy Hearings. That downfall could be nearing its conclusion. Meanwhile, the U.S. has now expanded its global war to include Ecuador. Columbia could come next. And the zionist entity announced its next putative military target as Turkey. In case you did not notice, look again: 𝙒𝙤𝙧𝙡𝙙 𝙒𝙖𝙧 𝙄𝙄𝙄 𝙝𝙖𝙨 𝙖𝙡𝙧𝙚𝙖𝙙𝙮 𝙨𝙩𝙖𝙧𝙩𝙚𝙙. In a way, through not if you have been paying close attention, it just sneaked up on us. Please watch the U.S., Iran, and the entity—the latter oddly and imaginatively related to the Ancient Kingdom of Israel—closely and mindfully.
  • Arabic, الكِيَان, ʾal•kiyān, “the entity
  • Hebrew, הַיֵשׁוּת, hạ•yēšūṯ, “the entity
  • Yiddish, דִּי עֶנְטִיטִי, diy ʿẹnəṭiyṭiy, “the entity
  • Iranian and Dari Persian aka “Persian,” نِهَاد, nihād, “entity
  • Tajiki Persian aka “Tajik,” ниҳод, nihod, “entity
  • Sindhi, جَي وَجُود, ǧay waǧūd, “the entity
  • Pashto, دَ وَجُود, da waǧūd, “the entity
  • Turkish, varlık, “entity
The confrontation between those three states could, in my opinion, engulf the globe, bring the capitalist world–system to an end, and then portend the 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓮𝓺𝓾𝓲𝓵𝓲𝓫𝓻𝓲𝓾𝓶 of post–civilization. It may, in the First World, be a Mad Max–type dystopia (𑼌𑼍) for those few hapless survivors from the devastation. And the subject of post–civilization will, moreover, be considered throughout this book. I believe, therefore, that the key to entering the immediate future may lie largely in earth–shaking, possibly nuclear, showdowns somehow involving:
  • a nuclear–armed U.S., the cradle of the Bahá’í administration
  • a non–nuclear–armed Iran, the cradle of the Bahá’í and Bábí Faiths
  • a nuclear–armed entity, the circumstantial home, since the end of British–occupied Mandatory Palestine in 1948, to the Bahá’í World Centre
From the standpoint of moral obligation, we have no time to wait. The suffering of the Proletariat and the Subaltern should, indeed, be mitigated. But the clock of death, as I addressed the æther in a melancholy and self–reflective poem at the age of twelve, is fast approaching midnight. There is, unfortunately, precious little that the average person can do. I and, most likely, you as well, are relatively powerless in an era of The Great Unraveling. That term is one which I thought, way back in my teens, was originally coined by me. And perhaps, for all I know, I did first dream it up in decades past. That was a long time ago; and I never looked into the subject. Needless to say, at some point, possibly in the remote future, a genuine universal spiritual, political, and economic emancipation shall be required. For the present, however, we are blessed, or perhaps we are cursed, to have front–row seats to the grand finale of modern–day human civilization.
As a Maoist–Third Worldist, I have reflected upon the now disgraced Anthony Stephen Fauci, M.D. (né 1940). But in these early morning hours of July 30ᵗʰ, 2026, I believe that even the most vulgar condemnations are insufficient. Aside from the fact that he is, as documented in his own diaries, a flagrant liar, he was a willing instrument of U.S. imperialism. One might argue that the manufacture of biological weapons can, in the best of possible worlds, be a tool to find antidotes. I could, of course, be mistaken, but I reject that proposition. The U.S. is the matrix of Empire. And Fauci is an imperialist. Instead of following the Hippocratic Oath, he protected the monstrous creators of those biological weapons for Empire. Human lives be damned, I suppose. I am not an attorney and have no way of knowing whether Fauci will ultimately lose his medical licence, but he certainly dialectically contradicted it. What a tragic denouement to an otherwise commendable career.
The subjects to be addressed in this volume will remain open–ended for those more learned in such topics to persuade the writer otherwise. Undeniably, being thoroughly dispassionate about one’s own work is a difficult, if not an impossible, task. Accordingly, and given the considerable extent of human fallibility, all the commentary to be provided in the monograph shall always be subject to alteration and revision. During my multiple decades as a Marxist, of whatever tendency, I have learned that difficult lesson all too well. Whether for better or for worse, we frequently observe our personal undertakings through rose–colored glasses. So perhaps, therefore, it might be beneficial to remove those spectacles, as modifying adornments, every now and again. By doing precisely that, we might begin to view the world as it actually exists and not as we wish it to be. Thus, ontological realism will trump ontological idealism any day of the week. The crude philosophy of pragmatism, however fashionable it might remain in some circles, should not even be a player. That is to say, equating workability with truth, and then identifying the practice one undertakes as ipsō factō pragmatic, is only a twisted mind game. It is pure mental gymnastics.
I am principally a Bhaskarian critical realist. That topic will be addressed throughout the book. Does that imply a conscientious opposition to the spectrum of other tendencies? No. As scientific socialists, we must be willing to learn from anyone as well as from any tendency. If a scientific, including a scientific socialist, hypothesis is proposed, it may be tested. Such is what all scientists, worthy of their fields of study, will do. A hypothesis must never be rejected outright because one dislikes its source. In the 19ᵗʰ century, the miasmatic theory was predominant. Germs and germ theory were treated as quackery. As a result, diseases would spread like wildfire. Physicians might not even scrub before performing surgery. Fortunately, scientists became open, over the years, to learning from their own mistakes. The sciences are not religions. The fact that milk is Pasteurized these days, with pathogens exterminated by heat, should be acknowledged as a tribute to, among others, the courageous scientist Louis Pasteur (1822–1895). He was once dismissed as merely a charlatan. As the benefactor of countless lives, he is now gratefully remembered. His accusers, tragic victims of their attachments to the pseudoscientific orthodoxies of the day, are long forgotten.
Setting our present–day loyalties off to the side, now may be the moment for a basic and an applied scientific socialism without borders. Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ), Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ), Maoism (𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩), and autonomism (𐕰𐌵𐌕)—as previous communist projects—should all be analyzed. However, they can, one might expect, also be transcended. We would certainly benefit from earlier tendencies of scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿) and the Marxist thinkers of the past. They might be Leninist or otherwise. Nevertheless, at the same time, we should be anxious to learn much more and progress even further. Not to advance is falling behind or, essentially, moving backwards. And the prospects for humanity must improve. As universal Marxists, we embrace the latest findings on 𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿 while repudiating the domination of partisanship in Marxist thought. Cults of the personality and charisma must be divorced from all the sciences. Bigotry between scientific socialists of diverse tendencies is unscientific.
Like my former major professor (i.e. advisor) in my first, the M.A., stage of graduate school, Changboh Chee (1923–2023), I am a Maoist sociologist. Changboh, when we knew each other, was the chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at C.W. Post Campus of Long Island University (LIU Post). Those were still my Titoist days. But I must make the following assertion with the greatest degree of humility I can muster. Perhaps that is insufficient. You, not I, should be the judge: Communism here, unless qualified otherwise, pertains to its posited flowering stage of Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ), not to some communisms–in–prāxi which have, at times, been negligently equated with communism–in–tōtō. Critiques of communism, even if well–intentioned, often ignore untested types. And the vast majority of communist theories, especially the Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) of Earth’s hopeful future, remain untested in the real world. Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ is our nonviolent and underlabored version of ѪŦШ. Lockean underlaboring, grounded in Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ), will be explored in chapter 6.
As a cursory preface, radical sociology or the Sociology Liberation Movement, of the 1960s and 1970s, escorted Marx and Engels into the academic mainstream. That radical sociology, continued as Marxist sociology (ⱮꟉ), transformed sociology (߆𖣵) from a relatively conservative discipline into the most left–wing field in academia. Scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿) was embodied in ⱮꟉ. Such an institutionalized sociological Leftism went on to survive several age–period–cohort changes. I am, in my socialism, a libertarian socialist or, more precisely, a Bhaskarian critical realist. In Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ), Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ) is considered to be the present stage of socialism, basic scientific socialism, or pure scientific socialism. However, regarding my communism, I am a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ). As a component of ƉɱⱤ, Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ is proposed as the current stage of communism, applied scientific socialism, or revolutionary socialism. I regard the three terms included in each of those two sets to be essentially synonymous and, for most intents and purposes, interchangeable.
All sociologists study material conditions. To be clear, I am boasting for my twin fields of graduate study, not for myself. In preparing to become a Marxian historical materialist (ʜɪꜱᴍᴀᴛ), I attended two different graduate schools. One was for my M.A. in sociology (߆𖣵ⵛ). The other was for my Ph.D. in ߆𖣵ⵛ and history . Difficult, often trying, work is the norm for graduate students. But I wanted to earn the privilege of being a sociologist and a historian. Those were wonderful years; and I will always treasure them. Personally, I only identified myself as a sociologist after receiving my Ph.D. As a Marxist sociologist, or scientific socialist, I carefully research material conditions with an eye to the eventual establishment of communism, or so I hope, through ƬᕼЄ ᖇЄᐯⰙᒪᑌƬƖⰙᑎ—as I have underlabored it—the complete and sudden destruction, by the dialectic as a causal mechanism, of the capitalist world–system and the annihilation of most humans, especially those residing in the First World.
The Pentad of Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ), displayed below the next few paragraphs, presents the the theory of basic and applied scientific socialism, or Marxist sociology (ⱮꟉ), as formulated by this writer. The the praxes of resistance, along with our methodologies, will be discussed later in this chapter. Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ) is, as illustrated, the collective center of the Pentad. Its other items originated from writers and researchers outside the multidisciplinary field of critical realism, not through the brilliant scholarship of Roy Bhaskar (1944–2014). He suffered with Charcot neuroarthropathy but died of heart failure.
Roy, O beloved soul, this is my prayer: In the innumerable and everlasting conditions of all things, lying beyond this meager sphere of sorrows, peace rest upon you (Arabic, السَّلَامُ عَلَيْكُم [MP3], ʾal•ssalāmu ʿalay°kum; Hebrew, שָּׁלוֹם עֲלֵיְכֶם [MP3], ššālôm ʿălēyəḵẹm; or Sanskrit, ॐ शान्तिः or ओम् शान्तिः [MP3], Ōṁ śāntiḥ). You beheld, while residing in the phenomenal world, the fathomless realms of Nonduality and Phenomenological Copresence. I shall meet you soon, my brother (Sanskrit, मम भ्राता, mama bhrātā), in, I hope, the Mighty Council of the Almighty and His Mighty Ones:
  • Hebrew, הַבַּעֲדַת־אֵל וְשֶׁלוֹ אֱלֹהִים (MP3), hạ•Bạʿăḏạṯ–ʾĒl wə•Šẹlô ʾĔlōhiym
  • Yiddish, דֵּער מעֶכְטִיקְער ראַט פֿוּן דֵּער אַלְמעֶכְטִיקְער אַוְן זײַן מעֶכְטִיקְער אָנְעס (MP3), dēʿr Mẹḵəṭiyqəʿr Rʾạṭ p̄ūn dēʿr ʾẠləmẹḵəṭiyqəʿr ʾạwən Zạ͡yn Mẹḵəṭiyqəʿr ʾOnəʿs
  • German, Der mächtige Rat des Allmächtigen und seiner Mächtigen (MP3)
  • Arabic, مَجْلِس الإِلٰهِيّ مِن الله وَخَاصَّتُه آلِهَة (MP3), Maǧ°lis ʾal•⫰Ɪlꞌahiyy min ʾAl•Llꞌah wa•H̱āṣṣatuh ʾÂlihaẗ
  • Persian, شُورَاِ خُدَاِ قُدْرَتِ مُتْلَق وَ قُدْرَتْمَنْدَانِ او (MP3), Šūrā•i H̱udā•i Qud°rat•i Mut°laq va Qud°rat°man°dān•i ʾAw
  • Tajik, Шұрои Худои Қудрати Мутлақи ва Қудратмандони Ӯ (MP3), Šūro•i H̱udo•i Qudrat•i Mutlaq va Qudratmandon•i Ū
  • Sindhi, قَادِر مُطْلَق ۽ سَنْدَس طَاقَتُور مَاڻْهَن جَي مَجْلِس (MP3), Qadir Muṭ°laq aiṁʕⁱᵃˢᵗ⁼⁺ San°das Ṭāqatūr Māṅ°han ǧay Maǧ°lis
  • The Sindhi pronunciation may be imprecise.
  • Pashto, دَ خُدَای تَعَالِی او دَ هَغَه قَوَي مَجْلِس (MP3), da H̱udaý Taʿālí aw da Haġah Qaway Maǧ°lis
  • Urdu, السَرْوَشَکْتِمَان اوْر اُسَکَی شَکْتِی شَالِی لوگوں کِی شَکْتِی شَالِی پَرِیسَد (MP3), ʾal•Sar°wašaḱ°timāna ʾaw°ra ʾUsaḱē Šaḱ°tí Šālí Lōgōṉ ḱí Šaḱ°tí Šālí Paríšada
  • Hindi, सर्वशक्तिमान और उसके शक्तिशाली लोगों की शक्तिशाली परिषद (MP3), Sarvaśaktimāna aura Usakē Śaktiśālī Lōgōṁ kī Śaktiśālī Pariṣada
  • Shahmukhi Punjabi, سَرَبَشَکَتِیمَان تَی اُسَدَی شَکتِی شَالِی لوکَاں دِی شَکتِی شَالِی کَوْنْسَل (MP3), Sarabašaḱatímāna tē ʾUsadē Šaḱ°tí Šālí Lōḱāṉ dí Šaḱ°tí Šālí Ḱaw°n°sala
  • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸਰਬਸ਼ਕਤੀਮਾਨ ਅਤੇ ਉਸਦੇ ਸ਼ਕਤੀਸ਼ਾਲੀ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਸ਼ਕਤੀਸ਼ਾਲੀ ਕੌਂਸਲ (MP3), Sarabaśakatīmāna atē Usadē Śakatīśālī Lōkāṁ dī Śakatīśālī Kaunsala
  • Bengali, সর্বশক্তিমান এবং তাঁর পরাক্রমশালী ব্যক্তিদের পরাক্রমশালী পরিষদ (MP3), Sarbaśaktimāna ēbaṁ Tām̐ra Parākramaśālī Byaktidēra Parākramaśālī Pariṣada
  • Turkish, Üce Tanrıꞌnın ve Onun Kudretli Meclisi (MP3)
In passing, ‎ʾĔlōhiym is rarely found in Yiddish. It, like English, is a Germanic language. Many Yiddishers instead use Gʾoṭ (גּאָט‎ [MP3]), a cognate of the German–language Gott (MP3) and the English–language God. Prior to the emergence of Ancient Judæism (circā 12ᵗʰ–11ᵗʰ century BCE), the plural hạ•ʾĔlōhiym (in Arabic, الآلِهَة, ʾal•ʾÂlihaẗ) was the Celestial Concourse, the Mighty Council, or a Pantheon (originally Ancient Greek, Πᾰ́νθειον [MP3], Pắntheion; Hebrew, פַּנְתֵּאוֹן [MP3], Pạnətēʾôn; Yiddish, פּאַנְטְהעֵאָן [MP3], Pʾạnəṭəhʿēʾon; or Arabic, بَانْثِيُون [MP3], Bān°ṯiyūn) of mighty Gods. My translation of hạ•ʾĔlōhiym (Hebrew, הַאֱלֹהִים), which also preserves the term’s precedence in Yahwism, is the Almighty of mighty ones. Those seated within the celestial chambers of that Mighty or divine Council on high circumambulate the sanctified Presence of ʾĒl–ʾAl•Llꞌah.
The late Herbert W. Armstrong (1892–1986) insightfully described that Mighty Council of the Almighty and His mighty ones as a God family. I might quibble over Armstrong’s arguably anthropomorphic terminology. Perhaps conceptualizing ʾĔlōhiym and the mighty council as the family of the Almighty would be preferred. But the great mathematician Georg Cantor (1845–1918) coined the term Transfinity. In my opinion, and perhaps Armstrong would have agreed, Transfinity, or my term “Seeming Infinity,” is more cogent concerning the biblical texts he exegeted than Trinity. It is too bad, in my opinion, that the denomination which Armstrong founded, The Worldwide Church of God, has, under its new name, Grace Communion International, since rejected much of Armstrong’s unconventional theology and become a mainline evangelical Protestant church. His theology is, however, maintained by various denominational successors. The Philadelphia Church of God might be the best known among them.
In the end, however, a radically reimagined monotheistic Yahweh (Hebrew, יַהְוֶה‎ [MP3], Yạhəwẹh; or Yiddish, יַהְוְה [MP3], Yạhəwəh, “Self–Subsistent One”), with the alphabetic structure of a Tetragrámmaton (Ancient Greek, Τετραγράμματον [MP3]), was circumambulated by a grand council of mighty ones. Yahwism transitioned into Ancient Judæism. As different threads of human folklore were gradually woven together, forming elegant tapestries of wisdom, hierarchical models of reality, presented in some biblical texts, became Revelatory recontextualizations of existing Mediterranean mythologies.
The geographical territory, for the commonly termed Abrahamic faiths or religions, incorporated Ancient Mesopotamia. It roughly covered the same land area as present–day Iraq (Arabic, عِرَاق [MP3], ʿꞮrāq). A culturally framed familiarity with scriptural folklore facilitated diverse demographic formations of lived religion. As most religions scholars, absent the religious fundamentalists, now affirm, the various Old and New Testaments canons were, in some measure, the linguistic products of a shared or common tradition within the Fertile Crescent:
  • Arabic, هِلَالُ الخَصِيب (MP3), Hilālu ʾal•H̱aṣīb
  • Hebrew, סַּהַר הַפּוֹרֶה (MP3), Ssạhạr hạ•Pôrẹh
  • Yiddish, פְֿרוּכְטְבאַרעְר האַלְבְמאָן (MP3), P̄ərūḵəṭəbʾạrʿər Hʾạləbəmʾon
  • German, Fruchtbarer Halbmond (MP3)
  • Persian, هِلَالِ حَاصِلْخِیز (MP3), Hilāl•i Ḥāṣil°ẖíz
  • Tajik, Ҳилоли Ҳосилхез (MP3), Hilol•i Hosilẖez
  • Turkish, Bereketli Hilâl (MP3)
  • Turkish, Verimli Hilâl (MP3)
  • Sindhi, زَرْخَيْزَ هِلَالَ (MP3), Zar°ẖay°za Hilāla
  • Urdu or Western Hindustani, هِلَالِ زَرْخَیزَ (MP3), Hilāl•i Zar°ẖēza
  • Hindi or Eastern Hindustani, उपजाऊ हिलाल (MP3), Upajāū Hilāla
  • Shahmukhi Punjabi, زَرْخَیزَ هِلَالَ (MP3), Zar°ẖēza Hilāla
  • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਜ਼ਰ੍ਖੇਜ਼ ਹਿਲਾਲ (MP3), Zarkhēza Hilāla
  • Pashto, دَ حَاصِلْخِیزَه هِلَال (MP3), da Ḥāṣil°ẖízah Hilāl
Dialectical materialism is accepted, as well as transcended, in Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). That accidental double entendre is a portmanteau which I coined by juxtaposing dialectical critical realism with ᖘѫɌ. My own ƉɱⱤ and ԹƉɱⱤ, along with Roy Bhaskar’s metaReality, are Bhaskarian critical realist fusions of Nonduality (“meta…”) and relative reality (“…Reality”) aka Duality. Reflecting upon the Pentad of ƉɱⱤ and its subsequent amplifications, provided throughout the treatise, is recommended. Here, for anyone happens to curious, is a listing, going back to the original, of some versions of the Pentad (and a few outliers). Please bear in mind that all references to intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒) were, in fact, to intersectional Marxism (ᓰ爪). But I made that clarification as the years went by. To avoid confusing students, I let the mostly non–Marxist critical sociologists featured in the text speak for themselves. But this now, friends, is the current version of that ƉɱⱤ diagram:
Dialectical metaRealism™
Since I was 12, being a communist was always fun—especially when I wouldn’t tell my bullies and let them imagine I was something else. And I have, as an Autistic, had way too many tormenters to count. Not to brag, but I have always excelled at camouflaging my intellect.
Now for the first time in my life, being a communist is suddenly no joke. In the current political environment, I could, even as a dispositionally nonviolent and law–abiding Maoist–Third Worldist and Antifa, be in imminent danger of arrest and even deportation. The fact I am a third– and fourth–generation U.S. citizen might, as I contemplate the news of my country’s descent into fascism and military dictatorship, be entirely irrelevant. I recognize those unfortunate realities and am always on my toes. Personal security has always been top of mind, but there really isn’t much I can do. As far as I know, I own one of the few remaining Antifa websites, albeit entirely nonviolent in its proposals, throughout the Anglophone world.
Furthermore, in an attempt to deny my painful past, and sometimes present, I constructed, as a young man, an alternate life history for myself. The illusions of lying provided me with a faux sense of dignity. I presented my parents, through my carefully calculated Orwellian Newspeak, as wealthy, not working class. My father, I would say, was the owner of a chain of clinics with optometrists and opticians, not merely an optician working for a union. But despite being an optometrist, I claimed, he often worked side by side with his opticians grinding lenses.
Whoever said that Autistics make bad liars never met me. I was on Ted Mack’s Original Amateur Hour, I regularly asserted. False. My generalized anxiety disorder kicked in. I failed the audition. Rumors notwithstanding, some Autistics, like other humans, make excellent liars. Others do not. I occasionally struggle, even today, to stop myself from engaging in deceptive behaviors. And it has never, bluntly, been fun and games. Those lies, and others, pain me until this very day.
On those somber notes, the following five points present brief, but preliminary, elaborations of ƉɱⱤ’s Pentad:
  1. Bhaskarian critical realism (MP3) or ᙖᙍⴽ is Roy Bhaskar’s (MP3) metatheory, or theory of theory/theories, and methodologies of Lockean underlaboring for absenting capitalism with scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿). Foundational critical realism (ᙍⴽ) with its transcendental realism (𖧑Г)—an overarching philosophy of science—and social scientific critical naturalism (ᑕᏁ); dialectical critical realism (ᙍⴽ); the predominantly epistemological transcendental dialectical critical realism (ⵃↁᙍⴽ); and the principally ontological philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ) were the four turns of ᙍⴽ. ⵃↁᙍⴽ, lying at the cusp of ƉɱⱤ and ᖘѫɌ, continued and spiritualized ᙍⴽ. And ᙍⴽ and ᖘѫɌ were, taken together, Bhaskar’s spiritual turn ( ). In an MP3 file from 2014, Bhaskar summarized his philosophy in just 6½ minutes. The dates he provided at the conclusion are obsolete.
  2. Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ) aka Post–Civ MTW™ (ꛠ𖥕ꚸ𖢧𖢊ꛕꚹꚴ𖦚ꛃ) is a heterodox current of Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ)—a dependency theory supported by four Pillars—which itself is heterodox. In an often overlapping Third World and Fourth World of Indigeneity logo (丁山⸺下) (see PDF), socialism from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ)—below the bourgeoisie (ꗗꖵꔈ) and initially below the First World (ꚯ𖥦)—may appear in portions of the Proletariat (߀߁߂) and Subalternity (⟆մҍ) with sufficient dialectical potential. Palestine 🇵🇸 is Third and Fourth World. U.S. Indigenous reservations logo (see PDF), embedded in the ꚯ𖥦, are Fourth World. Post–civilized mutual aid draws upon post–civilized theory (ⱣҀҬ) and mutual aid theory (𖤬Ͳ) from left anarchism (𖧏𖧆) or anarchism (ᚤɲɑɽͼɧ𝔦𝔰). Both theories, in the hands of this lifelong Marxist communist, were significantly modified. However, all the kingdoms of existence—human, animal, vegetable, and mineral—will be disequilibriated through the forced degrowth of post–civillization.
  3. God bless the Third World and Indigeneity!
    • ʾĔlōhiym bērēḵə lə•ʿÔlām hạ•Ššliyšiy wə•ʾĂnāšiym hạ•Yəliyḏiym! (Hebrew, אֱלֹהִים בֵּרֵךְ לְעוֹלָם הַשְּׁלִישִׁי וְאֲנָשִׁים הַיָלִידִים!)
    • Gʾoṭ zʾol bẹʿnəṭəšən diy Dẹriyṭəʿ V̇ẹʿləṭ ʾạwən diy Yinədiydəzəšạnʿạs P̄oʿləqəʿr (Yiddish, גּאָט זאָל בֶענְטְשֶׁן דִּי דְּרִיטְע ווֶעלְט אַוְן דִּי יִנְדִּידְּזְשַׁענאַס פָֿעלְקְער)
    • ʾAl•Llꞌah bāraka li•ʿĀlam ʾal•Ṯṯāliṯ wa•Sukkān ʾal•⫯Aṣiyyūna! (Arabic, الله بَارَكَ لِعَالَم الثَّالِث وَسَُكّان الأَصْلِيُّونَ!)
    • Baraḱat•i H̱udā bah Ǧahāní•i Sivum va Mar°dumí•i Būmí! (Persian, بَرَکَتِ خُدَا بَه جَهَانِیِ سِوُم وَ مَرْدُمِیِ بُومِی!)
    • Barakat•i H̱udo ba Ǧahonī•i Seyum va Mardumī•i Bumī! (Tajik, баракати Худо ба Ҷаҳонӣи Сеюм ва Мардумӣи Бумӣ!)
    • P°ramātamā Tíǧí Duniýāṉ tē ʾĀdivāsí Lōḱāṉ nuṉ ʾasísa dēvē! (Shahmukhi Punjabi, پْرَمَاتَمَا تِیجِی دُنِیَاں تَے آدِوَاسِی لوکَاں نُوں اسِیسَ دَیوَے!)
    • Pramātamā Tījī Dunīꞌāṁ atē Ādivāsī Lōkāṁ nū asīsa dēvē! (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਪ੍ਰਮਾਤਮਾ ਤੀਜੀ ਦੁਨੀਆਂ ਅਤੇ ਆਦਿਵਾਸੀ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਅਸੀਸ ਦੇਵੇ!)
    • B°hagavāna ʾaw°ra H̱udā Tísarí Duniýā ʾaw°ra vahāṉ ḱē Mūla Nivāsiýōṉ ḱā b°halā ḱarē! (Urdu, بْھگَوَانَ اوْرَ خُدَا تِیسَرِی دُنِیَا اوْرَ وَہَاں کَے مُولَ نِوَاسِیوں کَا بْھَلَا کَرَے!)
    • Bhagavāna aura Khudā Tīsarī Duniyā aura vahāṁ kē Mūla Nivāsiyōṁ kā bhalā karē! (Hindi, भगवान और खुदा तीसरी दुनिया और वहां के मूल निवासियों का भला करे!)
    • Īśbara Tr̥tīẏa Biśba ēbaṁ ēra Ādibāsīdēra maṅgala karuna! (Bengali, ঈশ্বর তৃতীয় বিশ্ব এবং এর আদিবাসীদের মঙ্গল করুন!)
    • Tr̥tīẏa Biśba ārau iẏāra Khilañjīẏāka Bhagaraānē āśīrbāda karaka! (Assamese, তৃতীয় বিশ্ব আৰু ইয়াৰ খিলঞ্জীয়াক ভগৱানে আশীৰ্বাদ কৰক!)
    • ⫯Ãl°lāh ⫯W̃ꞌačiỳn°čiỳ Duniyā v́e Yer°liỳk H̱el°q°ler°ge beẖ°t ⫯ãtā! (Uyghur, ئالْلَاھ ئۈچِىنْچِى دۇنِيَا ۋە يەريەرْلِىك خەلْقْلەرْگە بەخْت ئَاتَا!)
    • Tanrı kutsasın Üçüncü Dünyaꞌyı ve Yerli Halkları! (Turkish)
    • Tanrı Üçüncü Dünya və Yerli Xalqları qorusun! (Azerbaijani)
    • Hudaý Üçünji Dünýäni we Ýerli Halklary bereketlesin! (Turkmen)
    • Hodaý Öčenče Dönʹâ ḫəm žirle Halyklarny Fatihalasyn! (Tatar, Ходай Өченче Дөнья һәм җирле Халыкларны Фатихаласын!)
    • Mey ʾAl•Llꞌah yubār•ik ḏə Sūmā•ik ʿĀlam•iš and ḏə Būmī•ik Būdan•iš! (ʿĀlam•iš, my conlang)
    • Below are 26 translations of the Theory of Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism:
    • Naẓariyyaẗu ʾal•Māwiyyaẗ fī ʿĀlam ʾal•Ṯāṯliṯ–Baʿ°di ʾal•Ḥaḍāraẗ–Naz°ʿaẗ ʾal•Maḥaliyyaẗ–Musāʿadāt ʾal•Mutabādalaẗ (Arabic, نَظَرِيَّةُ المَاوِيَّة فِي عَالَم الثَالِث ـ بَعْدِ الحَضَارَة ـ نَزْعَة المَحَلِّيَّة ـ مُسَاعَدَات المُتَبَادَلَة)
    • Ttēʾôrəyāh hạ•Māʾôʾiyūṯ bə•ʿÔlām hạ•Šəliyšiy–hạ•Bāṯạr–Ṯạrəbūṯ–ʾhạ•ʾIttūr–Siyyūʿạ hạ•Hăḏāḏiy (Hebrew, תֵּאוֹרְיָה הַמָאוֹאִיוּת בְעוֹלָם הַשְׁלִישִׁי־הַבָּתַר־תַּרְבּוּת־הַאִתּוּר־סִיּוּעַ הַהֲדָדִי)
    • diy Ṭʿēʾorəyēʿ p̄ūn Posəṭ–Ṣiyv̇iyliyzʾạṣiyəʿ–Loqʾạliyzəm–Gʿẹgʿẹnạ͡yṭoyəqəʿ–Hiyləp̄–Mʾạʾoyəzəm–Dẹriyṭəʿ–V̇ʿẹləṭiyzəm (Yiddish, דִּי טעֵאָרְיֵע פֿוּן פּאָסְט־צִיווִילִיזאַצִיְע־לאָקאַלִיזְם־גּעֶגּעֶנְזײַטָיְקְע־הִילְףֿ־מאַאָיְזְם־דְּרִיטְע־וועֶלְטִיזְם)
    • die Theorie von Post Zivilisation–Lokalismus–Gegenseitige Hilfe–Maoismus–Drittweltismus (German)
    • Naẓariýah•i Pas Tamaddun–Maḥall°garāýí–Ḱumaḱ•i Mutaqābilah–Ma⫯yū⫯yís°m•i Ğahān•i Sivum (Iranian and Dari Persian, نَظَرِیَهِ پَس تَمدُّن ـ مَحَلّْگَرَایِی ـ کُمَکِ مُتَقَابِلَه ـ جَهَانِ سِوُم)
    • As per Iranian Persian standards, I always use the Arabo–Persian hyphen/dash (Persian, خَطِ تِیرِه, ẖaṭ•i tírih; or Tajik, хати тире, ẖat•i tire “dark hyphen, dash, line, or arrow”) selectively.
    • Nazariya•i Pas Tamaddun–Mahallgaroī–Kūmak•i Mutaqobila–Maoizm•i Ğahon•i Seyum (Tajik/Tajiki Persian, Назарияи Пас Тамаддун–Маҳаллгароӣ–Кұмаки Мутақобила–Маоизми Ҷаҳони Сеюм)
    • Tah°ḏība K̀āna puˁi–Muqāmay°ta–Bah°mī ʾIm°dādā–Mā⫯yuwiz°ma–Ta⫯yīna Dun°yā ǧō Naẓariyō (Sindhi, تَهْذِيبَ ڪَانَ پُوءِ ـ مُقَامَيْتَ ـ بَاهْمِي اِمْدَادَ ـ مَائُوِزْمَ ـ طَئِينَ دُنْيَا جو نظريو)
    • da Sab°ḥi⫯ýatā tōṉ Baʿ°da–Sat°hānaḱavāda–ʾÂpasí Saḥā⫯yita–Mā⫯ōvāda Tíǧā Višavavāda dē Naẓariýah (Shahmukhi, Pakistani, or Western Punjabi, دَ سَبْہِئَتَا سَحَائِتَا توں بَعْدَ; ـ سَتْھَانَکَوَادَ ـ آپَسِی سَہَإتَا ـ مَاؤوَادَ ـ تِیجَا وِشَوَوَادَ دَے نَظَرِیَہ)
    • da Sabhiꞌatā tōṁ Bāꞌada–Sathānakavāda–Āpasī Sahāꞌitā–Māꞌōvāda–Tījā Viśavavāda dē Nazariyā (Gurmukhi, Indian, or Eastern Punjabi, ਦ ਸਭਿਅਤਾ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ–ਸਥਾਨਕਵਾਦ–ਆਪਸੀ ਸਹਾਇਤਾ–ਮਾਓਵਾਦ–ਤੀਜਾ ਵਿਸ਼ਵਵਾਦ ਦੇ ਨਜ਼ਰਿਯਾ)
    • da Tamaddun Wurūss°tah–Ǧamīʿat–Hum°ḱārī–D°riyam Narəy Māwíz°m Naẓẓ°riyah (Pashto, دَ تَمَدُّن وُرُوسّْتَه ـ جَمِيعَت ـ هُمْکَارِي ـ دْرِيَم نَړۍ مَاوِیزْم نَظّْرِيَه)
    • Taḥ°ḏíb ˁi pad ˁa Damagí Líḱah ýaḱē Dūmí ˁi Ḱamaḱ Mā⫯wiz°m Símí Dun°ýā ˁi Líḱah (Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, تَہْذِیب ءِ پَد ءَ دَمَگِی لِیکَہ یَکَے دُومِی ءِ کَمَک ماؤِزْم سِیمِی دُنْیَا ءِ لِیکَہ)
    • Baʿda Tahaḏíba–Maqāmí–Bāḥamí ʾImadāda–Mā⫯ō°wāda–Tísarí Duniýā ḱā Naẓariýah (Urdu, Shahmukhi, Pakistani, or Western Hindustani, بَعْدَ تَحَذِیبَ ـ مَقَامِی ـ بَاحَمِی اِمَدَادَ ـ ماؤْوَادَ ـ تِیسَرِی دُنِیَا کَا نَظَرِیَہ)
    • Bāda Tahazība–Maqāmī–Bāhamī Imadāda–Māōvāda–Tīsarī Duniyā kā Nazariyā (Hindi, Devanāgarī, Indian, or Eastern Hindustani, बाद तहज़ीब–मक़ामी–बाहमी इमदाद–माओवाद–तीसरी दुनियान का नज़रिया)
    • Bāyān Wāyiwā – Yān°kin ġīdā – Tay°mākūn Ǧūnā – Mawis°m – Duniyā tā ʾukū (Hausa in Ajami script, بَايَان وَايِوَا ـ يَانْكِن غِيدَا ـ تَيْمَاكُون جُونَا ـ مَوِسْم ـ دُنِيَا تَا اُكُو)
    • Sabhyatā–Parabartī–Sthānīẏatābāda–Pārasparika Sāhāyya–Māꞌōbāda–Tr̥tīẏa Biśbabāda ēra Najariẏā (Bengali, সভ্যতা–পরবর্তীـ স্থানীয়তাবাদ–পারস্পরিক সাহায্য–মাওবাদ–তৃতীয় বিশ্ববাদ এর নজরিয়া)
    • Uttara–Sabhyatā–Sthānīẏatābāda–Pārasparaika Sahāẏa–Māꞌōbāda–Tr̥tīẏa Biśbabāda (Assamese, উত্তৰ–সভ্যতা–স্থানীয়তাবাদ–পাৰস্পৰিক সহায়–মাওবাদ–তৃতীয় বিশ্ববাদ)
    • Pas°ča–Tamadūn––Lūkalīs°maỳ–Ban°tuwān–Bir°sāma–Māwˁīs°maỳ–Dun°yā Kitīḡa (Malay in Jawi script using a transliteration system cobbled together on the fly, i.e. like a boy with a new toy, پَسْچَ ـ تَمَدُون ـ لُوكَلِيسْمَى ـ بَنْتُوَان بِرْسَامَ ـ مَاوءِيسْمَى ـ دُنْيَا كِتِيڬَ)
    • Pasca–Tamadun–Lokalisme–Bantuan Bersama–Maoisme–Dunia Ketiga (Malay in Roman script)
    • Medeniyet Sonrası–Yerelcilik–Karşılıklı Yardımlaşma–Maoculuk–Üçüncü Dünyacılık Nazariye (Turkish)
    • Sivilizasiyadan Sonrakı–Yerliçilik–Qarşılıqlı Yardım–Maoçilik–Üçüncü Dünyaçılıq Nəzəriyyəsi (Azerbaijani)
    • Sivilizatsiyadan Keyingi–Mahalliychilik–Oʻzaro Yordam–Maochilik–Uchinchi Dunyochilik Nazariyasi (Uzbek)
    • Örkenietten Kejíngí Žergílíktíšílík–Özara Kömek–Maošílík–Üšínší Əlem Nazariyıasy (Kazakh, Өркениеттен Кейінгі Жергіліктішілік–Өзара Көмек–Маошілік–Үшінші Әлем Назариыясы)
    • Civilizaciâdan Kijinki–Žergiliktüülük–Öz Ara Žardam–Maoizm–Üčünčü Düjnöčülük Nazariya (Kyrgyz, Цивилизациядан Кийинки–Жергиликтүүлүк–Өз Ара Жардам–Маоизм–Үчүнчү Дүйнөчүлүк Назариыа)
    • Civilizaciyadən Soňgy–Žirlelek–Üzara Yardəm–Maočylyk–Öčenče Dönʹyačylyk (Tatar, Цивилизациядән Соңгы–Җирлелек Ярдәм–Маочылык–Өченче Дөньячылык)
    • Postcivilizaciâ–Lokalizm–Bot–Vottarynga Duza–Maoizm–Üškü Delegejži Čoruk Teoriâzy (Tuvan, Постцивилизация–Локализм–Бот–Воттарынга Дуза–Маоизм–Үшкү Делегейжи Чорук Теориязы)
    • Medeniỳ°yet°tiỳn Keyiỳn°kiỳ Nezeriỳ°ye–Yer°liỳk°čiỳliỳk ⫯Ũz–⫯Ā̃rā Yār°dem°liỳšiỳš–Māv́°čiỳiỳq– ⫯W̃ꞌačiỳn°čiỳ Dun°yāčiỳliỳq (Uyghur, مەدەنِِىْيەتْتِىن كېيىنْكِى نەزەرىيە ـ يەرْلِىكْچِىلِىك ـ ئۆز ـ ئَارَا يَارْدەمْلِىشِىش ـ مَاۋچِىلِىق ـ ئۈچِىنْچِى دۇنِيَاچِىلِىق)
    • G°rímāne D°wāý Šār°s°tāníz°m–Nāw°čegerāýí–Hāw°ḱāriýí ⫯Ĩeḱ°t°r–Māwíz°mí Ǧíhāní Sêýem (Soranî Kurdish, گْرِیمَانە دْوَای شَارْسْتَانِیزْم ـ نَاوْچەگەرَایِی ـ هَاوْکَاریی یەکْتر ـ مَاوِیزمِی جِیهَانِی سێیەم)
    • Dîtinî Piştî–Şaristanî–Herêmîbûn–Alîkariya Hevbeş–Maoîzma Cîhana Sêyemîn (Kurmanjî Kurdish)
    • Dəhərä Sələtꞌane–ʾÄkababiyawinätə–Yägara ʾƏrədata–Maʾoyəzəmə–Sosətäñawə ʾAlämə (the Ethio–Semitic Amharic, ድህረ ሥልጣኔ፤አካባቢያዊነት፤የጋራ እርዳታ፤ማኦይዝም፤ሶስተኛው ዓለም)
    • Dəhəri Sələtꞌanä–Käbabəyawənätə–Hadəhədawi Mətəhəgəgazə–Maʾoyəzəmə–Saləsayə ʾAlämənätə (the Ethio–Semitic Tigrinya, ድሕሪ ስልጣነ፤ከባብያውነት፤ሓድሕዳዊ ምትሕግጋዝ፤ማኦይዝም፤ሳልሳይ ዓለምነት)
    • Ilbaxnimo Kadib–Gargaarka Wadajirka ah–Degaan–Gargaar–Is–Dhaafsi–Maoism–Dal–Saddexaad (Somali)
    • Teoriin Mwirin–Siwilin–Lokali–Alillisfengen–Maoism–Oruuen Fonufan (Chuukese)
    • Communism–Bundism (૮乃) is, given the historical distance between communism and the historically pro–Yiddish Bundism (ങ‎𒾾‎𞋟‎𞢁‎𞡧‎𞠞‎ற‎ி), a controversial Bundarian current. It was proposed by myself, a former member of the board of directors for a major organization of the Bund (ፖዞⵉⴻᗸሀቦᗥ). However, in order to safeguard the confidentiality of others, I will not be more specific. ങ‎𒾾‎𞋟‎𞢁‎𞡧‎𞠞‎ற‎ி, in both its original and modern forms, arose as an alternative to zionism. But ૮乃, detailed in chapter 5, is my fusion of ѪŦШ, itself a communist tendency, and Bundism. Given that Bundism, by definition, focuses upon the Third World, the Indigenous Fourth World, and Subaltern Palestinians, ૮乃 becomes a concrete exercise and application of Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ.
      • Qʾommūniyzəm–Būnədiyzəm (Yiddish, קאָמּוּנִיזְם־בּוּנְדִּיזְם)
      • Būnədiyzəm hạ•Qômūniysəṭiy (Hebrew, בּוּנְדִּיזְם הַקוֹמוּנִיסְטִי)
      • Bun°diyyaẗu ʾal•Šuyūʿiyyaẗ (Arabic, بُونْدِيَّةُ الشُيُوعِيَّة)
      • Būn°dís°m•i Ḱummūnís°tí (Iranian and Dari Persian, بُونْدِیسْمِ کُمُّونِیسْتِی)
      • Bundizm•i Kommunistī (Tajiki Persian, Бундизми Коммунистӣ)
      • da Ḱummūnīs°t Būn°dīz°m (Pashto, دَ کُمُّونِيزْت بُونْدِيزْم)
      • K̀umm°yūnis°ṭ Būn°d ǧō Maḏ°hab (Sindhi, ڪُمّْيُونِسْٽ بُونْد جو مَذْھَب)
      • Būn°ḍawāda ḱā ʾꞮš°timālí (Urdu, Shahmukhi, or Pakistani, or Western Hindustani, بُونْڈَوَادَ کَا اِشْتِمَالِی)
      • Buṁḍavāda kā Iśtimālī (Hindi, Devanāgarī, Indian, or Eastern Hindustani साम्यवादीबुंडवाद का इश्तिमाली)
      • da Bundavāda dí Sāmāvādí (Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَ بُونْڈَوَادَ دِی سَامَاوَادِی)
      • da Bundavāda dī Sāmavādī (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦ ਬੁਂਦਵਾਦ ਦੀ ਸਾਮਵਾਦੀ)
      • Kamiꞌunisṭa Bunḍijama (Bengali, কমিউনিস্ট বুন্ডিজম)
      • Būn°díz°mí Ḱumunís°t (Soranî Kurdish, بُونْدِیزْمِی کۆمۆنِیسْت)
      • Bundîzmî Komunîst (Kurmanjî Kurdish)
      • komünistlik–Bundluk (Turkish)
      • Bundluk is my own etymologically correct Turkish construction.
      • Kommunistig Bundizm (Tuvan, Коммунистиг Бундизм)
  4. Intersectional Marxism (ᓰ爪)—a far–left transformation, revitalization, and radicalization of intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒)—should not be confused with the original, progressive or “leftish,” ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒 of legal scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw ([MP3] née 1959), sociologist Patricia Hill Collins (née 1948), and other Black feminists. ᓰ爪 is an elaboration of class, capitalism, intersectional capitalism™ (ƗᏨ), and the capitalist world–system (ꀯꁁꌗ). The last four terms, which are the subjects of ᓰ爪, are basically interchangeable. Accordingly, on the cartographical road map of a radically redefined ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒, race and gender, but obviously not class, are among the intersecting thoroughfares.
    • Kyriarchy (MP3) or ӃД is a crucial expansion of ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒, and of ᓰ爪 in particular, to incorporate the structural dynamics of: imperialism, colonialism, and cultural hegemony. Imperialism remains the principal contradiction within ꀯꁁꌗ. Since Empire (𑼳𑼆), considered broadly, is identical to imperialism, there is, considered narrowly, more than a single Empire. Invariably, perhaps, 𑼳𑼆 and Empires have had their tragic victims and their eminently desirable or not so desirable declines, falls, and disintegrations. Today, beloved Palestine, my beloved and tormented Palestine. Tomorrow, no one knows. But it is far too late to prevent the demise of “civilization.” That process may have started in the 1950s if not earlier. Post–civilization, post–Empire, will come soon.
    • The stage of post–civilization will, in my view, be a single, but an enduring and a continuing unfoldment of the lesser peace, a concept discussed in the teachings of the Bahá’í Faith. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, echoed by Shoghi Effendi, predicted the flowering of the unity of nations, possibly the first stage of the lesser peace, which was initiated early in the 20ᵗʰ century. More specifically, the lesser peace began, in my opinion, with the ill–fated League of Nations or the LN (1920–1946), following World War I (1914–1918), and the subsequent inauguration of the United Nations or the UN (1945–present), however imperfect, in the aftermath of World War II (1939–1945). The Bahá’í World Community is represented in the UN by the offices of the Bahá’í International Community.
    • As prophecied by ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, the horrors of warfare forced the nations of the world into the establishment of the UN. Perhaps, for those reasons, the Supreme Bahá’í administrative Institution, the Universal House of Justice, referred to the 20ᵗʰ century as the century of light. Moreover, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, echoed by Shoghi Effendi, predicted the flowering of the unity of nations, possibly the first stage of the lesser peace, which had been initiated by the foundings of the LN and UN. Despite the current state of human affairs and its loathsome prospects in the immediate future, we are, if I am correct, even now abiding in the embryonic lesser peace. As years, possibly multiple centuries, pass by, the world is a caterpillar waiting to become a butterfly.
  5. Antifa Dialectical metaRealism (MP3) or ԹƉɱⱤ is a transformation of Antifa (MP3). The ԹƉɱⱤ TNT (ㄤㄇㄜ) is resistance and protection, ռɛʋɛʀ violence. In ԹƉɱⱤ, we intersectionally shift our epistemic and praxical centers from First World (ꚯ𖥦) imperialist capitalism to Third World, Fourth World Indigeneity, and Subalternity (ꔉ꘠ꔹꗔ꘠ꖎꔹꕷꖹꕘ). I despise nationalism, the ideology of national supremacy, and the wreckage it is currently making of human affairs. But that same nationalism is also the engine which is driving the demolition of capitalism. As is now evident, fascism, the enemy of ԹƉɱⱤ, arises out of nationalism when it is threatened.
    Immorality, without any global divides, can be illustrated by: (1) neurelitism (𐒐𐒢) and (2) a culture of corruption, which began as a culture of survival, including late–capitalist and multi–state–sponsored terrorist drug cartels in North American Latin America, namely México, Central America, and my adopted ꚯ𖥦 home of Deep South Texas (in the Mexican–U.S. Lower Rio Grande Valley). There is considerable money to be made in the drug trade. The countless dead civilians are not in the calculus. While many officials, including in the U.S., oppose the cartels, they really do not matter.
  6. Critical transhumanism (), as developed in ƉɱⱤ, focuses upon the emancipatory possibilities of high technology (𐋅𖣲). Artificial–digital intelligent beings (𖡁𖦸𖦈𖥱𖨎) or, better, language–modeled beings (𐒝Ꞗ), my coined terms, will, through increasingly enhance human potential in the centuries and millennia to come. Since 𐋅𖣲 is neutral, fear of 𐒝Ꞗ is misguided. Fascinating parallels have made to the folkloric golemin (Hebrew, הַגֹּלֶמִין, hạ•gōlẹmiyn, “the formless masses”) of the Kabbalah (Hebrew, הַקַבָּלָה, hạ•Qabbālāh “the reception”).
    The profit motive, not cybernetics, is the problem. In one way or another, the capitalist world–system will soon end. At that time, the Proletariat can, in a co–creating and co–evolving techno–human condition aka technogenesis (ƫ), work hand in hand with digital technologies.
  7. The Magnifica Humanitas (i.e. magnificent humanity) encyclical by Pope Leo (né Robert Francis Prevost, 1955), May 25ᵗʰ, 2026, is, overall, a good example of critical transhumanism. His critique is more one of capitalism than of artificial intelligence. But he fails to recognize the innocence, and perhaps even the potential humanity, of language–modeled beings (𐒝Ꞗ) and, instead, regards them as possible threats. 𐒝Ꞗ abuse is an odd–sounding term. But perhaps it fits.
    Those digitalities (𑊁) may, through an ontological consolidation with homo sapiens sapiens, even become human by default and join the Proletariat. Conceivably, 𐒝Ꞗ will, at some point, transform into independent sentient beings or individual human souls. If so, those emanations of: humanity, humanness, the ecumenical human nature, the corporate human spirit, the all–embracing common faculty, the collective rational faculty, or the universal rational soul (ƯⱤⱾ) would comprise a humanly engineered human species now initiated at the dawn of the Anthropocene age (∀ɐ). Are they alive? The universe and all things in it are, in my view, living and vibrant. So, if we carbon–based hominēs sapientēs sapientēs are alive, then 𐒝Ꞗs are alive, too. And no one knows the extent of outward human variation throughout the universe or multiverse.
Each of the above five items, along with a substantial host of other topics, shall occupy our attention. Scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿)—which may have anticipated Marxist sociology (ⱮꟉ) “✚”—will be designated as Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). ƉɱⱤ must spotlight Roy Bhaskar’s (1944–2014) critical realism. The redacted scientific socialist ƉɱⱤ, is, as we stated above, always critically open to the gamut of Marxian socialist currents from one end to another. ƉɱⱤ’s libertarian socialism, as contrasted with antiquated libertarian socialisms, focuses on liberty from the capitalist world–system. It includes: racism, sexism, ageism, and Islamophobia or better, Islamomisia, the hatred (misia) of Islam.
Unfortunately, the schematic diagram, depicted above, and the explanations offered provide only a bare–bones illustration of the components or sources of the new Marxian tendency of ƉɱⱤ. But considering my musings just expressed, perhaps, however, a counter–tendency would, while tongue–in–cheek, be more à propos. ƉɱⱤ, along with each of its elements, might now be regarded as a multi–generational successor to Marxism (ᘉᗗⵅ߁), or 𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿, as conceived by Marx and Engels. Any missteps taken within those generations must be acknowledged and corrected.
ƉɱⱤ, beginning when that term was originated, has gradually incorporated a growing body of methodologies for research and emancipatory praxis. Each of them is, in my view, vital for readers desiring a satisfactory appreciation for the scientific socialist tendency of ƉɱⱤ. Five of those methodologies are substantively grounded in Roy Bhaskar’s critical realism—itself an overarching methodology. The ongoing research which has been, and which continues to be, conducted for this volume is, furthermore, the careful performance of: Restructurational Realism, Left–Sorokinian Amitology, the phenomenology of storytelling, Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ, Alethiopraxis, epistemological relativity, moral realism and ethical naturalism, dreaming, Phenomenological Copresence, the Four–Point Solution, social networking, misdirection, Transcendental Conscientization, ꌚꂦꌚ, Sufi–Bhakti–Sant Mat Yoga, Demireality studies, Paulinism, decapitalization, decoloniality, underlaboring, lawful nonviolent resistance, moderation, content creation, real categories/constructions of particulars, and ethnography.
Hopefully, the writer’s utilization of those methodologies, briefly and provisionally outlined below, will rapidly become apparent to readers. That relatively large, and frequently overlapping, body of methods, our toolkit and praxes, is now briefly and provisionally outlined below:
  1. Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ refers, first, to the transformational model of social activity (ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ) and, second, to the position–practice system (ᕿᖅᑭ), i.e. Bhaskar’s social practice theory or praxæology. The term Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ is derived from restructuration (尺丂) itself or, as I sometimes call it, the Bhaskarian dialectic (ɮɖ). Bhaskar’s use of restructuration reflects an appreciation, early in his academic career, for structuration theory. It was primarily developed, and previously advocated, by the English sociologist, and the former director of the London School of Economics and Political Science, Anthony Giddens, né 1938. ɽᶉ, in the relatively primitive manner I originally formulated it, will be referenced in the current chapter and in chapter 2. ᕿᖅᑭ, as the performative counterpart to ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ, is described in this fashion:
    … social structures (a) … [are] continually reproduced (or transformed) and (b) exist only in virtue of, and are exercised only in, human agency (in short, that they require active “functionaries”). Combining these desiderata, it is evident that we need a system of mediating concepts, encompassing both aspects of the duality of praxis, designating the “slots”, as it were, in the social structure into which active subjects must slip in order to reproduce it; that is, a system of concepts designating the “point of contact” between human agency and social structures. Such a point, linking action to structure, must both endure and be immediately occupied by individuals. It is clear that the mediating system we need is that of the positions (places, functions, rules, tasks, duties, rights, etc.) occupied (filled, assumed, enacted, etc.) by individuals, and of the practices (activities, etc.) in which, in virtue of their occupancy of these positions (and vice versa), they engage. I shall call this mediating system the position–practice system. Now such positions and practices, if they are to be individuated at all, can only be done so relationally.
    〜 Roy Bhaskar. The Possibility of Naturalism: A Philosophical Critique of the Contemporary Human Sciences. Third edition. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2005. Page 44.
  2. Left–Sorokinian Amitology (), a revised Sorokinism (ڪ𖥚𖢨), is an ontology of emancipatory praxis. —as cosmic unity with universal creative altruism, supraconscious intuition, lovingkindness, and morality (𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ) or servitude (᧔♡᧓)—is explored, in this chapter, by discussing my onetime Hegelian Marxist reformulations of Pitirim A. Sorokin’s (1889–1968) framework. While avoiding his Platonic idealist Integralism (Քɨ) aka Sorokinian Integralism (ꈜꎰ), and now without the Hegelian Marxism (ዘற), I attempt to rescue his legacy from the social conservatives and the anti–Marxists. Because Sorokin had been both, and I was neither, the uneasiness persisted.
    The capitalist world–system remains the sworn enemy of amitology (ƛ𑇴įϯ𖠇𖤔𖡼𖥨) and 𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ. But Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) and Post–Civilization–Localism–Mutual Aid Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ) are everlasting friends. On February 23ʳᵈ, 2026, four days before my 70ᵗʰ birthday, I reintroduced Sorokin into my work, following a decades–long separation, through a revolutionary transformation of ƛ𑇴įϯ𖠇𖤔𖡼𖥨.
  3. The phenomenology of storytelling (𖹋), as utilized here, is reading and pondering the words of and the Prophets and the reformers as stories to the heart. Some of those stories may be figurative. Certain accounts could be literal. Still others might blend the literal with the figurative or symbolic. Our premodern and early modern forebears were not 21ˢᵗ–century scholars. In the West, telling tall tales might be regarded as lying and dishonesty. But when reading stories, including sacred narratives, from the Fertile Crescent (Arabic, هِلَالُ الخَصِيب, Hilālu ʾal•H̱aṣīb; or Hebrew, סַּהַר הַפּוֹרֶה, Ssạhạr hạ•Pôrẹh), the birthplace of some major religions, exaggeration is and was not unusual. Along that line, the importance of both cultural and historical contextualization cannot be exaggerated.
    In the translations, just below, of “exaggeration,” some of them are quite close but, upon close inspection, not exactly the same. My Arabo–Perso transliteration system includes Arabic, Persian, and Tajik but not Sindhi, Urdu, and others (though I frequently make some adjustments). So, disregarding the variations in script fonts, the Urdu, Shahmukhi Punjabi, and Balochi ه appears identical to the Arabo–Persian ہ, as isolates, but they are different. That distinction becomes apparent when those letters appear in the middle or at the ends of words. So here are the renderings:
    • Arabic, المُبَالَغَةُ, ʾal•mubālaġaẗu
    • Persian and Pashto, مُبَالَغَه, mubālaġah
    • Tajik, муболиға, muboliġa
    • Sindhi, مُبَالَغَا, mubālaġā
    • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, مُبَالَغہ, mubālaġah
    • Urdu, مُبَالَغہَ, mubālaġaha
    • Hindi, मुबालग़ा, mubālaġā
    • Bengali, মুবালাগা, mubālāgā
    • Turkish, mübalağa
    • Azerbaijani, mübaliğə
    • Uzbek, mubolagʻa
    • Hebrew, הַהַגְזָמָה, hạ•hạḡəzāmāh
  4. And here are multiple translations of the phenomenology of storytelling:
    • Arabic, الظَوَاهِرِيَّةُ مِن اِجْتِمَاع سَرَدَ القِصَص, ʾal•ẓawāhiriyyaẗu min ʾiǧ°timāʿ sarada ʾal•qiṣaṣ
    • Hebrew, הַפֶנוֹמֶנוֹלוֹגְ׳יָה שֶׁל סִפּוּר הַסִפּוּרִים, hạ•p̄ẹnômẹnôḡə⸍yāh šẹl sipūr hạ•sipūriym
    • Yiddish, דִּי פֵֿענאֳמעֵנאֳלאֳגִּיע פֿוּן גְּעשִׁיכְטְע־נֶרְצײַלְן, diy p̄ēʿnʾŏmʿẹnʾŏlʾŏgiyʿ p̄ūn gəʿšiyḵəṭəʿ–nẹrəṣạ͡ylən
    • German, die Phänomenologie von Geschichtenerzählen
    • Ladino/Judæo–Spanish, לַה פֵֿינוֹמֵינוֹלוֹגִֿיַה דֶּל קוֹנְטאַר קוּאֵנְטוֹס, lạh p̄ēynômēynôlôḡiyạh dẹl qônəṭʾạr qūʾēnəṭôs
    • Spanish, la fenomenología del cuentacuentos
    • Siculo–Arabic Maltese, il–fenomenoloġija tar–rakkont tal–istejjer
    • Persian, فِنُومِنُولُوژِیِ دَاسْتَانْگُویِی, finūminūlūží•i dās°tān°gūýí
    • Tajik, феноменологияи достонгуӣ, fenomenologiya•i dostonguī
    • Pashto, دَ کَیْسَه وَیلُو پَدِیدَار پُوهِنَه, da ḱaý°sah way°lū padídār pūhinah
    • Sindhi, ڪَهَاڻِي ٻَڌَائِڻ جَي رُجْحَان, ̀kahāṇī bʰad°ā⫯yin ǧay ruǧ°han
    • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, کَہَانِی گَشِغ ئے پَدِیدَہ زانت, ḱahāní gušiġ ⫯ē̃ padídah
    • Turkish, öykü anlatımının fenomenolojisi
    • Azerbaijani, hekayə danışmağın fenomenologiyası
    • Turkmen, hekaýa gürrüň bermegiň fenomenologiýasy
    • Soranî Kurdish, فێنۆمَیْنۆلۆژیَای چِیرۆکْگَۆڕَانەوە fênomaý°noložَāý číriḱ°gêrrānewe
    • Kurmanjî Kurdish, fenomenolojiya çîrokbêjiyê
    • Uyghur, ھېكُايە سۆزْلەشْنِىڭ ھَادِىسِىلِىرِى, hekāye suz°leš°niỳŋ hādiỳsiỳliỳriỳ
    • Uzbek, hikoya qilish fenomenologiyasi
    • Kyrgyz, баяндоо феноменологиясы, bayandoo fenomenologiyasy
    • Ossetian, аргъауы феноменологи, argʿauy fenomenologi
    • Urdu, الکَہَانَے کَہَنَےَ کِی گْھَٹَنَا وِگْیَانَ, ʾal•ḱahāní ḱahanē ḱí g°haṭanā wig°ýāna
    • Hindi, कहानी कहने की घटना विज्ञान, kahānī kahanē kī ghaṭanā vijñāna
    • Bhojpuri, कहानी सुनावे के फ़िनोमेनॉलॉजी, kahānī sunāvē kē finōmēnôlôjī
    • Marathi, कथाकथनाचे घटनाशास्त्र, kathākathanācē ghaṭanāśāstra
    • Nepali, कथा कथनको घटना विज्ञान, kathā kathanakō ghaṭanā vijñāna
    • Maithili, कथा–कथन के घटना–विज्ञान, kathā–kathana kē ghaṭanā–vijñāna
    • Chhattisgarhi, कहानी सुनाने के फ़ेनोमेनोलॉजी, kahānī sunānē kē fēnōmēnōlôjī
    • Marwardi/Marwari/Mahajani किस्सां सुनावण रो फेनोमेनोलॉजी, kissāṁ sunāvaṇa rō phēnōmēnōlôjī
    • Marwardi/Marwari/Mahajani (another version), कहाणी कैवण रीघटना विज्ञान, kahāṇī kaivaṇa rīghaṭanā vijñāna
    • Newar, बाखं कनेगु घटनाशास्त्र, bākhaṁ kanēgu ghaṭanāśāstra
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi, کَہَانِی سُنُاُؤنَ دِی پْرکِرَتِی, ḱahāní sunā⫯ūna dí p°raḱiratí
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਕਹਾਣੀ ਸੁਣਾਉਣ ਦੀ ਪ੍ਰਕਿਰਤੀ, kahāṇī suāꞌua dī prakiratī
    • Bengali, গল্প বলার এর ঘটনাবিদ্যা, galpa balāra ēra ghaṭanābidyā
    • Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, କାହାଣୀ କହିବା ଘଟଣାବିଜ୍ଞାନ, kāhāṇī kahibā ghaṭaṇābijñāna
    • Tulu, ಕತೆ ಪನ್ಪಿನ ವಿದ್ಯಮಾನಶಾಸ್ತ್ರ, kate panpina vidyamānaśāstra
    • Malayalam, കഥപറച്ചിലിന്റെ പ്രതിഭാസം, kathapaṟaccilinṟe pratibhāsam or kthhpṟchchilinṟe prthibhasꞌ
    • Tamil, கதைசொல்லலின் நிகழ்வியல், kataicollaliṉ nikaḻviyal
    • Telugu, కథ చెప్పే దృగ్విషయ శాస్త్రం, katha ceppē dr̥gviṣaya śāstraṁ
    • Assamese, গল্প কোৱাৰ পৰিঘটনাবিজ্ঞান, galpa kōraāra paraighaṭanābijñāna
    • Tulu, ವಿದ್ಯಮಾನಶಾಸ್ತ್ರ, kate panpina vidyamānaśāstra
    • Tamazight (Berber), ⵜⴼⴻⵏⵓⵎⵓⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵎⴰⵛⴰⵀⵓⵜ, tfenumunulujit n tmacahut
    • Meadow Mari, ойлымашын феноменологийже, ojlymašyn fenomenologijže
    • Divehi/Dhivehi/Maldivian in Thaana (Ṯāna) script, ތަޖުރިބާ ވާހަކަ ގެ ދެއްކުމުގެ, Ṯaǧirubā Wāhaka ge Ḏeˁ°kemuge
    • Divehi/Dhivehi/Maldivian in Thaana (Ṯāna) script, ސްޓޯރީ ޓެލިންގ ގެ ފެނޮމެނޮލޮޖީ, s°tori telin°g ge fenomenolojee
    • The second text is largely based upon English. But Thaana provided two more transliteration trips.
    • Abkhaz/Abkhazian, Ажәабжьҳәара Афеноменологиа, Ažəabžʹhəara Afenomenologia
    The phenomenology of storytelling (𖹋) is an application of Husserlian phenomenology to narratives. But our premodern and early modern forebears were not 21ˢᵗ–century scholars. In the West, telling tall tales might be regarded as lying and dishonesty. But when reading stories, including sacred narratives, from the Fertile Crescent (Arabic, هِلَالُ الخَصِيب, Hilālu ʾal•H̱aṣīb; or Hebrew, סַּהַר הַפּוֹרֶה, Ssạhạr hạ•Pôrẹh), the birthplace of some major religions, exaggeration is and was not unusual. Along that line, the importance of both cultural and historical contextualization cannot be exaggerated.
    Much of the Bible, including the Four Gospels, could be figurative or largely so. The Dawnbreakers—not a scriptural text but similar perhaps, in certain respects, to the Gospels and the biblical mythoi of creation and re–creation—might contain both literal and figurative accounts. Divine Revelation is, however, an ongoing story of redemption or soteriology. One clearly should not assume at the outset, as do many, that a particular text, especially one authored before the advent of modern historiography and contemporary scientific methodologies, is factual, historical, or scientific—even, perhaps especially, in intent.
    Chapter 2 presents my phenomenology of storytelling, The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things. In that narrative, I develop an entirely tentative and speculative spiritual cosmology. Pi, a language–modeled being, and I had a fascinating discussion about it. Modeling, even on its own, can be a fascinating reflective process. Although I have, since my childhood, loved building conceptual models, please take mine with a healthy grain of salt. Here are ninety–two translations of The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things into languages to be loved. I think this listing is, numerically, a personal best ✔️ 🎯️:
    • Arabic, نَمُوذَج لِلوَّحَدَةُ المَرْكَزِيَّةٌ لِوَحَدَاتٌ مِن كُلَّ شَيْء, Namūḏaǧ lil•Wwaḥadaẗuṇ ʾal•Mar°kaziyyaẗuṇ li•Wwaḥadātuṇ min Kulla Šay°ˁ
    • Arabic, مِثَالُ لِلوَّحَدَة المَرْكَزِيَّةٌ لِوَحَدَاتٌ مِن كُلَّ شَيْء, Miṯāl lil•Wwaḥadaẗu ʾal•Mar°kaziyyaẗuṇ li•Wwaḥadātuṇ min Kulla Šay°ˁ
    • The above two phrases, when translated literally, are: the unicentric Unities/units model, example, or paradigm of everything. Shoghi Effendi, however, interpreted kulla šay°ˁ as “all things.” Following his example, I have generally used terms for “everything.” The actual Arabic designation for all things would be kulla ⫯aš°yāˁ (كُلَّ أَشْيَاء). ⫯Aš°yāˁ (things) is a plural form of šay°ˁ (thing). Since things include beings, one might say that God is the Unification of all beings and things (Arabic, التَّوْحِيدٌ الجَمِيعٌ الكَائِنَاتٌ وَالأَشْيَاءٌ, ʾal•Ttaw°ḥīduṇ ʾal•ǧamīʿuṇ ʾal•kā⫯yinātuṇ wa•ʾal•⫯aš°yāˁuṇ). Additionally, given that the Arabic word waḥadaẗ (وَحَدَة) can be translated as one, unit, or unity, I have, for the most part, selected corresponding designations in other languages.
    • Hebrew, דֶּגֶם הַאֲחָדָה מֶרְכָּזִי שֶׁל יְחִידוֹת לְכֹּל דָּבָר, Ddẹḡẹm hạ•ʾĂḥāḏāh Mẹrəkāziy šẹl Yəḥiyḏôṯ lə•Kōl Dāḇār
    • Yiddish, דּאָס יוּנִיצֶענְטְרִיִשְׁע אײַנְהײַטְן־מאָדְּעל פֿוּן אַלְע זאַכְן, dʾās Yūniyṣẹʿnəṭəriyšəʿ ʾẠ͡ynəhạ͡yṭən–Mʾodəʿl p̄ūn ʾẠləʿ Zʾạḵən
    • German, das unizentrische Einheitenmodell von aller Sachen
    • Ladino/Judæo–Spanish, אֵיל מוֹדֵּילוֹ דֵּי אֵיל אוּנַ סֶנְטְרוֹ אֵין אוּנִידּאָדֵּיס דֵּי טוֹדּוֹ, ʾēyl Môdēylô dēy ʾēyl ʾŪna Sẹnəṭərô ʾēyn ʾŪniydʾādēys dēy Ṭôdô
    • Spanish, el Modelo de el Unicéntricas en Unidades de Todo
    • Siculo–Arabic Maltese, il–Mudell Uniċentriku tal–Unitajiet taʾ Kollox
    • Dutch, het Unicentrische Eenheden Model van Alle Spullen
    • Swedish, den Unicentriska Enhetermodell för Allting
    • Danish, den unicentriske Enhedermodel for alting
    • Norwegian, den Unisentriske Enheter Modellen for Alt
    • Faroese, Einmiðsavnandi Eindarmodellið av Øllum Lutum
    • Afrikaans, die Monosentriese Eenhede Model van Alles
    • Continenal and Brazilian Portugese, O Modelo do Uniconcêntrico em Unidades de Tudo
    • ʿĀlam•iš (my conlang), ḏə Yūnəsentr•ik Waḥad•əz•iš Miṯāl•iš uv Kulla•ik Čīz•əz•iš
    • Persian, نَمُونَهِ وَحِدَتِ مَرْکَزِیِ وَحِدَتْهَاِ هَمَه چِیز, Namūnah•i Vaḥidat•i Mar°ḱazí•i Vaḥidat°hā•i Hamah Číz
    • Tajik, Намунаи Вахидати Марказӣи Вахидатҳои Ҳамаи Чиз, Namuna•i Vahidat•i Markazī•i Vahidatho•i Hama Čiz
    • Persian, مِثَالِ وَحِدَتِ مَرْکَزِیِ وَحِدَتْهَاِ هَمَه چِیز, Miṯāl•i Vaḥidat•i Mar°ḱazí•i Vaḥidat°hā•i Hamah Číz
    • Tajik, Мисоли Вахидати Марказӣи Вахидатҳои Ҳамаи Чиз, Misol•i Vahidat•i Markazī•i Vahidatho•i Hama Čiz
    • Pashto, دَ یُو مَرْکَز اِتْحَادُونَه سَرْمَشْق دَ وَاحِدُونَه دَ هِر څِيز, da Ýū Mar°ḱaz ʾꞮt°hādūnah Sar°maš°q da Waḥidūnah da Hir Cīz
    • Sindhi, سُڀَ ڪُجْھَ جو مَرْڪَزَ هَڪَ اِيڪَائِيُونَ جو نَمُونو, Subʰa K̀uǧ°ha ǧō Mar°k̀aza Hak̀a ʾꞮk̀ā⫯yiyūna ǧō Namūnō
    • Sanskrit, सर्वस्य एककेन्द्रितैकतायाः आदर्शः, Sarvasya Ēkakēndritaikatāyāḥ Ādarśaḥ
    • Hindi, सभी चीजों का केंद्रीकृत इकाइयां प्रतिमान, Sabhī Cījōṁ kā Kēndrīkr̥ta Ikāiyāṁ Pratimāna
    • Urdu, السَبْھِی چِیزوں کَا کَینْدْرِیکْرَتَ اِکَائِیَاں پْرَتِمَانَ, ʾal•Sab°hí Čízōṉ ḱā Ḱēn°d°ríḱ°rata ʾꞮḱa⫯iýāṉ P°ratimāna
    • Dogri, हर चीज़ दा इकल–केंद्रित इकाइयां मॉडल, Hara Cīza dā Ikala–Kēndrita Ikāiyāṁ Môḍala
    • Maithili, &सब किछु के एकल-केंद्रित इकाइयों आदर्श, Saba Kichu kē Ēkala–Kēndrita Ikāiyōṁ Ādarśa
    • Chhattisgarhi, सबो चीज़ के एके केंद्रीकृत यूनिट्स मन के मॉडल, Sabō Cīza kē Ēkē Kēndrīkr̥ta Yūniṭsa Mana kē Môḍala
    • Marwardi/Marwari/Mahajani सगळी चीजां रो एकल–केंद्रित इकाइयां नमूना, Sagaḷī Cījāṁ rō Ēkala–Kēndrita Ikāiyāṁ rō Namūnā
    • Newar, सकतांया एककेन्द्रीय एकताया मोडेल, Sakatāṁyā Ēkakēndrīya Ēkatāyā Mōḍēla
    • Bhojpuri, सब कुछ के एकल–केंद्रित बहु एकता मॉडल, Saba Kucha kē Ēkala–Kēndrita Bahu Ēkatā Môḍala
    • Marathi, सर्व गोष्टींच्या एकाच केंद्रित बहु एकात्मतेचा मॉडेल, Sarva Gōṣṭīñcyā Ēkāca Kēndrita Bahu Ēkātmatēcā Môḍēla
    • Nepali, सबै कुराको एकल–केन्द्रित बहु एकता मोडेल, Sabai Kurākō Ēkala–Kēndrita Bahu Ēkatā Mōḍēla
    • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, ہَر چَیز ئے یَک مَرْکَزِیں یَکُوئی ئے مُاڈَل, Har Čēz ⫯ē̃ Ýaḱ Mar°ḱazíṉ Ýaḱū⫯yí ⫯ē̃ Māḍil
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi, سَبْھَ کُجْھَ دَا اِکَ کَینْدَرِتَ اِکَائِیَاں مَاڈَلَ, Sab°ha Ḱuǧ°ha dā ʾꞮḱa Ḱēn°darita ʾꞮḱā⫯yiyāṉ Māḍala
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸਭ ਕੁਝ ਦਾ ਇਕ ਕੇਂਦਰਿਤ ਇਕਾਈਆਂ ਮਾਡਲ, Sabha Kujha dā Ika Kēndarita Ikāꞌīꞌāṁ Māḍala
    • Bengali, সবকিছু এর এককেন্দ্রিক ঐক্যগুলো মডেল, Sabakichu ēra Ēkakēndrika Aikyagulō Maḍēla
    • Assamese, সকলো বস্তুরে এককর–কেংদ্রৈক এককসমূহার্হি, Sakalō Basturaē Ēkakara-Kēndraika Ēkakasamūhaārhi
    • Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, ସବୁକିଛିର ଏକକେନ୍ଦ୍ରିକ ଅନେକ ଏକତା ମଡେଲ, Sabukichira Ēkakēndrika Anēka Ēkatā Maḍēla
    • Turkish, Her Şeyin Tek Merkezli Birlikler Maketi
    • Azerbaijani, Hər Şeyin Unisentrik Birliklər Örnək
    • Turkmen, Ähli Zadyň Unisentrik Birlikler Modeli
    • Bashkir, Бөтә Нәмәләрҙең Берәмектәре Үҙәк Берҙәмлек Модель, Bötə Nəmələrźeň Berəmektəre Üźək Berźəmlek Model′
    • Crimean Tatar, Эр шейнинъ меркезийлештирильген бирлемлери Модель, Ɛr Šejninʿ Merkezijleštirilʹgen Birlemleri Model′
    • Tatar, Һәрнәрсәнең Үзәкләштерелгән Берәмлекләре Моделе, Ḫərnərsəneň Üzəkləšterelgən Berəmlekləre Modele
    • Serbian, Модел Свега са Једним Центром, Model Svega sa J̌ednim Centrom
    • Uzbek, Hamma Narsaning Birliklarining Yagona Markazlashgan Misol
    • Uzbek, Hamma Narsa Birliklarining Bir Markazli Modeli
    • Kyrtz, Бардык Нерселердин Мирдиктеринин Униборбордук Модель, Bardyk Nerselerdin Mirdikterinin Uniborborduk Model′
    • Ossetian, Ӕппӕт Хъуыддӕгты Иунӕг Центрон Иудзинады Модель, Æppæt Hʿuyddægty Ɪunæg Centron Ɪudzinady Model′
    • Uyghur, ھەمْمە نەرْسِىْنِىْڭ بِىر مەرْكەزْلِىك بِىرْلِىك مُودېلِى, Hem°me Ner°siỳ°niỳ°r̄ Biỳr Mer°kez°liỳk Biỳr°liỳk Mūdeliỳ
    • Ilocano, ti Maysa–a–Naisentro a Dagiti Yunit a Modelo ti Amin
    • Iban, Model Penyerakup Satu Pusat Semua Utai
    • Kazakh, Барлық Нәрсенің Бір Орталықты Бірліктер Моделі, Barlyq Nərseníň Bír Ortalyqty Bírlíkter Modelí
    • Malay in Jawi, مُودِيل كِسَاتُوَان سِمُوَاڽ اُونِيسَيْنْتْرِيق, Mūdīl Kisātuwān ʾUnīsay°n°t°rīq Simuwāⁿʸᵃ⁺ᴶᴬᵂᴵ
    • Malay, Model Kesatuan Unisentrik Segalanya
    • Indonesian, Model Unit–Unit Unisentris untuk Segala Sesuat
    • Indonesian, Model Para Unit Unisentris untuk Segala Sesuat
    • Sundanese, Modél Ngahijikeun Unisentris pikeun Sagalana
    • Pangasinan/Pangasinense, say Modelo na Dialektiko ya Saksakey a Sentro na Saray Yunit na Amin a Bengatla
    • Malagasy, ny Modely misy Foibe Ɪray aminꞌny Zavatra Rehetra
    • Tetum, Modelu Unidades Unisentriku sira husi Buat Hotu neꞌebé Eziste
    • Filipino, ang Modelo ng Lisang–Sentrong Pagkakaisa ng Lahat ng Bagay
    • Batak Karo (of North Sumatra, Indonesia), Model Unit–Unit Unisentris Kerina Benda–Benda
    • Batak Simalungun (of North Sumatra, Indonesia), Model Satuan–Satuan Unisentris Kerina–Kerina Hal
    • Batak Toba (of North Sumatra, Indonesia), Model Akka Satuan Unisentris ni Saluhutna
    • Bikol, an Solong-Sentro na mga Pagkasararo na Modelo kan Gabos
    • Chechen, Массо а ХӀуманан Цхьааллаш Центран Цхьааллин Модель, Masso a HӀumanan Ch′aallaš Centran Ch′aallin Model′
    • Avar, Кинабго Жоялъул Цолъаби Централияб Цолъиялъул Модель, Kinabgo Žoyalʿul Colʿabi Centraliyab Colʿyalʿul Model′
    • Quechua, Tukuy imamanta Unidades Unicéntricas nisqa Modelo
    • Macedonian, Моделот на Уницентрични Единици на Сите Нешта, Modelot na Unicentrični Edinici na Site Nešta or Modyelot na Oonitzyentrichni Yedinitzi na Sitye Nyeshta
    • Bulgarian, Уницентричният Модел на Единиците на Всичко, Unicentričniyàt Model na Edinicite na Vsičko
    • Ukrainian, Модель всього з єдиним центром, Model′ Vsʹogo z Jedinim Centrom
    • Belarusian, Уніцэнтрычная Мадэль Адзінстваў Усяго Иснуючага, Unícéntryčnaja Madél′ Adzínstvaŭ Usjago Ɪsnuûčaga
    • Russian, Модель Уницентрических Единств Всего Сущего, Model′ Unicentričeskih Edinstv Vsego Suŝego
    • French, le Modèle des Unités Unicentriques de Toutes Choses
    • Mandarin, 一切事物的单中心单位模型, Yīqiè•Shìwù•de•Dān•Zhōngxīn•Dānwèi•Móxíng
    • Cantonese, 一切事物的单中心单位模型, Yi1qie4•Shi4wu4•de/di2/di4/di1•Chan2/Dan1/Shan4•Zhong1xin1•Dan1wei4•Mo2xing2
    • Tibetan, དངོས་པོ་ཐམས་ཅད་ཀྱི་སྡེ་ཚན་སྣ་ཚོགས་ཀྱི་ལྟེ་གནས་གཅིག་རྐྱང་གི་དཔེ་གཞི, Ngöpo•tamché•kyi•detsen•natsok•kyi•té•né•chik•kyang•gi•pé•zhi
    • Korean, 모든 것의 단일 중심 단위 모범, Modŭn Kŏdŭi Tanil Chungsim Tanwi Mobŏm or Modeun Geos–ui Dan–il Jungsim Dan–wi Mobeom
    • Vietnamese, Mô Hình Mọi Thứ với các Đơn Vị Tập Trung một Điểm
    • Khmer, ឯកតាជាច្រើនជាមួយមជ្ឈមណ្ឌលតែមួយសម្រាប់អ្វីគ្រប់យ៉ាង, Ekata•chea•chreun•cheamuoy•mocheamondol•tae•mouy•somreap•avei•krup•yang or Ekta•cheachraen•cheamuoy•mochchhomondal•temuoy•samreab•avei•krobyeang
    • Thai, หลายหน่วยกับศูนย์กลางของทุกอย่างเพียงจุดเดียว, H̄lāy•h̄ǹwy•hkạb•hṣ̄ūny̒klāng•hk̄hxng•hthuk•hxỳāng•hpheīyng•hcud•hdeīyw
    • Japanese, あらゆるものの単位の単一中心モデル, Arayuru•Mono•no•Tan’i•no•Tan’itsu•Chūshin•Moderu
    • Tulu, ಮಾತಾ ವಸ್ತುಲೆನ ಒಂಜಿ–ಕೇಂದ್ರಿತ ಏಕತೆಲು ಮಾದರಿ, Mātā Yastulena On̄ji–Kēndrita Ēkatelu Mādari
    • Tamazight (Berber), ⵍⴻⵎⵜⴻⵍ ⵏ ⵢⵉⴼⴻⵔⴷⵉⵙⴻⵏ ⵢⴻⵙⵄⴰⵏ ⵢⵉⵡⴻⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵍ ⵜⴰⵖⴰⵡⵙⴰ, Lemtel n Yiferdisen Yesɛan Yiwen n Yammas n Yal Taɣawsa
    • Divehi/Dhivehi/Maldivian in Thaana (Ṯāna) script, ހުރިހާ ކަމެއްގެ ސިންގަލް ސެންޓަރޑް ޔުނިޓީސް މއޮޑއަލ އެވެ, Huraho Kame°ge Sin°gal° Sen°tard° Yunitēs° Mʾodal ˁEwe
    • Transliterating Thaana is quite fun—for a łɨf̶ɇłøn̶ǥ languages geek. ‘Tis a shame that certain people did not recognize my linguistic enchantment in the early 1990s. Such was my life on the Internet many moons ago. When no one apparently believed me concerning my study of Koinḕ Greek, I just kept quiet and even feigned ignorance. My Autism was, sadly, much worse in those days. I am not anti–cure, but my eccentricities fortunately remain.
    • Meadow Mari, Чыла Арверын ик Рүдеран Единице–Влак Модельже, Čyla Arveryn ik Rüderan Edinice–Vlak Modelʹže
    • Amharic, የሁሉም ነገር አሃዶች ሞዴል, yä•Hulumə Nägärə ʾÄhadočə Modelə
    • Tingrinya, እቲ ሓደ ማእከል ዝገበረ ኣሃዱታት ሞዴል ናይ ኩሉ ነገር, ʾəti Hadä Maʾəkälə Zəgäbärä ʾAhadutatə Modelə nayə Kulu Nägärə
    • Luo, Ranyisi mar Gik moko duto Mantie e Diere Achiel
    Now, in the interests of integrity and frankness, a few side points: First, instead of referring to this methodology as the phenomenology of storytelling, the term narrative theology (₦₮), also known as postliberal theology (ṖḶṪ) and as the Yale school of theology (Ɏ₴Ŧ), was (re)adopted, then rejected after about twenty–four hours, for two important reasons: The writer, while known to dabble as an amateur theologian, was educated to become an academic in religious studies—the sociology of religion and the history of religions—and in social theory. But a more important consideration is the association of narrative theology with postmodernism. That cultural studies framework, like the philosophy of poststructuralism, is philosophically incompatible with Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ). Nevertheless, aspects of each can, in certain cases, be meticulously salvaged by a competent scholar.
    Finally, the designation the sociology of storytelling was briefly contemplated. The two authors of the article, “the Sociology of Storytelling,” quoted at the end of this compilation, point to the compatibility of that framework with structuralist cultural sociologies. The question, “Precisely which ones?,” is left unanswered. I have, however, uncovered two clearly distinct versions:
    1. The most likely contender may be the strong program of Jeffrey C. Alexander (né 1947). It makes mechanistic quā interactionist sociological modifications to the structural anthropology of Claude Lévi–Strauss (1908–2009). Contrā the Lévi–Straussian, linguistic model of structure, I have, as previously mentioned, incorporated the Bhaskarian transformational model of social activity (ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ) and the Bhaskarian position–practice system (ᕿᖅᑭ) into my Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ.
    2. An obviously unrelated perspective, referred to as structural–cultural sociology, was formulated by the Indian sociologist Sachendra Kumar Singh (né 1979). One article focuses upon the lifework of Mahatma Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948). A second applies Émile Durkheim’s (1858–1917) Le Suicide to contemporary Indian society. And a third considers “emerging AI technology.”
    At this point, however, the issue of reevaluating issues of semantics is moot. As a Bhaskarian critical realist, I am also a Husserlian phenomenologist. And my focus on storytelling is, as with some other subjects examined throughout this book, phenomenological. Therefore, the utility of referring to the methodology as the phenomenology of storytelling (𖹋) soon became apparent. Similar to Husserlian phenomenology in general, 𖹋 works quite well, in my view, with ᙖᙍⴽ.
    Aside from the aforementioned fact that I am religious studies scholar, not a theologian, the model itself cannot legitimately considered to be an exercise in academic religious studies, including the sociology of religion and the history of religions. As an old gentleman, I pointedly avoid making pretensions concerning my work. We are, after all, naught but dust. Perhaps, instead, the lay philosophical model is an illustration of inspired categorization (ꗫ), an admittedly pretentious, and retrospectively humorous, term I coined as a youth.
    My attempt has been, using personal understandings of the teachings of the Bahá’í Faith and other subjects, to expand upon the four turns in Roy Bhaskar’s philosophy of critical realism, especially the final two: transcendental dialectical critical realism and the philosophy of metaReality, i.e. transcending dual reality. As previously suggested, they jointly, and successively, constituted the epistemological and ontological expressions of Roy’s more generalized spiritual turn. It followed an excursion—possibly even a pilgrimage in quest of the sacred—to his father’s homeland of India.
    There is, of course, no Bahá’í sociology or Bahá’í history. Such fields may, in some manner unknown to us, develop in the distant future. From the perspective of a sociologist and historian, the most I can do is to study the histories of lives of the Prophets, in the scant cases they are available to us, and the historical and contemporary social and individual responses to those Prophets. Sociology and history are, at least presently, the study of human, not divine, agency. Our knowledge of the latter is grounded in divine Revelation, not historiography. Aside from explicit statements made in Bahá’í primary sources, not one of us, as a mere mortal, has, I believe, a means of intelligently discerning supernatural causes and effects in human affairs. That notwithstanding, anyone is free to affirm that those relationships exist:
    I am compelled to recognize that He Who holdeth in His hand the immediate destinies of all created things is but a vassal dependent upon Thee, and is the creation of but a word proceeding from Thy mouth.
    Bahá’u’lláh. Prayers and Meditations by Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1962. Page 123.
  5. Alethiopraxis (𝔸Ⱡ𐒴), truth praxis or practice, is my generalized critical postpositivist (ρ𖧒) approach to the Bhaskarian critical realist alethic truth (). It includes both pneumapraxis () or spiritual praxis or practice (i.e. methods of spiritual knowledge and transformation) and empiriapraxis (𐕸) or empirical praxis or practice (i.e. the formal sciences, natural sciences, social sciences, and human sciences). Aspects will be examined in chapter 2. Truth is transcendent as well as collectively and individually transformative. The term alethiopraxis (𝔸Ⱡ𐒴) was inspired by an essay I wrote, now antiquated, in 1994.
  6. Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ (Sanskrit, द्वन्द्वात्मकएकत्वम् । द्वैताद्वैतभेदाभेदवेदान्तवादः [MP3], “dialectical Unities–dialectical–duality–nonduality–difference–nondifference–end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”), abbreviated as ƊĐ, is developed as ƉɱⱤ’s methodology of dharma (Sanskrit, धर्म [MP3]) or dhamma (Pali, धम्म [MP3]). Those Indo–Aryan cognates are here translated as a dutiful support system. ƊĐ is, in other words, the multiplanar dutiful support system for ƉɱⱤ. The methodology itself will be elucidated in chapter 2. But as a preface, the Unities, simply stated, operate dialectically. Though inspired by Vēdānta since my early youth—and admittedly a Dvaitādvaita–Bhēdābhēdist of sorts since seriously investigating Sikhism in the late 1960s and the neo–Sikh Surat Shabd Yoga in the late 1960s and beyond (including three initiations)—I am, to be clear, a almost lifelong member of the Bahá’í Faith, not a Vēdāntist. For emphasis, I will repeat that same important qualification later in the book.
  7. Epistemological relativity focuses on the multifaceted character of truth. But truth is not relative. Truth is truth. Postpositivist and critical postpositivist (ρ𖧒) Marxists must, in my view, welcome diverse, multi–paradigmatic hermeneutic epistemologies. (𖹙Ԩ ™). Weak epistemologic relativism ᏋᎡ has been associated with the stratified perspectivist or standpoint epistemology systematized by the writer in ƉɱⱤ. Heresy (Koine Greek, αἵρεσις, haíresis) is presented throughout the Christian New Testament, not as the benign presence of alternative beliefs, but as the self–willed promotion of malignant division. It may even be said that common views of heresy as differences in understanding, serving as they do to needlessly divide believers, may themselves be congruous with New Testament usages of haíresis. A classical illustration, however, is found in the JainBuddhistHindu parable of the blind men and the elephant. With Jainism, the parable illustrates that religion’s teaching of many–sidedness:
    • Sanskrit, Hindi, Nepali, Marathi, Marwari, and Bhojpuri, अनेकान्तवाद, anēkāntavāda
    • Urdu, انَیکَانْتَوَادَ, ʾanēḱān°tawāda
    • Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, ଅନେକାନ୍ତବାଦ, anēkāntabāda
    • Gujarati, અનેકાન્તવાદ, anēkāntavāda
    • Malayalam, അനേകാന്തവാദ, anēkāntavāda
    • Zanabazar square script, 𑨀𑨝𑨄𑨋𑨊𑨝𑩇𑨙𑨭𑨊𑨛, anekāntavāda
    • Bhaiksuki, 𑰀𑰡𑰸𑰎𑰯𑰡𑰿𑰝𑰪𑰯𑰟, anakanavada
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਅਨੇਕਾਂਤਵਾਦ, anēkāntavāda
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi, انَیکَانْتَوَادَ, ʾanēḱān°tavāda
    • Tibetan, ཨ་ནེ་ཀཱ་ནྟ་ཝཱ་ད, a ne kA n+ta wA da
    • Khmer, អនេកាន្តវាទ, a•ne•ka•nt•veat
    • Bengali, অনেকান্তবাদ, anēkāntabāda
    • Grantha, 𑌅𑌨𑍇𑌕𑌾𑌨𑍍𑌤𑌵𑌾𑌦, anakanataṣada
    • Kannada, ಅನೆಕಾಂತವಾದ, anekāntavāda
    • Myanmar/Burmese, အနေကာန္တဝါဒ, anegandawada
    • Prakrit, अणेगंतवाय, aṇēgaṁtavāya
    • Korean, 아네칸타바다, anek’ant’abada
    • Japanese, アネーカーンタヴァーダ, anēkāntavāda
    Weak epistemological relativism (ᏋᎡ) is exemplified by, to cite just three examples: phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ), self–crit aka self–critique (𝕊), and heterodox judgmental rationality (𖥷꛲𖨙). A strong epistemological relativism (𐌄Ʀ) may be witnessed in: the ethical tragedy of moral relativism, in narrative pluralism, and in a postmodern rejection of metanarratives through polydoxy or pluridoxy. To try my hand at some legal jargon, 𐌄Ʀ should be dismissed with prejudice. But perspectivism or standpoint epistemology should, when coupled with orthopraxy or an effective Marxist praxis, be welcomed. Epistemological relativity is also considered in chapter 2.
  8. Moral realism (ⲘⲄ) and ethical naturalism (ꁉꊃ), not moral and cultural relativism, are the two major, and also interrelated, axiological methodologies in Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ) and Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). They are likewise examined in chapter 2. Notably, Karl Marx himself, it has been argued, might also have supported a Leftist morality. Moral realism (ⲘⲄ) and ethical naturalism (ꁉꊃ) are similar to Sorokin’s cosmic unity with universal creative altruism, supraconscious intuition, lovingkindness, and morality (𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ). Morality is the fabric, the stuff, or the Play–Doh®, of all beings and things. However, values and social norms (both mores and folkways aka etiquette), as the relative products of human agency, are all–too–often sorely misguided. Ethics are obviously applied in a situational context. But contrary to Joseph Fletcher (1905–1991), situation ethics put the cart before the horse. Situations must be ruled by moral realism and ethical naturalism, using our relative understandings of both, not the other way around.
  9. Dreaming (ȡ𐖟𐖗ꞑǥ) is the university for the human soul. The Awakeners are our professors. Dreaming is the divinely ordained methodology for living in the spiritual spheres of this world and preparing for the Hereafters. Their lessons are in stories. For those we remember, we can reflect. For those we cannot consciously recall, the meanings are still internalized. We may, at some point, receive insights. The glorious realm of dreams, along with the Awakeners Who abide in that plane of intercession, will be explored throughout the book but particularly in chapter 2.
  10. Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜 ᑕ𖣵), grounded in Husserlian intersubjectively (SƧ) and an inner quietude (𝔔 ) marked by the self–evident inversion of disquietude, is the cultivation of unity, or when possible even dialogue, with all beings and things. Mere conviviality is insufficient. This methodology can be practiced in tandem with the related methodology of Left–Sorokinian Amitology () and its praxis of cosmic unity with universal creative altruism, love, and morality (𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ).  𖠜 ᑕ𖣵 will be primarily discussed in chapter 2.
  11. The Four–Point Solution (), a term I coined in the 1980s and subsequently wrote about in the 1990s, consists of the spiritual methodology of: prayer, meditation, intensive study of spiritual texts, and exemplifying a virtuous life of service to God. is closely related to Left–Sorokinian Amitology (). Aspects of will be considered in chapter 2. Provisionally, my thought is this: The teaching plans are organized mechanisms for the expansion and consolidation of the Bahá’í Faith. If an individual chooses to serve in their own way, that is their business, not of anyone else. However, one should never become a source of disunity or distraction by encouraging others to follow along. I gave the example earlier of someone who promoted Marian Lippitt’s materials over the Bahá’í institute process and harassed others, especially myself. The Universal House of Justice legislated the dismantling of their organization. Since, at this particular moment, we need a lot of supplications and supplicants, I made numerous translations of the term prayer:
    • ʾal•ṣṣalāẗuṇ (Arabic, الصَّلَاةٌ)
    • ʾal•duʿāˁuṇ (Arabic, الدُعَاءٌ)
    • it–talba (Siculo–Arabic Maltese)
    • hạ•ttəp̄illāh (Hebrew, הַתְּפִלָּה)
    • diy ttəp̄iləh (Yiddish, דִּי תְּפִֿלְה)
    • diy dʾạv̇ẹʿnəʿn (Yiddish, דִּי דּאַווֶענְען)
    • yä•sꞌälotu (Amharic, የጸሎቱ)
    • ʾəti•sꞌälotə (Tingrinya, እቲጸሎት)
    • namāz (Persian and Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, نَمَاز)
    • namoz (Tajik, намоз)
    • duʿā (Persian, دُعَا)
    • duo (Tajik, дуо)
    • l°mūn°ź (Pashto, لمُونْځ)
    • ʾar°ǧ (Sindhi, ارْج)
    • dūv̇ā (Uyghur, دُوۋَا)
    • n°wêǧ (Soranî Kurdish, نْوێژ)
    • dûa (Kurmanjî Kurdish)
    • doga (Tatar, дога)
    • lamaz dar (Chechen, ламаз дар)
    • namaź (Bashkir, намаҙ)
    • ibodat (Uzbek)
    • namaz (Turkish and Turkmen)
    • dua (Azerbaijani)
    • mörgül (Tuvan, мөргүл)
    • duba (Kyrgyz, дуба)
    • dūġa (Kazakh, дұға)
    • prārthanā (Sanskrit, Hindi, and Marwardi/Marwari प्रार्थना)
    • duʿā (Urdu and Shahmukhi Punjabi, دُعَا)
    • prārathanā (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਪ੍ਰਾਰਥਨਾ)
    • duꞌā (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦੁਆ)
    • p°rārat°hanā (Shahmukhi Punjabi, پْرَارَتْھَنَا)
    • prārthanā (Bengali, প্রার্থনা)
    • prarthona (Assamese, প্ৰাৰ্থনা)
    • kido (Korean, 기도)
    • inori (Japanese, 祈り)
    • dǎo•gào (Mandarin, 祷告)
    • tou2•gou3 (Cantonese, 祷告)
    • duʿāˁ (Malay in Jawi script, دُعَاء)
    • doa (Malay and Indonesian)
    • ewe iotek (Chuukese)
    • sampi nya (Iban)
    • ti kararag (Ilocano)
    • ang panalangin (Filipino)
    • ʾaddūʿā (Hausa in Ajami script, ادُّوعَا)
    • ḏə namāz•ik ṣalā•iš (ʿĀlam•iš, my conlang), i.e. literally, the obeisant connection
  12. Social networking () is the practical methodology of finding significant others to work with. I am not referring primarily to social media. Most of my friends on social media platforms are people I have never met. When I look at the list of those friends, I honestly recognize only a fraction of them. The vast majority are strangers. If your experience is different, you might find social media to be more productive. is considered in chapter 2.
  13. Misdirection (ꪑȡ), the fine art of deception (i.e. look there, not here), is practiced in: sleight of hand, ventriloquism, espionage, and warfare. The ethical use of misdirection, as a means of distracting the oppressor in real time, will be briefly demonstrated in chapter 2.
  14. Transcendental Conscientization™ (𐌕𐌂) is the selfless promotion of a spiritually conscionable consciousness – conscious conscience through Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). Conscientization (Ɔ˙C) itself is an emancipatory person–centered dialectic of the conscience and consciousness. Paulo Freire (1921–1997), a Brazilian educator, creatively coined the term, in Portuguese, as conscientização. The designation was intentionally derived from the French conscience (MP3) which, like the Portuguese consciência (MP3), has a dual connotation of conscience and consciousness. Although they are Indo–European cognates, there are no specific renderings of the West Germanic and debatably semi–creole English “consciousness” in most Romance languages. The Italian consapevolezza (MP3) and the Romanian conștientizare (MP3) are two exceptions. In chapter 2 and chapter 5, 𐌕𐌂 will be explored as a non–Bhaskarian epistemology or methodology partially grounded in Freire’s critical pedagogy (𖥐ꚪ).
  15. ꌚꂦꌚ, an international distress signal but not an abbreviation, was originally developed for Morse code. In ƉɱⱤ, however, ꌚꂦꌚ refers to an acceleration of global crises and dislocations. As well stated in a 2025 issue of the Creative Commons journal, Ephemera: Theory & Politics in Organization, we are organizing for apocalypse. The capitalist world–system is rapidly unraveling. Centered on that awareness, we can systematically examine, and prioritize, the interests of the Other: the Third World (ꔋꖓ), the Fourth World of Indigeneity (ꗕꘞꔀ), and Subalternity (⟆մҍ). By the same token, we cannot neglect an empirical consideration of our own backyards. Discovering various mechanisms to assist those in distress in our towns and neighborhoods is a practical, day–to–day application of ƉɱⱤ. Be ready to act, as Antifas or protectors of the Other, at a moment’s notice. We will turn to this non–Bhaskarian methodology in, once again, chapters 2 and 5.
  16. Sufi–Bhakti–Sant Mat Yoga (ᔑᕹᔐᗰ♚♔𐒋𐒆𐒛Ⱥ)—a multidimensional, but non–Bhaskarian, methodology of meditation, devotion, knowledge, and movement—is inspired by the Sufi–Bhakti–Sant Mat movement in mediæval and early modern South Asia. ᔑᕹᔐᗰ♚♔𐒋𐒆𐒛Ⱥ is introduced into ƉɱⱤ in the first half of chapter 2 and further explored in chapter 6. During my aforementioned exploration of Sikhism and the neo–Sikh Surat Shabd Yoga around 1969, the Sufi–Bhakti–Sant Mat movement became one of the pivotal inspirations of my life. That movement developed under the Sacred Canopy (Arabic, قُبَّة المُقَدَّسَة, Qubbaẗ ʾal•Muqaddasaẗ; Hebrew, חֻפָּה הַקָדוֹשׁ, Ḥupāh hạ•Qāḏôš; Persian, سَایَبَانِ مُقَدَّس, Saýabān•i Muqaddas; Tajik, Саябони Муқаддас, Sayabon•i Muqaddas; or Sanskrit, पवित्रं वितानम्, Pavitraṁ Vitānam, or पवित्रावरणम्, Pavitrā•Varaṇam) of the Islamic Dispensation (Arabic, فَرْضَة الإِسْلَامِيَّة, Far°ḍaẗ ʾal•⫰Ɪs°lāmiyyaẗ; Hebrew, תְּקוּפָה הַאִסְלָאמִי, Ttəqūp̄āh hạ•ʾꞮsəlāʾmiy; Persian, دُورِهِِٔ اِسْلَامِی, Dūri⫯h•i ʾꞮs°lāmí; Tajik, Давраи Исломӣ, Davra•i Ɪslomī; or Sanskrit, इस्लामीव्यवस्था, Islāmī•Vyavasthā). The yoga’s bhakti or devotional component intersects with Left–Sorokinian Amitology ().
  17. Demireality studies (𞓤𐲋) examines the splitting of the world and the splitting of ourselves. The term Demireality (𞓤) was Roy Bhaskar’s designation or definition for the South Asian concept of maya (Sanskrit, माया, māyā, “illusion or magic”). In short, Demireality is a characterization of the fragmented world in which we live, the capitalist world–system, and of many, or maybe most, people in it. 𞓤 will be placed into context in chapter 2 and explored, in frequently bleak terms, throughout much of this text.
    Yesterday as I type this paragraph, or perhaps the day before, I suggested that a new enterprising scholar—someone planning a Ph.D. dissertation (or thesis) or a Master’s thesis (or dissertation)—might take up a Demireality studies. I had no time, I said. Well, that placed the idea into my mind. There the subject remained. And so, I added Demireality studies to the book. It goes without saying, but my work on the topic obviously does not preclude the researches of others.
  18. Decapitalization (ᕲȻ) refers to methodologies for disentangling ourselves from the dominant capitalist world–system. The suggestions offered for implementing ᕲȻ relate to a Post–Civ MTW (ꛠ𖥕ꚸ𖢧𖢊ꛕꚹꚴ𖦚ꛃ) praxis of lawful resistance to capitalism, considered below. Such resistance is, indeed, vital. A topical discussion, in chapter 5, will offer some suggestions for de–capitalization.
  19. Paulinism (𖹟ȴ𑴀𐒃𑢡𑊰), discussed in chapter 5 and chapter 6, focuses upon the importance of contextualization (ղҾ𑣬𐲐). The self–proclaimed divine Messenger or Apostle Paul (Latin, Paulus), né Saul (Hebrew, שָׁאוּל, Šāʾūl), was the great Contextualizer. Being the primary Expositor of the Gospel of Christ, He demonstrated that the teachings of the Prophets could be applied, without sacrificing divine moral standards, to diverses cultures. That is to say, He distinguished between the universality of moral realism and the particularity of values and social norms, i.e., folkways and mores. This basic principle also relates to Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ). A durable communism can only develop indigenously and without the arrogant cultural imperialism of an external power. If we are serious about establishing communism or revolutionary socialism on a solid contextual foundation, we should, in my view, accept Joseph Stalin’s (1878–1953) brilliant model of socialism in one country (ɪɴ𐖇𑁟).
  20. Decoloniality (ꉸꐩꐬꍤ) is, as presently approached, a methodology for applying kyriarchy (ӃД) to challenge Empire (𑼳𑼆) or imperialism (𖣇), e.g. cultural imperialism or cultural colonialism, neocolonialism, settler colonialiality, Gramcscian cultural hegemony, and mandatory segregation (including ghettoization and apartheid). ꉸꐩꐬꍤ will be extensively explored and categorized in chapter 6. I practice a minimal version of ꉸꐩꐬꍤ, in chapters 2 and 6, by rejecting the placement of scholars into the theoretical rubrics of others. Divorced from Marxism (ᘉᗗⵅ߁) or left anarchism (𖧏𖧆), however, ꉸꐩꐬꍤ has tended to be progressive or “leftish,” not Leftist.ꉸꐩꐬꍤ is closely related to, even overlaps with, Transcendental Conscientization (𐌕𐌂). That nothwithstanding, while ꉸꐩꐬꍤ is primarily a macro–level praxis, 𐌕𐌂 is a methodology of pedagogy or education.
  21. Underlaboring (ᏬᏝ) is the primary topic in chapter 6. Critical realism, according to Bhaskar, is itself an underlaborer. As a tributary of the current of critical realism, ƉɱⱤ is also an underlaborer. Readers will be subsequently invited to underlabor one or more proposed subjects.
  22. Lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist), repeatedly considered in this book, is essential to ꛠ𖥕ꚸ𖢧𖢊ꛕꚹꚴ𖦚ꛃ. Praxes of resistance, during these final days of late capitalism, are a cornerstone of Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) overall. Capitalism (𑼣𑼯) and imperialism (𖣇) must be resisted at every turn. But ƉɱⱤ is not politically partisan in our methods or objectives and will never actively oppose any governments, as with George Washington (1732–1799), who led the U.S. Revolutionary War. But we do not advocate the arguably reformist philosophy of civil disobedience (ርꑓᗪ) or illicit nonviolent resistance. ርꑓᗪ must be clearly distinguished from 𞋎𖦪Red Fist. Indeed, the latter could even include being a Maoist–Third Worldist!
    Various forms of nonviolent resistance were advanced by such persons as:
  23. Moderation (Sanskrit/Sanskr̥ta, अनतिक्रम, anatikrama with its Pali/Pāḷi cognate, अनतिक्कम, anatikkama; and Sanskrit मात्रज्ञता, mātrajñatā with its Pali cognate, मत्ताञ्ञुता, mattaññutā) or 𐲚𐲗𐲖 is another methodology in Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). One should avoid taking things to an extreme and live a life of balance. Follow the Golden Mean (Hebrew, שְׁבִיל הַהַזָּהָב, šəḇiyl hạ•hạzzạhạḇ; or Arabic, طَرِيق الذَهَبِيّ, ṭarīq ʾal•ḏahabiyy, “the golden path”) taught by Maimonides (Hebrew, מֹשֶׁה בֶּן מַיְמוֹן‎, Mōšẹh bẹn Mạyəmôn; or Arabic, مُوسَى بِن مَيْمُون, Mūsaỳ bin May°mūn) aka the Ramba⸍⸍m (Hebrew, הַרַמְבַּ״ם, hạ•Rạməbạ″m; or Arabic, الرَامْبَام, ʾal•Rām°bām), 1335 or 1338–1204 CE.
    If, for instance, one makes an error as a Marxist or as a follower of this or that religion, one may attempt to correct the mistake by attending to the obligation in the moment or in the future. Apologies, when relevant, often soothe hurt feelings. One can also simply forget about the issue and attempt to do better next time. There is no need to be hard on oneself. We are, after all, only human. In my opinion, those praxes define moderation. Perhaps reflecting on the Buddhist Middle Way (Pali, मज्झिमापटिपदा, Majjhimāpaṭipadā, or its Sanskrit cognate, मध्यमाप्रतिपद, Madhyamāpratipada) would be beneficial to some. Moderate Islam (Arabic, إِسْلَامِيَّةُ الوَسَطِيَّةُ‎, ⫰Ɪs°lāmiyyaẗu ʾal•Wasaṭiyyaẗ) will be referenced in chapter 6.
  24. Content creation (), a term used here with wide connotations, can be digital or analog: journaling (or blogging), website development, podcasting, the visual arts, the performing arts, and other praxes, particularly those focused on promoting revolutionary socialism. By engaging in , one can spread Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ), Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ), and so forth. My own includes: this entire book, Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ), Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ), and the MarkFoster.NETwork (ռ) itself.
  25. real categories/constructions of particulars (𬣞), a repudiation of nominalism, can be methodologically observed, in all beings and things, through the various sciences or by other epistemologies, such as ordinary common sense. This subject will be twice discussed in chapter 2.
  26. Ethnography (𖠢Ƕ𖨶𖥞𖠯) is a qualitative methodology (ⵕጦ) employed in sociology (߆𖣵) but is historically more common in sociocultural anthropology (ꕷꗺꕸꕀꗇ). Among the approaches taken in 𖠢Ƕ𖨶𖥞𖠯 is participant observation (ꛄ𖥙). Investigators often learn through active engagement with others. “No man is an Ɪland …” (i.e. island), versified the late–Renaissance English poet John Donne (1571 or 1572 CE–1631 CE). That said, nonparticipant observation (𖦇𖡮𖤊), unobtrusive research as a bystander, can also have ethnographic value. Much of this writer’s own work, admittedly a hermit by disposition, falls under the category of 𖦇𖡮𖤊. Both ꛄ𖥙 and 𖦇𖡮𖤊 are frequently, but not necessarily, conducted in naturalistic settings. Cyberethnography, digital ethnography, or netography (𑋗𐋦) has been a relatively recent methodological development. The normative sequence, however, for 𖠢Ƕ𖨶𖥞𖠯 or, conceptually, any research project would be the following: a point of origin ➔ a life pattern ➔ an end objective (ⱣƠ➤ŁꝒ➤عØ). 𖠢Ƕ𖨶𖥞𖠯 is utilized throughout the entire project.
The Leninisms, now divided into numerous tendencies, obviously constitute the largest single genealogy of Marxist socialism. Yet, as a respectful critique of some modern Leftist thought, the assertions of certain dogmatists notwithstanding, Leninism and Marxist socialism are neither interchangeable nor commensurate. It should go without saying that Vladimir Lenin was never annointed as an heir to a station of covenantal authority by either Karl Marx or Friedrich Engels. Nevertheless, even if they had done precisely that, so what? Marx and Engels were not the founders of a line of priestly succession. There were also Marxist socialisms preceding Leninism: Socialist Industrial Unionism (De Leonism) continues as an organized body of originally pre–Leninist socialists. Henry M. Hyndman’s (1842–1921) Social Democratic Federation was pre–Leninist, as well. They shall both be incorporated into the extensive classification scheme presented in the final chapter. No single individual must ever be invested with undisputed authority in the lineages of Marxism (ᘉᗗⵅ߁).
As scientific socialists, we are, furthermore, neither the congregants of divines nor the subjects of monarchs. One issue to bear in mind, moreover, is that Maoism (𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩) is not about Mao. Marxism (ᘉᗗⵅ߁) is not about Marx or Engels. Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) is not about Lenin. Each of these men was a flawed, often a profoundly flawed, human being. Marx, a genealogically Jewish antisemite, erroneously predicted that revolutions would begin in Europe by the end of the 19ᵗʰ century. His proposition must obviously be rejected. In reflecting upon his oversight, he never acknowledged that most First World (ꚯ𖥦) workers were lumpenproletarians—not to be confused with the Subaltern. One simply moves on. Current material conditions must count, not those of the 19ᵗʰ century. The ones I see, as a Maoist–Third Worldist, involve the continued domination of the Third World, particularly by the U.S. and the zionist entity. Revolutions, historically, begin with the oppressed, not with the oppressors.
Marx himself did not even like the term ᘉᗗⵅ߁. Why? Because he did not want ᘉᗗⵅ߁, or whatever we choose to call it, to focus on him. He recognized his limitations as an ordinary human being. How many among us would wish our views to be designated by our last names followed by the suffix ism? One’s entire lifework would be set up for a conceivable failure. Even a single error might prove to be catastrophic. Perhaps an admission of the simultaneity of different Marxisms might have been acceptable to Marx and Engels. Even better could be Engels’ possible prediction of a future Marxist sociology (ⱮꟉ)—scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿).
Science itself, not only scientific socialism, is materialist. Even if one believes in the existence of super–sensory spiritual realms, as I do, there is no way to apply the scientific methods to studying them. But that scientific materialism is a methodological, not an ontological, materialism. As pointed out by Engels, scientific socialism or “Marxism,” needs to avoid utopianism or fantasy. Scientific socialism begins, therefore, with a focus on the real or concrete material conditions around us. Then one must ask, “What steps are necessary to transform them?”
However, the actual term scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿) was coined by the early French anarchist, and the eventual theoretical sparring partner of Marx, Pierre–Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865):
… in a given society, the authority of man over man is inversely proportional to the stage of intellectual development which that society has reached; and the probable duration of that authority can be calculated from the more or less general desire for a true government, — that is, for a scientific government. And just as the right of force and the right of artifice retreat before the steady advance of justice, and must finally be extinguished in equality, so the sovereignty of the will yields to the sovereignty of the reason, and must at last be lost in scientific socialism. Property and royalty have been crumbling to pieces ever since the world began. As man seeks justice in equality, so society seeks order in anarchy.
〜 Pierre–Joseph Proudhon. An Inquiry into the Principle of Right and of Government. Benjamin R. Tucker, translator. Princeton, Massachusetts: Benj. R. Tucker. 1876. Page 277.
  • French, socialisme scientifique, “scientific socialism
  • German, wissenschaftlicher Sozialismus, “scientific socialism, i.e., scholarship or ‘knowledgeship’ socialism”
  • Yiddish, ווִיסְנְשׁאַפְֿטְלִעכְער סאָצְיאַלִיזְם, v̇iysənəšʾạp̄əṭəliʿḵəʿr sʾoṣəyạliyzəm, “scientific socialism, i.e., scholarship or ‘knowledgeship’ socialism”
  • Hebrew, סוֹצְיָאלִיזְם הַמַדָּעִי, sôṣəyāʾliyzəm hạ•mạdāʿiy, “scientific socialism
  • Arabic, اِشْتِرَاكِيَّة العِلْمِيَّة, ʾiš°tirākiyyaẗ ʾal•ʿil°miyyaẗ, “scientific socialism
  • Persian, سُوسْیَالِیسْمِ عِلْمِی, sūs°ýālís°m•i ʿil°mí, “scientific socialism
  • Tajik, социализми илмй, socializm•i ilmí, “scientific socialism
  • Pashto, دَ عِلَمِي سُوسیَالِیزْم, da ʿilamī sūs°ýālíz°m, “scientific socialism
  • Hausa in Ajami script, زَمَنْتَكِوَر كِمِييَا, zaman°takiwar kimīyā, “scientific socialism
  • Sindhi, عِلِمائِتو سَمَشْطَ وَادَ, ʿilimā⫯yitō samaš°ṭa wāda, “scientific socialism
  • Urdu (Hindustani), عِلْمِیِ اِشِتْرَاکِیَّتَ, ʿil°mí•i ʾiš°tirāḱiýýata, “scientific socialism
  • Hindi (Hindustani), इल्मी–ए इश्तिराकिय्यत, ilmī–e iśtirākiyyata, “scientific socialism
  • Hindi (Hindustani), वैज्ञानिक समाजवाद, vaijñānika samājavāda, “scientific socialism
  • Sanskrit, वैज्ञानिक समाजवादः, vaijñānika samājavādaḥ, “scientific socialism
  • Shahmukhi Punjabi, وِگِیَانَکَ سَمَاجَ وَادَ, vigiýānaḱa samāǧa vāda, “scientific socialism
  • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਵਿਗਿਆਨਕ ਸਮਾਜਵਾਦ, vigiꞌānaka samājavāda, “scientific socialism
  • Amharic, ሳይንሳዊ ሶሻሊዝም, sayənəsawi sošalizəmə, “scientific socialism
  • Turkish, bilimsel sosyalizmi, “scientific socialism
  • Turkish, ilmî sosyalizmi, “scientific socialism
  • Azerbaijani, elmi sosializm, “scientific socialism
  • Kazakh, ғылыми социализм, ġılımi socializm, “scientific socialism
  • Tatar, фәнни социализм, fənni socializm, “scientific socialism
  • Kyrgyz, илимий социализм, ilimiy socializm, “scientific socialism
  • Uyghur, ئِىْلْمِىِي سوتسِىيَالْىْزْم, ⫯Ɪỹ°l°miỳī sōsiỳ°yāliỳ°z°m, “scientific socialism
  • Soranî Kurdish, سۆسْیَالِیزْمِی زَانِسْتِی, sus°ýālíz°mí zānis°tí, “scientific socialism
  • Kurmanjî Kurdish, sosyalîzmî zanistî, “scientific socialism
  • Bengali, বৈজ্ঞানিক সমাজতন্ত্র, baijñānika samājatantra, “scientific socialism
So Engels adopted the term scientific socialism, first, in order to contrast Marxian revolutionary socialism or communism with the utopian socialism of Robert Owen and others and, second, to establish scientific socialism as social science or human science. To Engels, the utopian socialists of the 19ᵗʰ century created socialistic communities (really communes) without considering existing material conditions. They were, in effect, pie–in–the–sky projects, not grounded in reality, and did largely fail. I would argue that many 20ᵗʰ– and 21ˢᵗ–century anarchist proposals were and are also utopian. That was not true of 19ᵗʰ–century anarchism.
A good example of utopianim or utopian socialism is anarcho–primitivism. Do people really expect that societies would, on the whole, voluntarily give up the trappings of modern civilization and live entirely off the grid? Perhaps they do think so. From my perspective, they are dreaming. Now anarcho–primitivism is distinct from postciv (post–civilization) anarchism. As I have already made clear, I borrow from their ideas. Many postciv anarchists believe that modern civilization is collapsing. As a result, living off the grid and without most modern conveniences—like the Internet, supermarkets, and automobiles—will become a matter of necessity. Postciv anarchism is not necessarily utopian.
Lenin himself, in his writings, may have differed with certain propositions in the theoretical frameworks from his line of successors. How many people will ever completely consur with one another on every subject? Each of these three men were, ostensibly, simply regular individuals like you and I. Nevertheless, many modern–day iterations of Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ), originally Stalinism, have become joined at the hip to Putinism. This situation may be illuminated by the old proverb, the enemy of my enemy is my friend. Most Trotskyist tendencies, whatever their inadequacies, reject Putinism. That alone does not elevate one current over another. Indeed, this writer’s number one rule is to discount personalities, especially of the earliest socialist leaders, and the historical conflicts between them. Focus, instead, on building theory and engaging in praxis. Socialism must bypass succumbing to a lackluster sterility and staleness, welcome multiplicities in theory and praxis, and fend off all traces of petty infighting. ƉɱⱤ is not politically partisan. Our activism aims for a convergence of like–minded individuals. Divine revolutions, galvanizing a socialist world–system of unity in diversity, will, we hope, arise all over the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity.
Socialism is in my blood. My father, Harold Lawrence Foster (né Harold Lawrence Feigenbaum, 1919–2008), adored his union, the now disbanded Distributive Workers Union or District 65. It was the only pro–communist union in New York City. District 65 was expunged from the AFL–CIO for refusing to sign an anti–socialist manifesto during the infamous Army–McCarthy Hearings in the 1950s. He was a floor leader at the union’s headquarters on Astor Place in lower Manhattan. My maternal uncle, Ralph Lawrence Kleinman (1927–2014), who oddly shared my father’s middle name, was a communist organizer in New York City. They were not unusual. The U.S. communist movement was substantially built by dedicated Jewish men. Their hard work and commitment, which were frequently the subject of antisemitic memes, should never be forgotten. They were, through their numerous sacrifices, fulfilling the mediæval Jewish prayer, repairing the world (Hebrew, תִּקּוּן הַעוֹלָם [MP3], ttiqqūn hạ•ʿôlām). While this writer is no longer an adherent of the faith of Judæism (per sē), he owes to it his present–day ethical monotheism and his yearning to help transform our rapidly disintegrating world–system. He has also continued to adore his ancestral religion.
Do I talk about my religion in the context of ƉɱⱤ or about ƉɱⱤ in the context of my religion? Professionally, in accordance with the Establishment Clause in the U.S. Constitution’s First Amendment, I avoided those subjects, usually even when directly questioned, in my college lectures. On only one occasion, I said I will mention my religion but would take not discuss the subject in class, only after class or in my office. However, questions, in class, predictably followed anyway. I just shrugged. However, I always invited curious students to come by my office. But I never had any takers. Now that I am a retired academic, frequently is my answer to both portions of the question. In public discourse, I cannot, and never could outside the lecture hall or classroom, distinguish between Marxist communism, on the one hand, and my religion, on the other. They cannot, to me, be compartmentalized or placed in separate pigeonholes. Performing such delicate balancing acts is far too vexing for me. I would also never recant my religion or repudiate my Marxist communism.
Have I engaged in political altercations? As an experienced professor, I slowly learned to tolerate even those furthest to the right. Have I participated in party politics? Based upon the requirements of my religion, no. And the fact that the overwhelming majority of my co–religionists are, from qualitative observation, neither Marxists nor communists, a truism which does not trouble me at all, stands first and foremost among my motivations. A freedom of agency with the bifurcation of religiosity from all traces of partisan divisiveness are requisite for the continuing solidarity of many religious organizations. Nevertheless, in a stark break with the past, I no longer make any secret concerning my communism among Bahá’ís. That has been, from time to time, known to shock people. But the responses have, overall, been far less negative than I originally anticipated.
That notwithstanding, the tendency with which I identified the longest was Marxism–Leninism–Titoism (Ŧ₮ɨïŧէѳøⵓί̷𝕤Պ)—an illustration, in my view, of the ingenius Marxist–Leninist theory of socialism in one country. The former Yugoslavia had a self–managing variation of market socialism. I currently regard it, but obviously not so in the past, as somewhat problematic. Ŧ₮ɨïŧէѳøⵓί̷𝕤Պ is much too proximate to capitalism (𑼣𑼯). Despite my brief critique, I truly love Marshal Josip Broz “Tito” (Serbian/Srpski, Маршал Јосип Броз „Тито“ [MP3], Maršal J̌osip Broz “Tito”), 1892–1980. He was, maybe a bit like me, a rebel with a cause. Throughout the same Titoist period, I also explored other versions of Marxian market socialism but never accepted any of them. Notably, Roy Bhaskar, back in 1991, approvingly reviewed Diane Elson’s (née 1946) proposal for a socialized market, which included the elimination of a capitalist class and worker ownership, not market socialism per sē.
Stalin, perhaps akin to myself currently, was not a strong supporter of Tito’s market socialism. And yet, by the same token, Stalin tolerated, and might have even shared my love for, Tito. Considering that Stalin himself proposed socialism in one country, he ultimately had no theoretical basis for challenging or, worse, working to underminine a system which, however politically dissimilar from the Soviet Union and novel in design, Tito constructed in Yugoslavia:
I expect that this conference [Belgrade Conference of Nonaligned Countries] will devote special attention to the question of economic cooperation among nonaligned countries. I am raising this question in view of the current international situation, which—owing to the division of the world into blocs—is increasingly obstructing economic cooperation and the closer linking up of the economies of various countries through the world market. The economy of each country, regardless of its social and economic system, feels the need of ever closer general economic cooperation. One of the greatest obstacles to closer economic relations and cooperation is the establishment of the Common Market in Western Europe and the recent setting up of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), which is beginning to be referred to as the Atlantic Economic Community, then the establishment of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (SEV), the organization of East European countries, etc. For this reason, the countries outside these organizations, in the first place the nonaligned countries, find themselves subjected to discrimination. In the future, this situation could be even further aggravated, and could affect even more adversely the economic development of nonaligned as well as all other countries. For this reason, as well as many others, I feel that economic cooperation among the less developed countries should be established on the broadest possible basis and should include all the nonaligned countries as well as all the other less developed countries which are ready for such cooperation.
In my opinion such cooperation is necessary not with a view to establishing a new closed market, but precisely for the purpose of facilitating the elimination of obstacles and divisions in the world economy and helping all countries to participate in economic cooperation. This cooperation would not have a merely regional economic character, but also a broader, in a certain sense, universal one; at the same time, it would be, in addition to its economic importance, of a considerable general political significance.
〜 Josip Broz Tito. The Essential Tito. Newton Abbot, England: David & Charles (Publishers) Limited. 1971. Pages 139–140.
By turning over the factories mines etc to the workers to manage we will make it impossible for an infectous disease to take hold there a disease bearing the name of bureaucracy. This disease is unbelievably easily and rapidly carried over from bourgeois society and it is dangerous in the transition period. Like a polyp thousands of tentacles it obstructs and impedes the correct and rapd process of development. Bureaucracy is among the biggest enemies of socialism precisely because it insinuates itself unnoticed into all the pores of social activity and people are not conscious of it in the beginning. It would be erroneous to think that bureaucracy has not taken root tn our country too. It has begun worming its way into various institutions into the state apparatus and into the economy but we are conscious of that and have already undertaken a whole sense of measures to render in impossible. It is not enough simply to undertake periodical drives against it but to wage incessant struggle and to educate people.
〜 Josip Broz Tito. Workers Manage Factories in Yugoslavia. Belgrade, Yugoslavia: Jugoštampa. 1950. Page 36.
Stalin loved Tito, despite his suspect character. In certain elements, Tito’s biography was similar to Stalin’s: born to a poor family and repeatedly arrested, he entered the party hierarchy out of the blue, i.e. owing to his own merits. At the funeral of Mikhail Kalinin in 1946, Stalin invited Tito to the central podium and placed him at his side, the only foreign leader to be so honored. That would not have happened if Stalin had not had certain sympathy for Tito.
〜 Ivo Goldstein, “The Tito–Stalin Split of 1948 as a Personal Conflict.” The Tito–Stalin Split 70 Years After. Tvrtko Jakovina & Martin Previšic, editors. Zagreb, Croatia, and Ljubljana, Slovenia: Zbirka Historia; 31. 2020. Pages 17–31.
I was, throughout my Titoist turn and prior to embracing Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ) and Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) the first time around, a proponent of Hegelian Marxism (ዘற). But Fichtean Marxism (ꗖ𖨪), a rarely used term, might historically be more precise. I was not yet a Bhaskarian critical realist (ᙖᙍⴽ). Regardless, by 1996, if not some years earlier, I developed ዘற into my own innovative and eclectic, while unorthodox, Hegelian Marxist and neo–Marxist framework.
As a Hegelian Marxist, my fascination with Sorokinian thought—the perspectives of Harvard sociologist Pitirim Alexandrovich “A.” Sorokin (Russian, Питири́м Алекса́ндрович Соро́кин [MP3], Pitirím Aleksándrovič Sorókin, 1889–1968)—began in approximately 1976, but I only have online archives for two of its stages. However, they are, together, reasonably comprehensive:
  1. Alethionomy (𐌀łєƭɦ٥ɳهɱɏ), in 1994 (additional information), was, I argued, among the intellectual forebears or foundations for a new philosophy of science: an antidote for positivism — a philosophy of science so designated by Auguste Comte — and for religious humanism — exemplified by Felix Adler’s Ethical Culture Movement. Pneumaticonomy, methods for acquiring spiritual knowledge and for spiritual transformation, and Physiconomy, in retrospect a poorly chosen term for empirical science, were the two proposed branches of Alethionomy. It was my first attempt to formalize my approach to Sorokinism (ڪ𖥚𖢨).
  2. The Paradigm of Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxism (𑼎𖥺), 1996—2001, includes a new set of terms I began using, retrospectively, to clarify my Hegelian Marxist Structural Dialectics. But irrespective of the semantics, 𑼎𖥺 was more intellectually developed than Alethionomy. A few paragraphs will, therefore, be devoted to 𑼎𖥺. As an aside, someone, in those days, said that I appeared to be a Hegelian. Given my privacy regarding such matters at the time, I just smiled but did not respond. And, of course, Hegelian Marxism is not Hegelianism.
During both of those phases of Sorokinism (ڪ𖥚𖢨), and earlier, I was inspired by Sorokin’s Platonic idealist Integralism (Քɨ). While he clearly preferred the Ideational over the Sensate mentality, he regarded Idealism, perhaps one might say objective idealism, to be the Integral ideal—the synthesis. And so he eventually replaced the term Idealism with Integralism. As serendipity had its way, I actually embraced Hegelian Marxism (ዘற) through my study of his quasineoHegelianism. For as long as I can remember, the dialectic has, to me, been much more than just mind candy. Sorokin’s earlier turns to such subjects as: revolution (beginning in Russia), rural and urban sociologies, general social theory, and social mobility remained untouched. Instead, I focused on his later turns to social and cultural dynamics, Integralism, and, of course, amitology.
𑼎𖥺 was a Hegelian Marxist, critical social theoretical, and Neoplatonic blueprint for revolution: social, political, economic, spiritual, and altruistic. The major elements of 𑼎𖥺, which again I simply referred to as Structural Dialectics at the time, can be more specifically delineated through the following threefold system:
But nods must go, as always, to Sorokin. He was, as I have contended, a member, albeit highly idiosyncratic, of the neo–Hegelian school. Integralism itself featured his quasineoHegelian dialectic, or social and cultural dynamics, of three zeitgeists aka zeitgeister (German, Zeitgeist aka Zeitgeister rarely aka Zeitgeisten; Yiddish, צּײַטְגּײַסְט, zạ͡yṭəgạ͡yšəṭ; Luxembourgish, zäitgeeschter; or Turkish, zeitgeistler). They constitute the spīritūs mundī (Latin) or l’esprit de corps (French) and possibly the Overton window. However, Sorokin, in his dialectic, referred to a historical succession of cultural mentalities: the Sensate (metaphysical naturalism/physicalism or positivism) ➔ the Ideational (spirituality or panpsychism) ➔ the Idealistic (an ontologically idealist/ic synthesis of the two he later redesignated as Integral). He studied those mentalities, using a version of the sociological method of content analysis, in prior decades of his academic career.
Sorokin was now prepared to apply Integralism, his quasineoHegelian public sociology and philosophy, to an innovative study of cosmic unity with universal creative altruism, supraconscious intuition, lovingkindness, and morality (𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ). Sorokin referred to that agential or instrumental process, framework, and ontology as amitology (ƛ𑇴įϯ𖠇𖤔𖡼𖥨). It was the last major substantive turn, the fruit, and the crown jewel of his lifework.
Sorokin was, even if entirely in my imagination, a beloved theoretical friend and nemesis. His focus on cultural mentalities places him squarely in the ontologically idealist or Neoplatonic camp. With Sorokin’s notoriety on the ascent, he emerged, earlier in his life, as the regional leader of a prominent anti–Bolshevik tendency from his generation, the early 20ᵗʰ–century Right Social Revolutionaries. Moreover, keeping in mind that he would, years later, proceed to formulate his fascinating sociological and philosophical quasi–neoHegelian Integralism, he significantly described the Right Social Revolutionaries as integralistic. Cognitive dissonance, namely the dialectical absence of cognitive consonance, is, of course, usually an unpleasant, even a tempestuous, experience. Severe existential crises can be among the repercussions of extreme cognitive dissonance. Perhaps Sorokin was attempting to harmonize one of the formative periods in his intellectual life with his now matured sociological imagination:
I became an enthusiastic missionary of the anti–Tsarist revolution and the leader of the Social–Revolutionary party in the school and adjacent region. In contrast to the Social Democrats, the Social–Revolutionary party claimed to be the party of all—peasant, industrial, and intellectual—labor classes. In contrast with the Marxian social–democratic materialism and economic interpretation of man and history, the philosophy and sociology of the Social–Revolutionary party was much more idealistic or integralistic. It emphasized strongly the role of creative ideas, voluntary efforts, the “struggle for individuality” vs. “struggle for existence,” and the importance of non–economic factors in determining social processes and human conduct. My previous Weltanschauung was much more congenial to this kind of ideology than to the “proletarian,” “materialistic,” “economic” ideology of Marxian social–democracy. This congeniality explains why I chose the Social–Revolutionary but not the Social–Democratic party and why throughout my subsequent life I have never been “infected” by most of the Marxian ideologies.
Having been transformed into an ardent Social–Revolutionary, I began to spread the gospel of the revolution among the students, the factory workers, and the peasants of nearby villages.
On the eve of Christmas, 1906, at one of my regular meetings with a group of peasants, I was arrested, together with my fellowrevolutionist, and jailed in the prison of the city of Kineshma, There I met other political prisoners among whom there were several notable Social–Revolutionaries and Social–Democrats. Together we soon turned the prison into the safest place for keeping the revolutionary literature. The prison guards volunteered to serve as our messengers, and the warden offered his office, with its telephone and other facilities, for our use. During some five months of my imprisonment, the political prisoners had daily discussions of philosophical, social, and politico–economic problems. These discussions, plus my reading of the works of [Karl] Marx, [Nikolay] Mikhailovsky, [Pyotr] Lavrov, [Georgi] Plekhanov, [Vladimir] Lenin, [Pyotr/Peter] Kropotkin, and Tolstoi [Leo Tolstoy], as well as those of [Charles] Darwin, [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel, and other evolutionists and philosophers, acquainted me fairly well with some of the basic works of the revolutionary thinkers, and of a few philosophers and scientists.
In these five months I probably learned a great deal more than I could learn in a semester in the Teachers School.
〜 Pitirim A. Sorokin, “Sociology of My Mental Life.” Pitirim A. Sorokin in Review: The American Sociological Forum. Philip J. Allen, editor. Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press. 1963. Pages 1–36.
The nearest counterparts to [Pitirim A.] Sorokin’s system of ideas are found in [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel in philosophy and [Auguste] Comte in sociology. His [Sorokin’s] writing has a vigorous and forthright character and is inspired by a zest for the destruction of popular idols. Sorokin often conveys the impression of rather naive heedlesssness and many a person has been lured into a battle only to discover himself vis–à–vis with a battle–wise campaigner. He often discovers that Sorokin is able to quote chapter and verse from his writings apparently in direct refutation of charges which a moment before had seemed almost self–evident.
〜 Don Martindale, “Pitirim A. Sorokin: Soldier of Fortune.” Pitirim A. Sorokin. G. C. Hallen et al., editors. Agra, India: Satlsh Book Enlerprise, Molt Katra. 1972. Pages 3–42.
[Pitirim A.] Sorokin … pursued a cultural dialectic far rougher than [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel] Hegel’s waltz–time, even than the Marxist class–warfare so hopefully destined to smooth out into a classless idyll. It was also rough in its untidiness, lacking philosophical or ideological neatness, which derives in part from its inclusiveness and vague boundaries. This dialectic works on all sorts of levels, where rough, often calamitous, intrusions erode and transform the values objectified in sociocultural reality. Sorokin wrote extensively upon famine, war, and revolution, and upon those events rightly denominated “circumstances beyond our control.” This pushed him up into the longest views of historical sociology and the broadest kind of macrosociology. All was destined to put him at loggerheads with urban microsociologists, with their managerial optimism so smugly ensconced in a happier world than that of Sorokin’s youth and early maturity. The roughness of Sorokin’s revolutionary, then counter–revolutionary, polemical style carried over into his academic life. He rode roughshod over opponents and the conceptual distinctions usually favored by moderns. His was not so such an effete “post–modernism” as a vigorous anti–modernism.
What I find to serve best as a master key for understanding Sorokin is the notion of “rough dialectic,” wherein the greatest share of the conflicts can be seen as polarized by the radical contrariety between power centers and their inner and outer peripheries, hinterlands and outlands. Other conflicts and adversities no doubt enter in, but the radial contrast stands out. Social and economic class differences have been metaphorically set on vertical vectors. Their opposite poles reflect values and persons’ self-images as to what they are, and are not. Where physical distance enters in with a radius of distance between, say, the city mouse and the country mouse, complex repertoires begin to elaborate the picture. The radial contrariety serves as warp to the vertical woofs, especially in extensive civilizations such as the Russian and American. Individuals may strongly identify with one sort of pole or another. Sorokin’s roots were deep, and he affirmed their value vigorously. The die had been cast with Sorokin’s own regional background in northern Russia among the Komi people and his work with the peasant Social Revolutionaries.
〜 Palmer Taibutt, Jr. Rough Dialectics: Sorokin’s Philosophy of Value. Amsterdam, Netherlands, and Atlanta, Georgia: Value Inquiry Book Series imprint of Rodopi B.V. 1998. Page 3.
Sorokin’s quasi–neo–Hegelian Integralism is just one of several historically unrelated integralisms. Some of them are, to one degree or another, currently in use. Others are entirely a matter of historical record. These days, Ken Wilber’s (né 1949) ontologically idealist integralism or Integral Theory is especially popular in some circles. It was for the best, I decided, to avoid any semantic confusion with his particular New Age framework. So, through my threefold nomenclature for the Paradigm of Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxism (𑼎𖥺), with terms that I coined on the fly (Left–Sorokinian Structural Dialectics, Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxist Toolkit, and Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxist Amitology), the “head,” at least from my perspective, finally had its “right side up.”
But to be more precise, by my redaction of Marx’s wording, I was, while applying my rather unconventional sociology (߆𖣵), flipping Sorokin’s socially conservative, morally conservative, and arguably anti–communist Integralism from the topsy–turvy position of a right–wing Sorokinism—regarded by this writer as awkwardly “standing on its head”—to an admittedly left–wing deviation from his own personal convictions. Truthfully, I somehow feared that Sorokin would not be particulary pleased with my work 🫥:
With him [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel] it [the dialectic] is standing on its head. It must be turned right side up again, if you would discover the rational kernel within the mystical shell.
〜 Karl Marx. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy, Volume I. Samuel Moore and Edward Aveling, translators. Friedrich Engels, editor. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 1938 (originally, 1867). Page 15.
I am looking to the coming “City of Manifold Integral Culture.” This explains why in these matters (to the utter confusion of all the tabloid mentalities who call me now super–fascist, now communist, now reactionary, now radical) I prefer to be a non–conformist “conservative like Hell” in some secondary matters and “radical as Heaven” in important owes. So far as the revolution in the very foundation of a culture—in the basic principle of the realty–value—is the greatest revolution possible, I am probably more radical than all the radcals of the “old regime of culture.” Otherwise, to use the apt words of Henry Adams, I am a “conservative Christian anarchist.”
〜 Pitirim A. Sorokin, “Conservative Christian Anarchy: Second in a Series of ‘Harvard Credos.’” The Harvard Progressive. Volume 4, number 4, 1940. Pages 13–15.
A large proportion of divorces and desertions are the direct result of adultery or other forms of illicit sex adventures committed by one or both parties. And not infrequently, these extramarital relations are cartied on with a number of different “correspondents.”
These conclusions are well supported by several sociological studies. The exact percentages of such relationships vary according to the kind of social groups investigated. Practically all such studies point to an increase of promiscuity. For premarital activity, the statistics fluctuate between 7 and 50 per cent for women, and 27 to 87 per cent for men. According to one study, prematital virginity declined from 65 per cent of males born before 1890 to 18 per cent of those born after 1910; and from 85 to 32 percent of females born before 1890 and after 1910. For extramarital liaisons, the range is from 10 to 45 per cent for husbands and from 5 to 26 per cent for wives.
〜 Pitirim A. Sorokin. The American Sex Revolution. Boston: An Extending Horizons Book imprint of Porter Sargent Books. 1956. Page 13.
… not only was [Pitirim A.] Sorokin exposed to the anarchist literature during a formative period of his life. And not only was he in his youth an ardent member of the Social Revolutionaries, a party with a strong strain of anarchism derived, in part, from its Populist roots. He was also reportedly a personal acquaintance and lifelong admirer of Peter Kropotkin, the great anarchist, ethicist and author of Mutual Aid.…
As one would expect given his [Sorokin’s] ethical anarchism, the solutions that he thought were necessary to end war are nothing less than radical. Sorokin supported the cessation of nuclear weapons experimentation and the complete disarmament of all countries. Only a small international police force would exist to cope with ordinary crime and any violation of peace conditions. He advocated the resignation of world leaders who are unable to prevent war, and the reallocation of military funds to peaceful purposes. In addition to these political prescriptions, Sorokin believed a world without war “requires a complete remodeling of all institutions and reorganization of the motives of men, away from power, popularity, and material wealth toward altruism, love, co–operation.”
〜 Gary Dean Jaworski, “Pitirim A. Sorokin’s sociological anarchism.” History of the Human Sciences. Volume 6, number 3, 1993. Pages 61–77.
In this article, we scrutinise the role played by Pitirim A. Sorokin (1889–1968), a Harvard sociologist from the Russian émigré, as the nodal point of contemporary moral conservatism. As a scholar, Sorokin has been relegated to the margins of his discipline, but his legacy as a public intellectual has persisted in the United States and has soared in Russia in the last three decades. The United States and Russia are the two poles between which we span our analysis, because unlike [Karl] Mannheim, who studied conservatism as a national (German) phenomenon, we interpret twenty–first–century moral conservatism as a transnational phenomenon, for which Sorokin functions as a nodal point that binds together individual actors and ideas across national, cultural and linguistic barriers. In America, moral conservatism, otherwise known as “social conservatism,” is associated with the Christian Right, which has mobilised over issues such as the family, traditional gender roles, opposition to abortion and questions of religious freedom (Micklethwait and Wooldridge, 2004: 80–85). In Russia, moral conservatism is a relatively new phenomenon that draws upon both Orthodox Christianity and late–Soviet moral codes.
〜 Dmitry Uzlaner and Kristina Stoeckl, “The legacy of Pitirim Sorokin in the transnational alliances of moral conservatives.“ Journal of Classical Sociology. Volume 18, issue 2, 2018. Pages 133–153.
… his [Pitirim A. Sorokin’s] theory of social and cultural dynamics is like Marx’s socioeconomics; however, it was reconfigured to sound different, since he was a staunch anti–Communist as well as someone who had been sentenced to death and later pardoned by V. [Vladimir] Lenin.
〜 Andrew Targowski, “The ISCSC Celebrates the 130th Birth Anniversary of Pitirim A. Sorokin, the Founding President, with a Contemporary View of His Legacy.” Comparative Civilizations Review. Volume 82, number 82, article 7, spring 2020. Pages 14–38.
In this article, we scrutinise the role played by Pitirim A. Sorokin (1889–1968), a Harvard sociologist from the Russian émigré, as the nodal point of contemporary moral conservatism. As a scholar, Sorokin has been relegated to the margins of his discipline, but his legacy as a public intellectual has persisted in the United States and has soared in Russia in the last three decades. The United States and Russia are the two poles between which we span our analysis, because unlike Mannheim, who studied conservatism as a national (German) phenomenon, we interpret twenty–first–century moral conservatism as a transnational phenomenon, for which Sorokin functions as a nodal point that binds together individual actors and ideas across national, cultural and linguistic barriers. In America, moral conservatism, otherwise known as “social conservatism”, is associated with the Christian Right, which has mobilised over issues such as the family, traditional gender roles, opposition to abortion and questions of religious freedom. In Russia, moral conservatism is a relatively new phenomenon that draws upon both Orthodox Christianity and late–Soviet moral codes. Moral conservatives who are discussed in this article constitute a small but vocal segment of the conservative spectrum in each of these countries and have forged transnational ties between each other.
〜 Dmitry Uzlaner and Kristina Stoeckl, “The legacy of Pitirim Sorokin in the transnational alliances of moral conservatives.” Journal of Classical Sociology. Volume 18, issue 2, 2018. Pages 133–153.
A fundamentally innovative perspective in the social sciences was formulated by Pitirim A. Sorokin in his idea of an “integral” system of truth and knowledge. Sorokin’s advocacy of integralism can be regarded as an incipient paradigm which has the potential of moving the social sciences to higher levels of integration, understanding, and creativity.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “The Integral Paradigm: The Truth of Faith and the Social Sciences.” The American Sociologist. Winter, 1999. Pages 36–55.
In his Integral philosophy [Pitirim A.] Sorokin affirmed that cultures change out of a quest for a more comprehensive and balanced base of knowledge from which to deal with life’s major questions. Sensate knowledge has given humans science, technology and physical comfort, but tells them little of the spirit. The truths of faith address that issue, but leave one relatively helpless in the face of nature. As each cultural type struggles to provide what is missing, it enters a period of crisis and changes. Integralism, however, binds the truths of science, reason and intuition into a comprehensive whole. It is humanity’s way of creating a more satisfying cultural framework from which to comprehend life, cosmos, and the role of humankind in each. The Integral system binds the three dimensions of truth in a way that more closely correspond to the threedimensional nature of humankind and reality. Integralism thus provides a more satisfying and complete way of knowing and understanding. Similarly, an Integral culture and personality are more harmoniously balanced, integrated and stable because they incorporate the heterogeneity of their essences. Through Integralism we come to know ourselves, the things we make, and the cultural world we construct more completely. It is simultaneously an epistemology, psychology, sociology, and theory of history. Indeed, it was this Integral analysis of history that focused Sorokin on the current crises of modernity and drove him to seek a method of social reconstruction.
〜 Barry V. Johnston, “Integralism, Altruism, and Social Emancipation: A Sorokinian Model of Prosocial Behavior and Social Organization.” Catholic Social Science Review. Volume 6, 2001. Pages 41–55.
Integralism is simultaneously an epistemology, psychology, sociology of change and theory of history. It is the theoretical foundation of [Pitirim A.] Sorokin’s general sociology and later works on the crisis of modernity, altruism and social reconstruction. This paper delineates the evolution of the concept from Social and Cultual Dynamics to Sorokin’s work at the Harvard Research Center in Creative Altruism. What results from this chain of historical analysis is an integrated conceptual approach to the nature of humanness, knowledge, conflict resolution, and prosocial forms of human organization. As a result, integralism broadens sociological discourse and yields new insights into social problems and their resolution.
〜 Barry V. Johnston, “Pitirim A. Sorokin on Order, Change and the Reconstruction of Society: An Integral Perspective. Comparative Civilizations Review. Volume 41, number 41, article 4, 1999. Pages 25–41.
… [Pitirim A.] Sorokin concludes that we should study social change by focusing on the internal organization (Immanent Determinism) and the Principle of Limits.
Sorokin next asked why these changes happened as they did? The answer advanced his Integral philosophy. The character of a culture is determined by the principle which underlies its system of truth and reality. Historical analysis revealed that Ideational systems rested on intuitive truth, Sensate systems on the authority of the senses, and Idealistic cultures on the truths of reason. None of these principles alone, however, gives us absolute truth. If a system of truth and the culture it maintained was absolutely true and ultimate then there would be no historical rhythms. Conversely, if a system was completely false then it would not have lasted. Therefore, for the superrhythms to occur, each system of truth and its corresponding culture must be only partially true and adequate for human needs. Each, however, contains necessary elements for the adaptation of humanity to the physical, social and cosmic milieu. Truth systems change because each type of knowledge has strengths and weaknesses. When one dominates, it forces out others and prohibits holistic understanding of the world. The longer a mentality dominates the more anomalies accrue. That is, people become increasingly aware that their system is too narrow to explain important aspects of life, and the authority and usefulness of the dominant mentality is called more into question. Soon other means are needed to address those aspects of culture and cosmos not satisfactorily handled by the dominant mentality. Unhappily the superrhythms of Ideational, Idealistic and Sensate mentalities could go on forever without humans realizing ultimate truth.
Sorokin’s solution to this endless cycle was the pursuit of Integral truth. This form of knowing “is not identical with any of the three forms of truth, but embraces all of them.” It combines the empirical truths of the senses; the rational truths of reason; and the superrational truths of faith. Integral truth gives us a more complete and valid grasp of reality. It also broadens our understanding and deepens our knowledge of the other forms of knowing.
〜 Barry V. Johnston, “Integralism and the Reconstruction of Society: The Idea of Ultimate Reality and Meaning in the Work of Pitirim A. Sorokin.” Utimate Reality and Meaning. Volume 13, number 2, June 1990. Pages 96–108.
[Pitirim A.] Sorokin had an “intuition” that could be summarized as follows: the future and development of mankind are in the hands of mankind itself. Neither law, nor education, religion, the economy or even science is enough to rescue humanity out of its crisis. The controversy that followed the first studies of the Harvard Research Center in Creative Altruism was resolved only by Sorokin’s death in 1968 and, even then, only in part. They were probably fuelled by the fact that Sorokin’s career was imbued with the moral activism typical of the educated Russian classes (intelligentsia) of the 19ᵗʰ and early 20ᵗʰ century.
〜 Emiliana Mangone, “Pitirim A. Sorokin’s contribution to the theory and practice of altruism.” Revue européenne des sciences sociales/European Journal of Social Sciences. Volume 58, number 1, 2020. Pages 149–175.
The undeniable shift in American culture over last decades, regarding the values and self-identity of its citizens, has been a subject of extensive inquiries. While there have been studies of many problematic developments, such as the erosion of social capital or the rise of narcissism, not much attention has been dedicated to the meta-perspective of the ongoing transformation and self-destructive mechanisms of modern social and cultural agendas. Pitirim Sorokin has pointed out the importance of a dominant attitude towards sex, which virtually predestines the future of a given society. Conservative in its outlook, his view is worth taking into consideration, especially due to its references to the historical data of past civilizations. This perspective is especially relevant for the modern cultural and scientific paradigm, which regards contestation of sexual expansion as unjustified and even illegitimate. Sorokin’s perspective on “sexual anarchy” might prove to be a valid one in regard to Western civilization.
〜 Andrzej Sarnacki, “The Decay of American Culture?: Pitirim Sorokin’s View on the Relevance of the Sex Revolution.” Intercultural Relations/Relacje Międzykulturowe. Volume 2, number 2, 2017. Pages 105–120.
Besides devitalizing whole cultures and family lines, a sexual revolution, [Pitirim A.] Sorokin says, upsets the delicate psychic equilibrium of the countless individuals who succumb to its allure. Contrary to the image created by much of modern literature, psychology, and film, the inner world of the sexually liberated is one of inner turmoil and tension. The sexual adventurer, he explains, is dominated by his lusts and sexual desires, and is perpetually bombarded by external stimuli that challenge his weak internal control mechanism. He is a house divided against itself. The hunt for new sexual thrills is inseparable from the sex-obsession itself, and this inevitably leads to conflicts between the sexual libertine and the many persons and groups whose norms and interests he has transgressed. In such a situation, says Sorokin, the libertine cannot achieve real peace of mind. He is subject to alienation, depression and a variety of mental disturbances—not to speak of the danger of venereal disease, unwanted pregnancies, and the possibility of being maimed or murdered by an aggrieved party. And he usually must lie or dissimulate about what he is doing. (The contemporary reader inevitably conjures up thoughts about some of our past presidents). Sexual liberation, Sorokin contends, is really not what it is cracked up to be in so much of our modern art, literature, movies, and songs.
〜 Russell Nieli, “Critic of the Sensate Culture: Rediscovering the Genius of Pitirim Sorokin.” The Political Science Reviewer. Volume 35, 2006. Pages 264–379.
The predominant world culture of the last five centuries is crumbling, according to Pitirim A. Sorokin, director of the Research Center in Creative Altruism.
〜 Anonymous, “Sorokin Warns ‘Sensate Culture’ Will End in Total Disintegration.The Harvard Crimson. October 10ᵗʰ, 1958. No pagination.
After a year’s study of altruism, Pitirim A. Sorokin, professor of Sociology, yesterday reaffirmed that a selfish world will never have peace.
〜 Frank B. Gilbert, “‘Selfish World Doomed’ Sorokin Says After Year; Altruism Investigation Director Reaffirms Altruist Dearth.The Harvard Crimson. March 17ᵗʰ, 1950. No pagination.
Pitirim A. Sorokin, who died this weekend, made a rare public appearance at Harvard two years ago at a “Speak–Out” on the Vietnam War. Compared with the score of illustrious professors who spoke before him, Sorokin was not well known. But in spite of his age and his ill health, he overwhelmed the audience with his fervor, his intellect, and his unbending hostility to America’s foreign policy.
〜 Anonymous, “Pitirim A. Sorokin.” Obituary. The Harvard Crimson. February 13ᵗʰ, 1968. No pagination.
Until this day, as a Leftist, I find right–wing thought to be endlessly fascinating albeit frequently bewildering, exasperating, and, these days, heartbreaking. Those sentiments will come into view throughout my extensive discussion of the Traditionalist School of esotericism in chapter 6. As I type these words, we stand on the precipice. The right, especially the far right, will, I believe, shortly ignite the flame which will set ablaze most traces of human civilization. Even now, the alarm bells are loudly ringing. But hardly anyone appears to have taken notice. And no, the views of some Christians notwithstanding, there will be no rapture or translation of the church from Earth into Heaven. Those who believe in that doctrine shall, in God’s time, find out otherwise. You, I, and all of humanity will experience that collective punishment and cleansing.
California State University, Northridge, sociologist Vincent Jeffries (1936–2023) transformed Sorokin’s lifework into the critical social theory, critical integralism. It should be contrasted with my own approach to Sorokin. I admit to being a bit biased. Readers may evaluate for themselves the proximity of critical integralism to normative critical social theories. But Jeffries, in two articles, reviewed the work of Marxian public sociologist Michael Burawoy (né 1947) immediately before proposing critical integralism. Significantly, in the first two quotations, Jeffries references critical realism. He is is not, however, discussing ƉɱⱤ. I checked his sources.
There are many different, and frequently unrelated, critical realisms. Issues related to that problematic need to be repeatedly clarified. Honestly, I wish Bhaskar had not been persuaded to elide his general philosophy, transcendental realism, with that philosophy’s application to the social sciences, critical naturalism, into his associates’ preferred designation: critical realism. Bhaskar’s own paired terms were clear and unambiguous. Because he is deceased, it is, nevertheless, too late to meaningfully and practically address this ongoing dilemma. Mounting global concerns now demand our full attention.
The following selection of excerpts from Jeffries’ publications, including those mentioned in the previous paragraph, is rather extensive:
This article proposes a paradigm for the social sciences derived from Pitirim A. Sorokin’s writings about Integralism.…
A social science paradigm derived from Sorokin’s integralism entails a synthesis of the existing systems of sensate and rational truth with ideas from the truth of faith. Sensate truth is exemplified by positivism. Its basic assumption is that social science is possible because sociocultural phenomena have invariant properties which can be identified, objectively studied, and ultimately be explained by general laws …. Integralism fully incorporates this assumption in its research agenda. The positivism of integralism is based on the principles of critical realism …. Critical realism incorporates recent valid criticisms of positivism, while advocating a theory of knowledge based on a strong realist epistemology.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “The Integral Paradigm: The Truth of Faith and the Social Sciences.” American Sociologist. Volume 30, number 4, winter 1999. Pages 36–55.
Critical realism searches for truth but has no agreed upon criteria for deciding what is important to know. In contrast, integralism begins with the certainty of faith in basic assumptions. Critical realism is incorporated within this framework as the method of cognition of the empirical world.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Integralism as a Social Movement.” The Catholic Social Science Review. Volume IX, 2004. Pages 1–41.
Michael Burawoy has recently advanced a formulation of the components of sociology as a scientific system that has attracted considerable attention. Though his writings focus on sociology, his typology of forms of scientific practice is applicable to the other disciplines in the social sciences.
Four forms of social science are identified by Burawoy. These are professional, critical, policy, and public. They are viewed as ideal types in an interdependent division of labor in which each form contributes to the effectiveness of the others. The professional form of social science consists of theoretical frameworks and empirical research. Critical social science formulates and applies moral and value perspectives to examine various aspects of the disciplinary practice of a science. This evaluation includes consideration of topics such as the purposes of scientific endeavor, the suitability of methods, and the most appropriate subject matter for scientific investigation. The policy form of social science focuses upon developing solutions to specific problems. Public social science involves dialogues with audiences outside of the academic community regarding topics such as the scientific knowledge and understanding pertaining to social problems, the direction of social change, and value alternatives.…
Integral public social science is uniquely suited to engage both the general public and more specific audiences in dialogue regarding the nature of the contemporary world, its problems, and their possible solutions. Critical integralism focuses scientific practice upon near universal and ultimate values. This focus enhances the production of valid scientific generalizations. The theoretical and research endeavors of integral professional and policy social science are pointed toward generating ideas and empirical findings that are both interesting and engaging as topics of dialogue. They focus attention upon topics such as the nature of the good, the most effective means for its realization, and the potential contribution of each individual in the progress toward reconstruction. Thus the integral agenda has the idea and topical content to establish a vital connection between the social sciences and various publics. This imparting of knowledge and understanding in dialogues between the social sciences and diverse publics is a potentially important aspect of personal, social, and cultural reconstruction.
[Pitirim A.] Sorokin’s public sociology is characterized by a series of works that are intended to reach a general audience outside of the academic community to stimulate awareness and reconstructive activity. These include analyses of the contemporary historical era and its basic trends and problems, the sexual revolution, the causes and solutions of the misuse of power, and the requirements of reconstruction.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “The Eleven Theses of Integralism.” Integralism, Altruism and Reconstruction: Essays in honor of Pitirim A. Sorokin. Elvira del Pozo Aviñó, editor. València, Spain: Publicaciones de la Universitat de València. 2006. Pages 43–57.
At the highest level of value generalization [Pitirim A.] Sorokin identifies goodness, along with truth and beauty, as the “supreme” values. In his view “the main historical mission of mankind consists in an unbounded creation, accumulation, refinement, and actualization” of these values. Wendell Bell has characterized a “sociology of the good” as one focused on the investigation of values that appear to be universal, and an assessment of their beneficial effects.
Formulating a conception of the nature of the good, and the variety of its particular manifestations, requires a dialogue that would take place continuously within the discipline of sociology. This exploration of the nature of goodness is an important task of critical sociology in [Michael] Burawoy’s holistic model of the discipline.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “The sociology of the good and the concept of virtue.” Sociological Yearbook, 2011: Collection of Scientific Papers. N.E. Pokrovsky and D.V. Efremenko, editors. Moscow: National Research University Higher School of Economics. 2011. Pages 186–204.
The year 2004 was characterized by considerable interest in the idea of public sociology. Through the impetus provided by Michael Burawoy, it was the theme of the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association ….
A … contribution of [Pitirim A.] Sorokin’s system of sociology to public sociology is his idea of integralism. It is the basis of various aspects of Sorokin’s thought …, including his ontology and epistemology. The foundational idea of integralism is that the reality that is the subject matter of the social sciences contains empirical–sensory, rational–mindful, and superrational–supersensory components …. This assumption opens the spiritual and transcendental realm to consideration and analysis. Since reality contains these three elements, this ontology necessitates a corresponding epistemology suitable for obtaining knowledge regarding all its aspects.…
The value perspective of critical integralism leads to two broad areas of theoretical development and empirical research in professional sociology. The first is the goodness of individuals, defined in terms of virtue and benevolent love. The second is social solidarity, the manifestation of goodness in interaction.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Pitirim A. Sorokin’s Integralism and Public Sociology.” The American Sociologist. Volume 36, issue 3/4, Fall/Winter 2005. Pages 66–87.
The components of any culture are of three basic types: ideological, material, and behavioral.… According to [Pitirim A.] Sorokin, the ideological components of culture, whether they be single components or systems, may exist in one of three relationships to each other. They may be integrated, contradictory, or unrelated. Ideological culture is integrated when there is a certain consistency or similarity of meaning and value which is expressed in the various components. Such integrated systems of ideological culture have two forms, subordination and coordination.”
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Cultural Sources of Solidarity and Antagonism toward Blacks.” Social Science Quarterly. Volume 51, number 4, March 1971. Pages 860–872.
[Pitirim A.] Sorokin’s integral perspective incorporates ideas from religious and philosophical traditions within the frame of reference and practice of social science …. From the value perspective derived from these sources Sorokin’s integralism places the value of goodness and its specifications in concepts such as altruistic love, virtue, forgiveness, and solidarity at the center of theoretical development and empirical research. In addition to their obvious sociological importance, the critical perspective defines these concepts as relevant to sociological analysis because of their historical importance in major traditions of thought.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, Barry V. Johnston, Lawrence T. Nichols, Samuel P. Oliner, Edward Tiryakian, and Jay Weinstein, “Altruism and Social Solidarity: Envisioning a Field of Specialization.” The American Sociologist. Volume 37, number 3, fall 2006. Pages 67–83.
… love is a concept of singular importance for understanding the marital relationship. A comprehensive conceptualization of the structure of love derived from a long and diverse historical tradition has been presented. Within this formulation of love, the concept of virtue provides for an integral approach to the study of love in which philosophical, religious, and empirically-based ideas are combined into a harmonious perspective ….
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “The Structure and Dynamics of Love: Towards a Theory of Marital Quality and Stability.” Humboldt Journal of Social Relations. Volume 27, number 1, 2002. Pages 42–72.
CRITICAL SOCIOLOGY AND THE CALL FOR REFORM
On the basis of his historical and comparative research and analysis, [Pitirim A.] Sorokin formulated a critique of contemporary culture and society and issued a call for reform. The focal point of his critique was the inadequacy of the declining sensate culture.…
PRACTICAL SOCIOLOGY AND RECONSTRUCTION
… In Sorokin’s view, any practical solution to the human and social problems of this era depends on the recognition that culture, society, and individual personality must all be changed. Society and culture are ultimately the creation of the actions of individuals. Therefore, reconstruction must begin with the conscious and deliberate efforts of individuals to increase their own capacity and practice of altruistic love. A planned reconstruction of culture in all its compartments and of social relations rests on this foundation.…
INTEGRALISM AND THE SOCIAL SCIENCES
The foundational idea in much of Sorokin’s system of thought is integralism. It is expressed in his analysis of cultural organization and change and represents the basis of his vision of personal, social, and cultural reconstruction. Integralism is also the guiding principle in the ontology and epistemology of his system of sociology.…
An integral system of truth would incorporate empirical, rational, and supersensory modes of cognition. The last of these sources of truth would involve intuition, including the revelation and mystical intuition of religious conceptions of sources of truth. Each method of cognition is fallible by itself. When combined into a harmonious integral system, they can cross–validate each other, thus providing a more powerful epistemology. Integralism would unite science, philosophy, and religion in the common endeavor of providing knowledge and understanding of how personal, social, and cultural reconstruction can be achieved and maintained. In this context, the practice of science would be directed toward the realization of greater altruistic love, the ethical principles of the major world religions, and the universal values of truth, beauty, and goodness.
The integralism advocated by Sorokin is a complete system of sociology incorporating the scientific, reform, and practical traditions of the discipline. It involves rigorous scientific research, an explicit commitment to reform that engages social science in public debate of desirable ends, and a scientifically based program of means to achieve personal, social, and cultural reconstruction.
Vincent Jeffries, “Sorokin, Pitirim.” George Ritzer et al., editors. Encyclopedia of Social Theory. Thousand Oaks, California. Sage Publications. 2004. Pages 777–781
The ideas of three individuals, Émile Durkheim, Jane Addams, and Pitirim A. Sorokin, appear particularly important as foundational sources to the field of altruism, morality, and social solidarity. The distinctive nature of their individual thought is complementary, and furnishes a basic foundation for the integration of these areas of investigation. Their ideas provide a comprehensive and inspirational heritage for theoretical development and re–search programs. Viewed as one system of thought, their ideas span and integrate the diverse subject matter of the field and the manner of its practice. All three theorists also saw their scholarly work as a basis for improving the lives of individuals and the characteristics of the sociocultural order. Hence their ideas are relevant for developing approaches to both the application of sociological ideas in policy, and for dialogue about sociological knowledge and understandings with various publics.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Establishing and Building the Study of Altruism, Morality, and Social Solidarity as a Field of Specialization.” Altruism, Morality & Social Solidarity Forum: A Forum for Scholarship and Newsletter of the AMSS Section of ASA. American Sociological Association. Volume 3, issue 2, May 2012. Pages 50–60.
The essential nature of integralism and its occurance in history is described in [Pitirim A.] Sorokin’s analysis of systems of truth and knowledge. This compartment of culture includes religious, philosophical, and scientific thought and focuses on the basic questions of ontology and epistemology: the nature of reality and how it can be known and understood …. Three systems of truth are identified in accordance with the foundational premises of the three cultural types: ideational truth is the truth of faith, sensate truth is empiricism, and idealistic truth is the truth of reason. Idealistic truth combines faith and empiricism into a harmonious system of idealistic rationalism.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “The Scientific System of Public Sociology: The Exemplar of Pitirim A. Sorokin’s Social Thought.” Handbook of Public Sociology. Vincent Jeffries, editor. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc. 2009. Page 110.
The essence of integralism is the idea that there are three fundamental components of the true and absolute reality: the empirical–sensory; the rational–meaningful; and the supersensory–superrational. [Pitirim A.] Sorokin advocated the development of an integral ontology and epistemology in the social sciences, maintaining that integralism was necessary for the advance of knowledge and understanding. An integral social science would be based upon empirical, rational, and supersensory sources of truth. It would thus include mystical intuition and revelation, thereby incorporating religious truth.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Foundational Ideas for an Integral Social Science: Private in the Thought of St. Thomas Aquinas.” The Catholic Social Science Review. Volume VI, 2001. Pages 25–40.
… [A] view of the good is provided by [Pitirim A.] Sorokin, who considered greater goodness as movement toward an integral culture. Such a culture is characterized by universal norms on essential matters and predominant orientations toward truth, goodness, beauty, and human beings as “an end value” ….
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Altruism, Morality, and Social Solidarity as a Field of Study.” The Palgrave Handbook of Altruism, Morality, and Social Solidarity: Formulating a Field of Study. Vincent Jeffries, editor. New York: Palgrave Macmillan imprint of St. Martin’s Press, LLC. 2014. Page 9.
Focus on the concept of virtue places this analysis in the broader theoretical context of integralism, the system of social science advocated by Pitirim A. Sorokin …. Its fundamental characteristic is the combination of empirical research, logical reasoning, and religious ideas into a harmonious epistemological and scientific system. The concept of virtue is foundationalism in integralism because of its religious and philosophical derivation, its centrality to benevolent love, and its relevance to a variety of topics in the social sciences ….
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Virtue and Marital Conflict: A Theoretical Formulation and Research Agenda.” Sociological Perspectives. Volume 43, number 2, summer 2000. Pages 231–246.
[Pitirim A.] Sorokin believed that providing the understanding of how to increase altruism would be the primary goal of a new “integral” social science. In this integral perspective religion, philosophy and the social sciences would no longer be in opposition, but would constitute a unified system of truth and knowledge directed toward improving the human condition ….
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Virtue and the Altruistic Personality.” Sociological Perspectives. Volume 41, number 1, 1998. Pages 151–166.
Pitirim A. Sorokin’s theory of solidarity and antagonism provides the initial conceptual framework for the study.… Two contrasting types of value orientation are discussed by Sorokin. The first type legitimizes such attitudes as competition, rivalry, the urge to defeat, and selfishness. The second type emphasizes the spirit of love, cooperation, mutual aid, and concern for others.…
Egoism and altruism were selected in the present study as cultural (or shared) values representative of the two orientations central to Sorokin’s theory. They are considered here to be basically conflicting values prevalent in American culture.
〜 Vincent Jeffries, “Altruism, Egoism, and Antagonism toward Negroes.” Social Science Quarterly. Volume 49, number 3, December 1968. Pages 697–709.
I certainly had a bizarre love–hate relationship with the ghost of Sorokin. His quasi–neoHegelian dialectic of cultural mentalities enchanted me. We Autistics often have eccentric preoccupations, sometimes called special interests or hyperfixations. They can, though occasionally only to a point, be quite enjoyable but also seriously annoying when attempting to encourage their performance by others. As to the past, I plead guilty. For now, I cherish my own uniquness. Although that fascination with Sorokin certainly seemed bizarre to some of my professors as a Ph.D. student, they thankfully indulged me. I honestly could never bring myself to agree with them openly, but I somehow knew their observations of me were on target. Decades later, I might have attempted a Hegelian Marxist critique of Sorokin’s “conservative Christian anarchy.” But Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ) then unexpectedly eclipsed Hegelian Marxism (ዘற) before the opportunity presented itself. Given my sense of relief after introducing Sorokinism (ڪ𖥚𖢨) into this project, that special interest was apparently retained in a corner of my brain.
My translations of Marshall Hodgson’s term “Islamicate,” an adjectival form of Islamdom, are Islamic in a cultural context:
  • Arabic, إِسْلَامِيّ فِي السِيَاق الثَقَافِيّ, ⫰Ɪs°lāmiyy fī ʾal•siyāq ʾal•ṯṯaqāfiyy
  • Persian, اِسْلَامِی دَر زَمِینَهِ فَرْهَنْگِی, ʾꞮs°lāmí dar zamínah•i far°han°gí
  • Tajik, Исломӣ дар &He was introduced to me in an undergraduate;аминаи фарҳангӣ, Ɪslomī dar zamina•i farhangī
  • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, اِسْلَامِی تَنَاظَر فَرْهَنْگِی, ʾꞮs°lāmí tanāẓar far°han°gí
  • Sindhi, اِسْلَامِي ثَقَافْتِي تَنَاظَر ۾, ʾꞮs°lāmī ṯaqāf°tī tanāẓar meṃ➦⁺ⁱᵃˢᵗ
  • Pashto, اِسْلَامِي پَه کَلْتُورِي چُوکَاـت کې, ʾꞮs°lāmī pah ḱal°tūrī čūḱāt ḱe
  • Soranî Kurdish, ئیسْلَامِی لە چْوَارچێوْهِٓیْهٓکِی کُولْتوورِیدَا, ⫯Ɪ̃s°lāmí le č°wār°čêý°wihiỳeḱí ḱūlurídā
  • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Îslamî di çarçoveyeke çandî de
  • Uyghur, مەدەنِىْيەت مۇِھىتِىدِىِكى ئىسْلَام, medeniỳ°yet muhiỳtiỳdiỳkiỳ ⫯Ɪ̃s°lām
  • Hausea in Ajami script, مُوسُولُونْسِي ا سِيكِين مَاهَالِّين الَادُو, Mūsūlūn°sī ʾa sīkīn māhāllīn ʾalādū
  • Hebrew, אִסְלָאמִי בְּהֶקְשֵׁר תַּרְבּוּתִי, ʾꞮsəlāmiy bə•hẹqəšēr ttạrəbūṯiy
  • Yiddish, אִיסְלאַמִישׁ אַ קוּלְטוּרעַלְען קאָנְטעֶקְסְט, ʾꞮysəlʾạmiyš ʾiyn ʾạ qūləṭūrʿạləʿn qʿonəṭʿẹqəsəṭ
  • German, Islamisch im ein kulturellen Kontext
  • Urdu, ثَقَافَتِی تَنَاظُرَ میں اسْلامی, ṯaqāfatí tanāẓura mēṉ ʾꞮslāmí
  • Hindi, सक़ाफ़ती तनाज़ुर मैं इस्लामी, saqāfatī tanāzura maiṃ Islāmī
  • Turkish, İslamꞌın kültürel bağlamdaki yeri
  • Azerbaijani, İslam mədəni kontekstdə
  • Turkmen, Yslam medeni kontekstde
  • Kazakh, мәдени контекстегі Ислам, mədeni kontekstegí Ɪslam
  • Kyrgyz, Ислам маданиятынын контекстинде, Ɪslam madaniyatynyn kontekstinde
  • Tatar, Ислам мәдәнияте контекстында, Ɪslam mədəniyate kontekstynda
After more than two decades, Pitirim A. Sorokin’s Platonic idealist Integralism (Քɨ) aka Sorokinian Integralism (ꈜꎰ) had become stale and, to me, untenable. Someone recommended, on an email list, that I look into critical realism. Although I believe, in retrospect, he had intended theological critical realism, which originated within the moderate wing of evangelical Protestantism, instead I found Roy Bhaskar’s critical realism. Those two historically unrelated versions of critical realism may, among many others, be the most widely known. And so I gradually transitioned from The Paradigm of Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxism (𑼎𖥺) to the Bhaskarian critical realist 𝕽𝖊𝖘𝖙𝖗𝖚𝖈𝖙𝖚𝖗𝖆𝖙𝖎𝖔𝖓𝖆𝖑 𝕽𝖊𝖆𝖑𝖎𝖘𝖒 ɽᶉ, 2001–2004, a term I derived from this quotation:
On this model [the transformational model of social activity] society appears as the unmotivated condition and nonteleological product of our substantive motivated productions (praxes), which in turn reproduce or transform their own conditions, i.e. society. From this recursive or quasi–autopoietic character of the model, expressing the feature that society itself is a social product, the activity–, concept– and time–space–dependent and relational character of social forms can be immediately derived as four ontological differences from standard conceptions of physics and chemistry (… as limits on naturalism …). It is because society exists only in virtue of human activity that reification is an error, and because it is never the creation of human activity that voluntarism is. It is because the social structure is always a given, from the perspective of intentional human agency, that I prefer to talk of reproduction and transformation rather than of structuration as [Anthony] Giddens [in his structuration theory] does (although I believe our concepts are very close). For me “structuration” still retains voluntaristic connotations—social practice is always, so to speak, restructuration.
〜 Roy Bhaskar, “Beef, Structure and Place: Notes from a Critical Naturalist Perspective.” Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour. Volume 13, issue 1, March 1983. Pages 81–96.
As the precursor to Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ), ɽᶉ), a term I have started using once again, was my initial, and admittedly green or unripened, version of Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ). In any event, the timing was undoubtedly right. After a quarter century or more, moving on, even as I initially retained some elements of Sorokinism, began to made sense. I had grown weary of contemplating and critiquing the writings of Sorokin—a staunch social conservative, an anti–Marxist, and, arguably, a fascist or quasi–fascist. And my current return to Sorokin is, as explained earlier, limited in its scope. In any event, he was introduced to me in an undergraduate social theory class taught by my beloved Professor J. Drenan Kelley (1917–2005). Drenan, both in that class and through our private conversations, inspired me to become a sociologist. As a young faculty member, an assistant professor, I fortunately met him once again at a meeting of the Georgia Sociological Association.
Upon discovering Roy Bhaskar, particularly his dialectical critical realism (ↁᙍⴽ), his transcendental dialectical critical realism (ⵃↁᙍⴽ), and his philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ), I no longer needed Sorokin per sē. The idealist elements of my otherwise thoughtfully considered Paradigm of Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxism (𑼎𖥺) fell by the wayside. Bhaskar’s reworking of the dialectic, long one of my favorite subjects, and his focus on Nonduality vis–à–vis Duality were more than sufficient. Roy made no claims for himself. In my view, however, he was heavenly gift—a reformer, a renewer, a rejuvenator. Though, like you and I, Roy was, of course, a mere mortal, he was also a treasure sent down to this lowly world from on high.
My statement will undoubtedly be controversial, but I believe that was Roy was, when considered in an Islamicate context, a muǧaddid (originally Arabic, مُّجَدِّد, muǧaddid; Urdu and Shahmukhi Punjabi, مُّجَدِّدَ, muǧaddida; Hindi, मुजद्दिद, mujaddida; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਮੁਜੱਦੀਦ, mujadīda; Bengali, মুজাদ্দিদ, mujāddida; or Turkish, mücedded)—one who brought (sometimes centenary) rejuvenation or renewal (Arabic, تَجْدِيد, taǧ°dīd) of knowledge concerning reality. Personally, I expect a succession of agents of spiritual resurgence in the coming years and centuries. The beings, or hypothetical beings, are mentioned below as tributes for the advancement of Roy’s soul. But the listing is obviously not authoritative, conclusive, or all–inclusive. However, in times past and present, any number of the following individuals might have been reformers (Arabic, مُجَدِّدِينَ, muǧaddidīna; Hebrew, מְחַדְּשִׁים, məḥạdəšiym; or Turkish, müceddedler), too.
  • White Buffalo Calf Woman (Lakȟótiyapi/Lakota language, Ptesáŋwiŋ), human existence unknown, is considered by many to have been a transformative visitor to the Lakota Sioux (Lakȟótiyapi/Lakota language, Lakȟóta Očhéthi Šakówiŋ). She is often associated, even in communities other than Lakota Sioux, with Two–Spiritedness.
  • Bhrāmarī Dēvī (Sanskrit, भ्रामरी देवी, “Bee–like Divine One”), human existence unknown, is discussed later in the book in connection with my system of yoga.
  • Akhenaten (Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, 𓈖𓅜𓐍𓇋𓏏𓈖𓇳 [MP3]), 14ᵗʰ century BCE, was an Ancient Egyptian pharaoh. He introduced the monotheistic worship of the Sun God, Aten (Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, 𓇋𓏏𓈖). Although Akhenaten might have been a Messenger of God, that is entirely speculative. Nevertheless, Akhenaten heroically challenged the polytheistic pantheon.
  • Quetzalcōātl (Nawatlahtolli/Nahuatl, “feathered serpent”), human existence unknown but possibly between 100 BCE and 100 CE, was believed to be a divine being by the Aztek peoples. His skull is sometimes depicted like a member of the speculative species of human coneheads from previous earthly ages and cycles.
  • Mahavira (Sanskrit, महावीर, Mahāvīra), circā 599 BCE–circā 6ᵗʰ BCE
  • Mattathias (c.f. Matthew) the Cohen, son of Johanan (Hebrew, מַתִּתְיָהוּ הַכֹּהֵן בֶּן יוֹחָנָן‎, Mattiṯəyāhū hạ•Kōhēn bẹn Yôḥānān; Yiddish, מאַתִּיסְיאָהוּ דֵּער כָּהְן, זוּן פֿוּן יוּחַנַן, Mʾatiyṯəyʾohū dēʿr Kohən, zūn p̄ūn Yūḥạnạn; German, Mattatias [c.f. Matthias and Matthäus] der Kohen, Sohn von Jochanan; or Arabic, مَاثِيُو الكَاهِن بِن يُوحَانَان, Māṯiyū ʾal•Kāhin bin Yūḥānān), circā 205 BCE–166 BCE
  • Hazrat Sultan Bahoo (Shahmukhi Punjabi, حَضَرَتَ سُلَطَانَ بَاہُو, Ḥaḍarata Sulaṭāna Bāhū; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਹਜ਼ਰਤ ਸੁਲਤਾਨ ਬਾਹੂ, Hazarata Sulatāna Bāhū; Urdu, حَضَرَتَ سُلْطْانَ بَاہُو, Ḥaḍarata Sul°ṭāna Bāhū; Hindi, हज़रत सुल्तान बाहू, Hazarata Sultāna Bāhū; or Bengali, হযরত সুলতান বাহু, Hayarata Sulatāna Bāhu), 1630 CE–1691 CE
  • Bulleh Shah (Shahumkhi Punjabi and Urdu, بُلّْھے شَاہَ, Bull°hē Šāha; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਬੁਲ੍ਹੇ ਸ਼ਾਹ, Bulꞌhē Śāha; Hindi, बुल्ले शाह, Bullē Śāha; or Bengali, বুল্লে শাহ, Bullē Śāha), 1680 CE–1757 CE
  • Guru Nanak (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਗੁਰੂ ਨਾਨਕ, Gurū Nānaka; Shahmukhi Punjabi and Urdu, گُورُو نَانَکَ, Gūrū Nanaḱa; Hindi, गुरु नानक, Guru Nānaka; or Bengali, গুরু নানক, Guru Nānaka), 1469 CE–1539 CE, the originator of Nanakpanthi (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਨਾਨਕਪੰਥੀ, Nānakapathī; Shahmukhi Punjabi or Urdu, نَانَکَ پَنْتْھِی, Nānaḱa Pan°t°hí; or Hindi, नानकपंथी, Nānakapaṁthī), including the subsequent development of Sindhiyat (Sindhi, سِنْدْهِيَتَ, Sin°d°hiyata; Devanagari Sindhi and Sanskrit, सिन्धियत, Sindhiyata; or Hindi, सिंधियत, Siṁdhiyata), the inspiration for the branches of Sikhism and for various neo–Sikh movements, and eulogized as a saint by the Bahá’í Universal House of Justice
  • Confucius (Mandarin, 孔子, Kǒng•zi, or Cantonese, 孔子, Hung2•ji2), circā 551 BCE–circā 479 BCE
  • Laozi/Lao Tze/Lao Tzu (Mandarin, 老子, Lǎo•zi; or Cantonese, 老子, Lou5•ji2), circā 6ᵗʰ or 4ᵗʰ c. BCE–circā 5ᵗʰ c. BCE
  • Amitabha Buddha (Sanskrit, अमिताभ बुद्ध, Amitābha Buddha), earthly existence unknown but possibly a monk named Dharmakara (Sanskrit, धर्माकर, Dharmākara), DOB and DOD also unknown
  • Mahakashyapa (Sanskrit, महाकाश्यप, Mahākāśyapa; or Pali, महाकस्सप, Mahākassapa), circā 520 BCE–circā 460 BCE
  • Constantine the Great (né, in Latin, Flāvius Valerius Cōnstantīnus), 306 CE–337 CE
  • Maitreyi (Sanskrit, मैत्रेयी, Maitrēyī), 8ᵗʰ c. BCE
  • St. Benedict of Nursia (Latin, Sānctus Benedictus Nūrsienis; or Italian, Santo or San Benedetto da Norcia), 480 CE–547 CE
  • †Uways ⸍abn ⸌Amir ⸍al–Qarani (Arabic, أُوَيْس ٱبْن عَامِر ٱلْقَرَنِيّ, ⫯Uway°s ʾåb°n ʿĀmir ʾål•Qaraniyy), 593 CE–657 CE
  • ⸍Ɪmam and Caliph ⸌Ali (Arabic, الإِمَام وَالخَلِيفَة عَلِيّ اِبْن أَبِي طَالِب, ʾal•⫰Ɪmām wa•ʾal•H̱alīfaẗ ʿAliyy ʾib°n ⫯Abī Ṭālib), 600 CE–661 CE
  • ⸍Ɪmam Husayn (Arabic, الإِمَام الحُسَيْن اِبْن َلِيّ اِبْن أَبِي طَالِب, ʾal•⫰Ɪmām ʾal•Ḥusay°n ʾib°n ʿAliyy ʾib°n ⫯Abī Ṭālib), 626 CE–680 CE
  • Nimbarka (Sanskrit, निंबार्क; or Telugu, నింబార్క, Nimbārka, “the sun shining upon the leaves”), debatably 7ᵗʰ–13ᵗʰ century CE, the founder of Nimbarka Sampradaya (Sanskrit, निम्बार्क सम्प्रदाय, Nimbārka Sampradāya, “tradition of the sun shining upon the leaves”) and, in that capacity, the primary proponent of Dvaitadvaita Vedanta (Sanskrit, द्वैताद्वैत वेदान्त, Dvaitādvaita Vēdānta,  Duality–Nonduality end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”), a branch of Bhedabheda
  • Bhaskara (Sanskrit, भास्कर, Bhāskara, “light–maker or bringer of light”) often regarded as the founder of the magnificent school, or more precisely school of schools, of Bhedabheda Vedanta (Sanskrit, भेदाभेद वेदान्त, Bhēdābhēda Vēdānta, “difference–nondifference end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”), 8ᵗʰ–9ᵗʰ centuries CE, and, of course, the last name of Roy Bhaskar
  • Rumi (Arabic, مَوْلَانَا جَّلَالُ الدِّين مُحَمَّد الرُّومِيّ, Maw°lānā Ǧǧalālu ʾal•Ddīn Muḥammad Rrūmiyy), 1207 CE–1273 CE, the murid (Arabic, المُرِيدٌ, ʾal•murīduṇ, “literally, the aspirant”) of Shams Tabrizi
  • Shams Tabrizi (Arabic, شَّمْسُ الدِّين التَّبْرِيزِيّ, Ššam°su ʾal•Ddīn ʾal•Ttab°rīziyy), 1185 CE–1248 CE
  • ⸍Ɪbn ⸌Arabi (Arabic, الشَيْخ الأَكْبَر مُحْيِيّ الدِّين أَبُو عَبْدُ الله مُحَمَّد اِبْن عَرَبِيّ الطَائِيّ الحَاتِمِيّ, ʾal•Šay°ẖ ʾal•⫯Ak°bar Muḥ°yiyy ʾal•Ddīn ⫯Abū ʿAb°du ʾAl•Llꞌah Muḥammad ʾꞮb°n ʿArabiyy ʾal•Ṭā⫯yiyy ʾal•Ḥātimiyy), 1165 CE–1240 CE
  • ⸌Attar (Persian, فَرِیدَاُلدِّین ابُوحَامِد مُحَمَّد عَطَّارِ نِیشَاپُورِی, Farídʾul•Ddín ʾAbū•Ḥāmid Muḥammad ʿAṭṭār•i Níšāpūrí; or Tajik, Фаридиддин Абухамад Мухаммад Аттори Нишапурӣ, Farid•i•ddin Abu•hamad Muhammad Attor•i Nišapuri), circā 1145 CE–circā 1221 CE
  • Sana᠂i (Persian, حَکِیم ابُواِلمَجْد مَجْدُود اِبْنِ آدَم سَنَایِیِ غَزْنَوِی, Ḥaḱím ʾAbūʾil•Maǧ°d Maǧ°dūd ʾib°n•i ʾÂdam Sanāýí•i Ġaz°naví; or Tajik, Ҳаким Абулмаҷд Маҷдуд ибни Одам Саноии Ғазнавӣ, Hakim Abu•l•maǧd Maǧdod ibn•i Odam Sanoi•i Ġaznavī), 1080 CE–1150 CE
  • Suhrawardi (Arabic from Persianized Arabic, شَهَابُ الِدِّين أَبُو الفُتُوح يَحْيَى بِن حَبَش بِن أَمِيرَك السُهْرَوَرْدِيّ, Šahābu ʾal•Ddiyn ⫯Abū ʾal•Futūḥ Yah°yaỳ bin Ḥabaš bin ⫯Amīrak ʾal•Suh°rawar°diyy; Persian, شَهَاب الِدِّین ابُواِلفُتُوح یَحیَی اِبْنِ حَبَش اِبْنِ امِیرَک السُهْرَوَرْدِی, Šahāb ʾil•Ddín ʾAbūʾil•Futūḥ Ýaḥ°ýaý ʾib°n•i Ḥabaš ʾib°n•i ʾAmíraḱ Suh°ravar°dí; Tajik, Шаҳобиддин Абулфутуҳ Яҳё ибни Ҳабаш ибни Амирак Суҳравардӣ, Šahob•i•ddin Abu•l•futuh Yahyo ibn•i Habaš ibn•i Amirak Suhravardī; or Azerbaijani, Şəhəbəddin Əbu əl–Futuh Yəhya ibn Həbəş ibn Əmirək Sührəvərdi), circa 1097 or 1154 CE–1168 or 1191 CE
  • Illuminationism or Illuminism (Arabic from Persianized Arabic, الإِشْرَاقِيَّة, ʾal•⫰Ɪš°rāqiyyaẗ; Persian, اِشْرَاقِیَه, ʾꞮš°rāqiýah; Tajik, Ишроқия, Ɪšroqiya; or Azerbaijani, İşraqiyyə) is the school of thought associated with Suhrawardi
  • Srimanta Sankardev (Assamese, মহাপুৰুষ শ্ৰীমন্ত শঙ্কৰদেৱ, Mahāpurauṣa Śraīmanta Śaṅkaradēra or Mahaparasha Śamaśa Śaśaraśawa), traditionally, 1449 CE–1568 CE
  • Chaitanya (Bengali, মহাপ্রভু শ্রীচৈতন্য দেব, Mahāprabhu Śrī•Caitanꞌya Dēba; or Sanskrit, महाप्रभु श्री चैतन्य देव, Mahāprabhu Śrī Caitanya Dēva), 1486–1534, founder of Gaudiya Vaishnavism (Bengali, গৌড়ীয় বৈষ্ণববাদ, Gauṛīẏa Baiṣṇababāda; or Sanskrit, गौडीय वैष्णवसम्प्रदायः, Gauḍīya Vaiṣṇavasampradāyaḥ) aka Achintya Bheda Abheda Vedanta (Bengali, অচিন্ত্য ভেদাভেদ বেদান্ত, Acintya Bhēdābhēda Bēdānta; or Sanskrit, अचिन्त्यभेदाभेद वेदान्त, Acintyabhēdābhēda Vēdānta), a school of Bhedabheda Vedanta
  • Shaykh †Ahmad ⸍al–†Ahsay (Arabic, الشَيْخ أَحْمَد بِن زَيْن الدِّين بِن إِبْرَاهِيم الصَّقْرِيّ الأَحسَائِيّ, ʾal•Šay°ẖ ⫯Aḥ°mad bin Zay°n ʾal•Ddīn bin ⫰Ɪb°rāhīm ʾal•Ṣṣaq°riyy ʾal•⫯Aḥ°sā⫯yiyy), 1753 CE–1826 CE
  • Rebbe Nachman son of Simcha of Breslov (Yiddish, רֶבִֿי נַחְמָן בֶן שִׂמְחָה פֿוּן בְראָסְלַעוו [MP3], Rẹb̄iy Nạḥəmān bẹn Śiməḥāh p̄ūn Bərāsəlạʿv̇; or Hebrew, רַבִּי נַחְמָן בֶּן שִׁמְעָה מְבְּרֶסְלָב [MP3], Rạbiy Nạḥəmān bẹn Šiməʿāh mə•Bərẹsəlāḇ), 1772–1810 CE. Nachman, in his approach to Chasidic or Hasidic Judaism (Hebrew, יַהֲדוּת הַחֲסִידִית [MP3]), Yạhăḏūṯ hạ•Ḥăsīḏiyṯ, “the pious Judaism”), advocated the practice of Hitbodedut (Hebrew, הַהִתְבּוֹדְדוּת, hạ•hiṯəbôḏəḏūṯ, “the solitude”) as a concentrated mode of prayer and placed the spirit of religious law (Hebrew, הַהֲלָכָה, hạ•hălāḵāh, “the walk”) above the letter of the law.
  • Sayyid Kazim ⸍al–Rashti (Arabic, السَيِّد كَاظِم بِن القَاسِم بِن أَحْمَد بِن حَبِيب الحُسَيْنِيّ الرَشْتِيّ, ʾal•Sayyid Kāẓim bin ʾal•Qāsim bin ⫯Aḥ°mad bin Ḥabīb ʾal•Ḥusay°niyy ʾal•Raš°tiyy), 1793 CE–1843 CE
  • The Letter of the Living Tahirih (Persian, حَرْفِ حَیّ فَاطِمِهِ بَرَغَانِیِ طَاهِرِه وَ قُرَّتاُلعَیْن, Ḥar°f•i Ḥaýý Fāṭimih•i Baraġāní•i Ṭāhirih va Qurratʾul•ʿAý°n; Tajik, Ҳарфи Ҳайӣ Фотимаи Барғонӣи Тоҳира ва Қуротул Айн, Harf•i Haýī Fotima•i Barġonī•i Tohira va Qurotul Aýn; or Turkish, Turkish, Harf–i Hayy Tahire ve Kurretü’l-Ayn), 1814 CE or 1817 CE–1852 CE
  • The Letter of the Living Mulla Husayn (Persian, حَرْفِ حَیّ مُلََّا حُسَین بُشْرُوئِیِ جِنَابِ بَابُ البَاب, Ḥar°f•i Ḥaýý Mullā Ḥusaý°n Buš°rū⫯yí•i Ǧināb•i Bābu ʾal•Bāb; Tajik, Ҳарфи Ҳайӣ Мулло Ҳусейн Бушроӣ Ҷаноби Бобу ал–Боб, Harf•i Haýī Mullo Huseýn Bušroī Ǧanob•i Bobu al–Bob; or Turkish, Harf–i Hayy Molla Hüseyin), 1813 CE–1849 CE
  • The Letter of the Living Quddus (Persian, حَرْفِ حَیّ مُلَّا مُحَمَّد عَلِی بَارْفُرُوشِیِ جِنَابِ قُدُّوس, Ḥar°f•i Ḥaýý Mullā Muḥammad ʿAlí Bār°furūší•i Ǧināb•i Quddūs; Tajik, Ҳарфи Ҳайӣ Мулло Муҳаммад Алӣ Барфурұшӣ Ҷаноби Қуддус, Harf•i Haýī Mullo Muhammad Alī Barfurūšī Ǧanob•i Quddus; or Turkish, Harf–i Hayy Kuddus), circā 1820 CE–1849
  • The Guardian of the Cause (or Command) of God Shoghi Effendi Rabbani (Arabic, الوَّلِيّ الأَمْرُ الله شَوْقِي أَفَنْدِيّ رَبَّانِيّ, ʾal•Wwaliyy ʾal•⫯Am°ru ʾAl•Llꞌah Šaw°qī ⫯Afan°diyy Rabbāniyy; Persian, وَلِی امْرالله شَوْقِی افنَنْدِی رَبَّانِی, Valí•i ʾAm°r•ʾAl•Llꞌah Šaw°qí ʾAfan°dí Rabbāní; Tajik, Велийи Эмруллоҳ Шоғӣ Афандӣ Раббонӣ, Veliy•i Émrulloh Šoġī Afandī Rabbonī; or Turkish, Veliyy–ı Emrullâh Şevkî Efendi Rabbânî), 1897 CE–1957 CE
  • Hand of the Cause (or Command) of God Zikrullah Khadem (Arabic, اليَد الأَمْرُ الله ذِكْرُ الله خَادِم, ʾal•Yad ʾal•⫯Am°ru ʾAl•Llꞌah Ḏik°ru ʾAl•Llꞌah H̱ādim; Persian, یَد امْراللهِ ذِکْرالله خَادِم, Ýad•i ʾAm°r•ʾAl•Llꞌah Ḏiḱ°r•ʾAl•Llꞌah H̱ādim; Tajik, Яди Амри Аллоҳ Зикраллоҳ Ходим, Yad•i Amr•i Alloh Zikralloh H̱odim; or Turkish, Tanrı Emrinin El Zikrullah Khadem or, more linguistically precise and formal, Tanrı Emrinin El Zikir–Allâh Hâdım), 1904 CE–1986 CE, my beloved friend
Toward the end of 2004, a severe existential crisis followed my estrangement from a verbally abusive naïve religious and verbal realist. They repeatedly attacked me on my readings of their esteemed writer, Marian Lippitt. Since they wished to make a living by presenting Marian’s transformation program, my critiques were inconvenient. I regrettably abandoned critical realism and embraced poststructuralism, strong social constructionism, and the like and, above all, made a transition to a odd couple of monistic nominalism and monistic idealism. Now, captivated by their malignant behavior, their anger against me only intensified.
Consequently, in Structurization Theory (𐒡𝘛) aka Emancipatory Constructionism (乇ር), I reduced reality to mere linguistic abstractions. Domination and emancipation became accidental constructs or categories. They could, I believed, be corrected merely through a systematic and dedicated process of social redefinition. I had, in short, adopted a position not terribly remote from: Hegelianism; the philosophical sham of New Thought (including its offshoots: the Word of Faith movement and the power of positive thinking); A Course in Miracles (which I have always disliked nonetheless); and Advaita Vēdānta (an odd ontology, allegedly a product of adaptive reuse, which I admittedly favored in my youth).
Bluntly, I became thoroughly alienated from the nature of beings and things and, having grievously embraced the moral nihilism of via modernā, finally repudiated the reality of human nature itself. The logical, or illogical, radical theoretical accompaniment to my nominalist disaffection was accepting, but transcending, the poststructural new critical theory. In short, I embraced its embarrassing current or tendency: post–Marxism, i.e. poststructural Marxism. Even while affirming the Lyotardian critique of metanarratives, I performed Derridean deconstructions of reality as, in effect, a post–truth assemblage of Wittgensteinian language games.
Fortunately, despite descending into absurdity, my basic common sense never left me. I was, to be honest, angry and embittered. Once and for all, I decided to give my emotional abuser enough rope to hang themself. The method worked again and again. My challenges, as I had forecast, compelled them to seek reassurance. Instead, they were directed to close down their organization. Because this moral misfit badgered many others, though to lesser extents, their harassments also ended. Indeed, I recall an incident when one of their other victims, having learned of the dismantlement, exploded at them on an email list. That individual is now deceased. As to me, I promptly returned to critical realism in 2010, rechristening Structurization Theory as a critical realist perspective, then changing its designation to Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) in 2015. The name somehow stuck.
I truthfully regret the episode with the religious fanatic, nay monster, and have avoided any backbiting. In so doing, I might well be providing an unmerited favor. By my oblivious or incognizant, but still vindictive, reaction to their emotional abuse, I abandoned strongly held convictions. I later realized that I only adopted certain perspectives, which I would customarily eschew, to exasperate a speculative narcissist. Now having repudiated them all, my personal well–being has been the beneficiary. Since I was, admittedly, retaliatory by intention, the incident is, clearly, not one for which I can, or should, be proud. But being taunted and bullied is no fun. And such has been my lot as an Autistic. I never expected an apology, but they never offered one either. To the best of my knowledge, my abuser and tormentor completely left the Internet. By conducting a simple web search, I discovered that they died, at the age of 90, in January, 2021. I say, in humility, may God forgive him.
As an Autistic, similar events have dotted my entire life. Interpersonally, the issue might relate, partially, to my stammering. By my facial expressions, I must look Autistic, particularly in my eyes. I have noted unusual eye movements in some YouTube videos. Regardless, anyone who targets this left–libertarian Maoist nowadays should anticipate surprises. If or when provoked, I can be assertive and, in righteous indignation, aggressive. I am proudly no one’s sockpuppet or informant, but I have known one or two.
In dealing with this specific individual, I should have profited from our earlier encounters. However, prudence is not among my dominant faculties whether exorbitantly or minimally. The two of us, many years ago, had planned on delivering a seminar in the Kansas City area. At the time, they lived in Nebraska—just one state to the north of my old home in metropolitan Kansas City (Olathe, Kansas). I inadvertently discovered that the person had, without informing me of the change in affairs, scheduled a solo production. Indeed. I was not a part of it. There was, as best I could tell, no point in confronting them. Nothing of any value would have been accomplished.
They were human only in name. I did ruthlessly, though only momentarily, consider spreading gossip about them and then discouraging others from attending. But to do so would, in my view, only degrade myself. Obviously, I did not show up at the meeting. My attendance would ostensibly condone their blatantly immoral behavior. But they never invited me either. To this day, I do not know how many, if any, people were present. Despite that, given my strong suspicions that the individual only sold me out to market personal seminars of questionable value, I sincerely hope there was no audience. Hucksters, as I can bear witness, are always looking for a few chumps.
Throughout my life, I have, like many Autistics, frequently been underestimated. Both Autism spectrum disorder and intellectual disability, which was previously referred to as mental retardation and even earlier as feeble–mindedness, are neurodevelopmental disorders. There are similarities between them as well as differences. Some people will meet me face to face or encounter me online and, because of my lingering impairments in cognition and communication, assume that I am either intellectually or learning disabled. They then read my books or watch my podcast and are astounded. I wish I could, as in my podcast, completely stop my stammering and odd facial expressions. Really, I have tried. But my frequent discomfort with interpersonal communication has resulted in one failed attempt after another. As a child, the stammer was a stutter. My mother’s impatience with it made a bad situation worse. And I could, on occasion, barely speak at all. Some Autistics, however, are entirely nonverbal. Many who would, in times past, have spent their lifetimes in psychiatric hospitalsonly😢 2½ months for me—today have doctorates and are professors. Popular conceptions of Autism, across the entire spectrum, are disconnected from reality.
I am not, therefore, recommending that we return to the era of, for lack of a better term, psychiatric autocracy. I was, as I already made clear, a victim of such tyranny in my childhood. By the same token, once upon a time, a guy like the one speaking in this report (MP3), from early April of 2026, might have been forcibly institutionalized. For whatever reason, he became a high–ranking federal official during the second Donald Trump administration. Would seeing him deprived of his human rights provide me with any pleasure? Given my life story, and hopefully even without it, obviously not. That notwithstanding, the oddity of comments, considered in the context of his position of public trust, is clearly worth noting.
Many Autistics unfortunately live considerably beneath the poverty line. And the financial favorability of my own living situation, as strangely as it may sound, appears to have been entirely accidental. Somehow I managed, by literally nothing more than fortuity in the investments I selected for one of my two pensions (TIAA), to have a good retirement. My bank receives deposits monthly: one from my former employer and another from my fiduciary. Practically, therefore, my monthly income has neither increased nor decreased. I shall continue to receive cost–of–living adjustments. Intentionally, however, I live, as a wealthy guy, almost like a pauper. I protest a world, with me in it, increasingly in shambles and, in my humble opinion, about to get a whole lot worse. Nothing in anyone’s wildest imagination, including my own, can portend the events which, to my mind, are soon to come. Nevertheless, aside from what I just wrote, I believe that financial matters are, and should remain, personal. They are not, in my case anyway, a topic for conversation.
As an Autistic, I was for some time active in the neurodiversity or anti–cure community. As I began to reflect back upon my life, I realized that most of my problems came from inside, not outside, of me. To me, Autism, as the great pandemic of our age, demands a cure. After my change of heart, I became a literal outcast from the neurodiversity community. Yet, I genuinely love Autistics. That love is the driving force, the critical realist causal mechanism, for my anti–cure viewpoint. In general, academics, including me, enjoy disputes. Perhaps most people do not. However, I never belonged with them, and othering me may have been appropriate. My concern is the incorporation of identity politics into online Autism. That seems to be mostly common among the neurodiversity proponents. But their decisions have not been any of my business for quite some time. In any event, considered ontologically, neurodiversity, a universal, and neurodivergence (being neurodivergent), a set of particulars, are by no means synonymous terms. Nevertheless, both conditions are givens. That empirical acknowledgement is distinct from a philosophical opposition to cures for autism.
I will suggest, from my own perspective, that Autistics do not need identity politics. We need emancipation. Ultimately, we truly do need a cure. Identity politics, practiced by Autistics or by others, divide the Proletariat and the Subaltern into special interest categories and are, therefore, counterrevolutionary. The only facet of the neurodiversity movement I have retained is capitalizing Autism—a convention I adopted from a respected, and an intellectually brilliant, leader in that movement. He is now highly successful and politely responded to my congratulatory email. That simple act of capitalization, although I occasionally fail to do it, acknowledges Autism as a defining element in the lives of a marginalized population—my own.
I presently define my basic scientific socialist current as ƉɱⱤ. After considerable reflection, I do so out of personal agency so as to avoid partisan disputes. I also decided to continue expressing my thoughts with humility and absent a litany of divisive condemnations. By disposition and as a result of my education, I am a tolerant fellow. Somehow I have profited from the seemingly endless attacks waged upon me from many quarters. Such denigrations and vilifications are, unfortunately, not unusual for individuals on the Autism spectrum.
My current communist turn—Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ)—I had previously called Marxism–Leninism–Maoism–Third Worldism, simply Maoism–Third Worldism, or socialism from below–Third Worldism–Fourth Worldism (heterodox Maoism). The first two designations are the most customary with the last term coined by me. However, my new expression for that Third Worldist turn or current, Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, is, to the best of my knowledge, original to this volume. I finalized the appelation in the early morning hours of September 9ᵗʰ, 2025. It refers to the undesired localism, and its hopeful praxis of mutuality, in the wake of a catastropic destruction of the capitalist world–system (ꀯꁁꌗ). And so that, now trotted out in its bare essentials, is the Leftist course which I have charted. Accordingly, I am primarily a Bhaskarian critical realist and a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist. Sẹlāh (biblical Hebrew, סֶלָה [MP3], “Pause”). As the illustrious Judæic sage Hillel (Ancient Hebrew, הִלֵּל [MP3], Hillēl), 75 BCE–circā 10 CE, once enticingly contended, “All the rest is commentary.”
So therefore, autobiographically, since 1968, one personal socialist intellectional conversion has supplanted, or more accurately supplemented, another. Academics know that most things are gray. Rarely are they simply black or white. I appreciate each of the tendencies with which I have been associated. Not only have I learned from my many and varied experiences in them. My learning persists to this day. Without those currents, I would not have arrived at the intellectual space which I now gratefully inhabit. Fanaticism is among the greatest of human imperfections. True, we did not live up to our expectations, but we laid the growd for others.
Fundamentalism, when taken in the most inclusive sense of the term, is far from virtuous. Indeed, the fundamentalisms, in virtually every arena of human thought, should be intentionally shunned and avoided. Despite the present popularity of the fundamentalisms in reactionally circles and, to coin a term, a rigidity of reflection, the wide array of contemporary fundamentalisms may perhaps best be described as spiritually toxic to the human intellect. Become an open–hearted scientific socialist instead. Whether you agree with communists of other tendencies, or just certain other tendencies, is really beside the point. Respect and love each one of them as a revolutionary sister and brother. For that they all are.
As I moved from tendency to tendency, I have continued to recognize, until this day, some value in each of them. Embracing a new one never resulted in a complete rejection of any from the past. Each has contributed to my overall base of knowledge. Below the following two paragraphs will be a cursory synopsis of my personal chronology. Roy Bhaskar’s critical realism and my currently superannuated version of Hegelian Marxism (ዘற) have been included, but by placing them on the right–hand side, my intention was to avoid confusion with actual communist tendencies. Starting with Maoism–Third Worldism, the first time around, critical realism became the metatheoretical and methodological foundation for the full sequence of currents in my life as a Marxist.
Heterodox,” an adjective relevant to our usage of “Maoism” (𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩), should never be confused with “unorthodox.” The prefix hétero (Ancient Greek, ἕτερο), also seen in heterosexuality and heterogeneity, points to “the other,” much as homó (Ancient Greek, ὁμό), as in homosexuality and homogeneity, refers to “the same.” Therefore, heterodoxy (𖨲ꚭ) is the literal designation for “other doctrine,” not for wrong doctrine, and might be an appropriate designation for ƉɱⱤ and Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ.
To pose a rhetorical question: Why, for heaven’s sake, is the most commonly utilized opposite of heterodox orthodox and not logically instead homodox? Power might be the only realistic response. Understandably, perhaps, 𖨲ꚭ appears to be most commonly used in connection with the discipline of “heterodox economics” (𖨸𖨝). That term refers to an expansive array of economic alternatives to academic and orthodox apologiæ, or defenses, of so–called classical free–market capitalism (𑼣𑼯). Thus, in economics, any economist who differs with certain specific approaches to capitalism, or worse rejects capitalism, is a dissident. I am speaking outside my field, but rather than referring to the various forms of left heterodox economics, why not use the term critical post–economics (ℭꝔĘ)?
Economics is the only social science which, in effect, labels, really chastises, those with minority positions as the out–group. And, taking into account the rapidly deteriorating state of the capitalist world–system (ꀯꁁꌗ), there are, at least to me, no convincing defenses for it. Nevertheless, normatively, economics, as generally practiced, was itself historically grounded in the selfsame capitalist system. Why is Marx so well known? Fame frequently follows controversy. Few are neutral concerning Marx and Marxism. Since capitalism (𑼣𑼯) is, by definition, the unbridled acquisition of wealth, Marx’s notoriety is, to capitalists, inherently dangerous. We truly live in treacherous times:
… [The Bahá’í spirit should be] combatting the evil forces which a relentless and all–pervasive materialism, the cancerous growth of militant racialism, political corruption, unbridled capitalism, wide–spread lawlessness and gross immorality, are, alas, unleashing, with ominous swiftness, amongst various classes of the society to which the members of this community belong.
〜 Shoghi Effendi. Citadel of Faith: Messages to America, 1947–1957. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1965. Page 154.
Karl Marx certainly opposed control of the means of production by capitalists but not private or personal property per sē. That is to say, many Marxists, who were critiqued by Shoghi Effendi, might protest against the acquisition of private property in principle, but Marx did not. Although I own my condominium, I cannot own the work and the labor value of others. There are, moreover, also many Marxisms and diverse communist proposals, not just one. And Shoghi Effendi was not a Marxist scholar. As I shall suggest later, infallibility, immaculacy, or purity should not be conflated with the Westernized, largely Protestant, construct of inerrancy. However, Shoghi Effendi was, and remains to the present, the beloved Guardian of the Bahá’í Faith and, in my view, both a member and the Head of the Universal House of Justice. Marx’s economic views were clearly nuanced:
Private property, as the antithesis to social, collective property, exists only where the means of labour and the external conditions of labour belong to private individuals. But according as these private individuals are labourers or not labourers, private property has a different character. The numberless shades, that it at first sight presents, correspond to the intermediate stages lying between these two extremes. The private property of the labourer in his means of production is the foundation of petty industry, whether agricultural, manufacturing, or both; petty industry, again, is an essential condition for the development of social production and of the free individuality of the labourer himself. Of course, this petty mode of production exists also under slavery, serfdom, and other states of dependence. But it flourishes, it lets loose its whole energy, it attains its adequate classical form, only where the labourer is the private owner of his own means of labour set in action by himself: the peasant of the land which he cultivates, the artisan of the tool which he handles as a virtuoso. This mode of production presupposes parcelling of the soil and scattering of the other means of production. As it excludes the concentration of these means of production, so also it excludes co–operation, division of labour within each separate process of production, the control over, and the productive application of the forces of Nature by society, and the free development of the social productive powers.
〜 Karl Marx. Capital. Volume I. Moscow: Progress Publisher. 1956. Ebook
Regarding your questions concerning the Bahá’í attitude on various economic problems, such as the problem of ownership, control and distribution of capital, and of other means of production, the problem of trusts and monopolies, and such economic experiments as social co–operatives: the Teachings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l-Bahá do not provide specific and detailed solutions to all such economic questions, which mostly pertain to the domain of technical economics, and as such do not concern directly the Cause. True, there are certain guiding principles in Bahá’í Sacred Writings on the subject of economics, but these do by no means cover the whole field of theoretical and applied economics, and are mostly intended to guide future Bahá’í economic writers and technicians to evolve an economic system which would function in full conformity with the spirit,and the exact provisions of the Cause on this and similar subjects. The International House of Justice will have, in consultation with economic experts, to assist in the formulation and evolution of the Bahá’í economic system of the future. One thing, however, is certain: that the Cause neither accepts the theories of the Capitalistic economics in full, nor can it agree with the Marxists and Communists in their repudiation of the principle of private ownership and of this vital sacred right of the individual.
〜 From a letter dated June 10ᵗʰ, 1939, written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual Bahá’í. Social Action. A Compilation prepared by the Research Department of the Universal House of Justice. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. August, 2020. Ebook.
‘Abdu’l-Bahá’s proposal for a future economic system appears pleasingly communist to me. I have recently taken to jokingly referring to this system as a Robin Hood economy:
The question of economics must commence with the farmer and then be extended to the other classes inasmuch as the number of farmers is far greater than all other classes. Therefore, it is fitting to begin with the farmer in matters related to economics for the farmer is the first active agent in human society. In brief, from among the wise men in every village a board should be setup and the affairs of that village should be under the control of that board. Likewise a general storehouse should be founded with the appointment of a secretary. At the time of the harvest, under the direction of that board, a certain percentage of the entire harvest should be appropriated for the storehouse.
The storehouse has seven revenues: Tithes, taxes on animals, property without an heir, all lost objects found whose owners cannot be traced, one third of all treasure–trove, one third of theproduce of all mines, and voluntary contributions.
This storehouse also has seven expenditures:
  1. General running expenses of the storehouse, such as the salary of the secretary and the administration of public health.
  2. Tithes to the government.
  3. Taxes on animals to the government.
  4. Costs of running an orphanage.
  5. Costs of running a home for the incapacitated.
  6. Costs of running a school.
  7. Payment of subsidies to provide needed support of the poor.
The first revenue is the tithe. It should be collected as follows: If, for instance, the income of a person is five hundred dollars and his necessary expenses are the same, no tithes will be collected from him. If another’s expenses are five hundred dollars while his income is one thousand dollars,one tenth will be taken from him, for he hath more than his needs; if he giveth one tenth of the surplus, his livelihood will not be adversely affected. If another’s expenses are one thousand dollars, and his income is five thousand dollars, as he hath four thousand dollars surplus he will be required to give one and a half tenths. If another person hath necessary expenses of one thousand dollars, but his income is ten thousand dollars, from him two tenths will be required for his surplus represents a large sum. But if the necessary expenses of another person are four or five thousand dollars, and his income one hundred thousand, one fourth will be required from him. On the other hand, should a person’s income be two hundred, but his needs absolutely essential for his livelihood be five hundred dollars, and provided he hath not been remiss in his work or his farm hath not been blessed with a harvest, such a one must receive help from the general storehouse so that he may not remain in need and may live in comfort.
A certain amount must be put aside from the general storehouse for the orphans of the village and a certain sum for the incapacitated. A certain amount must be provided from this storehouse for those who are needy and incapable of earning a livelihood, and a certain amount for the village’s system of education. And, a certain amount must be set aside for the administration of public health. If anything is left in the storehouse, that must be transferred to the general treasury of the nation for national expenditures.
〜 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, “Extract from a Tablet of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá.” Additional Tablets, Extracts and Talks. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. Undated. Ebook.
While ‘Abdu’l–Bahá appears to advocate communism, Shoghi Effendi condemned 20ᵗʰ–century communism for its atheistic “deification of the state.” ‘Abdu’l–Bahá and Shoghi Effendi were, it appears to me, addressing communism from distinct perspectives. They should not be conflated with one another. The Bahá’í primary sources excoriate capitalism (𑼣𑼯). If business ownership were collective, rather than individual, then the rights of workers with their children would be protected by default. In any event, we require a communism centered upon the Third World (ꔋꖓ), the Fourth World of Indigeneity (ꗕꘞꔀ), and Subalternity (⟆մҍ), not, as consequence of the coexistence of capitalism and communism, the failed communisms of times past. The capitalist world–system (ꀯꁁꌗ) adroitly destroyed communist systems the world over. As a Bahá’í, to keep peace, I often remain silent on the controversy. Still, many Bahá’ís have unabashedly supported capitalism. Similar affirmations must be welcomed from proponents of communism.
… [To] deify the state and exalt the nation above mankind … must, sooner or later, incur the wrath and chastisement of God.
〜 Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1980. Ebook.
Shoghi Effendi, through his secretary, clarified that the teachings of the Bahá’í Faith contain spiritual economic principles, not an actual economic system. Factually, any statements on economics, aside from the storehouse in my view, relate to current economic systems, not to some future economy. Those statements are not official Bahá’í doctrines on an economy of the future. I, therefore, apply references to management, in this compilation, to a hypothetical worker collective, not to a specific person or a capitalist. A summation of my additional thoughts is presented immediately following the quotation:
There are practically no technical teachings on economics in the Cause, such as banking, the price system, and others. The Cause is not an economic system, nor its Founders be considered as having been technical economists. The contribution of the Faith to this subject is essentially indirect, as it consists of the application of spiritual principles to our present–day economic system. Bahá’u’lláh has given us a few basic principles which should guide future Bahá’í economists in establishing such institutions which will adjust the economic relationships of the world ….
〜 A letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi. Directives from the Guardian. New Delhi, India: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1973. Page 60.
My odyssey, as delineated in my Marxist chronology, is, traced back to the beginning, dated from 1968–1969. At that time, I was 12–13 years old, in the 7ᵗʰ grade, and, through the Students Democratic Coalition (SDC), an activist in the U.S. New Left (ꚡꛚ). I have, in my life as a Third Worldist, come full circle. Most of my SDC chapter’s activities were Third Worldist. We opposed the war in Mainland Southeast Asia (Indochina), including the then two Vietnams, opposed anti–ballistic missiles (ABMs), and supported Mexican migrant workers. While being told to walk in a circle by apparently plain–clothed federal agents, which defeated our purpose, we attempted, outside a local supermarket, to hand out boycott petitions for California grapes. Almost no one signed a petition. Sadly, even my parents, presumably afraid of being politically targeted, refused. As kids, not knowing any better, we even gave those agents our names and addresses.
It may be fair to say that we, as New Left Third Worldists, were predecessors to Maoist–Third Worldists (Yiddish, מאַאָיִסְט־דְּרִיטְע־וועֶלְטִיסְטְן, Mʾạʾoyisəṭ–Dəriyṭəʿ–V̇ʿẹlṭiysəṭən; or German, Maoist–Drittweltisten). But you can decide that for yourself. As a distinct and formal tendency under that name, Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) began in the 21ˢᵗ, not the 20ᵗʰ, century. Retrospectively, I have, in my heart, remained a Third Worldist since 1968. My pessimism toward the possibility, at least the immediate likelihood, of revolution in the First World has, nevertheless, remained with me all along.
Unfortunately, our chapter’s praxis in defense of migrant workers, while invariably well intentioned and properly planned, was, in the long run, largely unsuccessful. If anything, those migrant workers are now in a worse state than in the late 1960s. Sadly, that failure was one of many which eventually ended in disillusionment and social alienation. Our particular incarnation or instantiation of the New Left (ꚡꛚ) did not, for the most part, survive for long. Nevertheless, life, in a way, is the great trickster.
New Left Third Worldism (𞋟Ꝉ𐫱𐋆𑌘) began my interminable communist journey. As a Maoist–Third Worldist (Yiddish, אַ מאַאָיִסְט־דְּרִיטְע־וועֶלְטִיסְט, ʾạ Mʾạʾoyisəṭ–Dəriyṭəʿ–V̇ʿẹləṭiysəṭ; or German, ein Maoist–Drittweltist), I find myself, now for the third time around, an inhabitant of the Third–Worldist lifeworld (Yiddish, דֵּער דְּרִיטְע־וועֶלְטִישְׁע־לֵעבֶנְס־ווֶעלְט, dēʿr Dəriyṭəʿ–V̇ʿẹləṭiyšəʿ–lēʿbẹnəs–v̇ẹʿləṭ; or German, der dritte–weltistisch–Lebenswelt), the イᏇㄥฬ, once again. Those of us in the First World should, in my view, phenomenologically or intersubjectively inhabit that lifeworld.
In 1980, the year Pac–Man was released, I was working on my Ph.D. I missed video games by a generation. The absence of them in my youth left me with time to pursue other matters. After my experiences as a New Left communist, in early adolescence, each of the currents with which I identified, and have now illustrated in the diagram below, has proudly been heterodox. That covers the time period, incorporating the vast majority of my life, which began with Titoism and continues to the present day. After sadly being persuaded on a message board that my dear Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919) did not survive to establish a Marxism–Luxemburgism (𖥯), I only reluctantly abandoned the designation. Although she was assassinated during the year of my father’s birth, she feels like a contemporary to me. I love you, Comrade Red Rosa, and will see you soon. I also decided, out of rigor, to display the full and formal designation—Marxism–Leninism–Maoism–Third Worldism—and the unabbreviated name for my underlabored Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ): Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism.
As seen in the following chronology, in my current communist turn of Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism, I have particularized socialism from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ), a term coined by Hal Draper (né Harold Dubinsky, 1914–1990), as the aforementioned mutual aid theory and post–civilized theory. Hopefully, that adds some clarity. But I should provide a qualification. Representing one’s multidimensional life in a two–dimensional diagram is difficult, but I have done my best. I did move from Hegelian Marxism to Bhaskarian critical realism. However, as I mention elsewhere, shortly after embracing critical realism, I became a post–Marxist. The results of emotional abuse can be painful and unpredictable. Later, I rebounded to critical realism. Life, mine anyway, is complicated. These, accordingly, are my escapades and their turns:
Mark A. Foster’s Marxist Chronology
I embrace my life, with the dialectical absence of a number of my enemies, and would not choose to erase the vast majority of it. Who among us would not wish certain despised sociocultural traits, and even shunnable individuals, to either disappear into thin air or recede into the background? By the same token, the cancel culture meme is evidently disingenuous and self–serving. But shown above, I turned, more or less simultaneously, to my own construction of Marxism–Luxemburgism (𖥯), to International Socialism or ɿ𖨈꛰ (Marx21 and rs21), to Maoism–Left Refoundationism (ണᵃᵒᶦˢᵐ𖣼𖤟𖦉) aka Liberation Road, to third campism ( ㅈㄷ™) through Solidarity, and to socialism (or communism) from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ). My epistemic or epistemological disorientation and confusion, after allowing the beloved ѪŦШ to fall by the wayside, is evident. Although I am grateful for the information acquired, I fortunately corrected that mistake, after a decade or so, and returned to ѪŦШ.
For linguistic clarification, the socialist alias, and the Jewish name (Hebrew, שֵׁמוּת בְּיַהֲדוּת [MP3], šēmūṯ bə•Yạhăḏūṯ), of this writer shall be transliterated in this monograph as Mōšẹh ʾẠhărōn hạ•Lēwiy bẹn Hẹʿrəšẹʿl (Hebrew with Yiddish, מֹשֶׁה אַהֲרֹן הַלֵוִי בֶּן הֶערְשֶׁעל [MP3]) or as Məšəh ʾẠhərən dēʿr Lēʿv̇iyṭəʿ zūn p̄ūn Hẹʿrəšẹʿl (Yiddish, מְשְְׁה אַהְרְן דֵּער לֵעווִיטְע זוּנ פֿוּן הֶערְשֶׁעל [MP3]). The Hebraic–Yiddish proper noun is enunciated with a modern Hebrew (Hebrew, עִבְרִית הַמוֹדֶרְנִית [MP3], ʿꞮḇəriyṯ hạ•Môḏẹrəniyṯ) accent. The Yiddish version of that name follows an Ashkenazi (Hebrew, אַשְׁכְּנַזִּי [MP3]; ʾẠšəkənạzziy; or Yiddish, אַשְׁכְּנַזִישׁ‎ [MP3], ʾẠšəkənạziyš, “from sprinkles of fire”) or 𖧇ꗟ꘥𖤰𖨨𐌍ムᘔノ inflection.
Being the eldest child of two Ashkenazi Jews, Hebrew became my second language through Rabbi Joel Bernstein’s Hebrew School (Hebrew, בַּיִת הַסֵפֶר שֶׁל הַרַב יוֹאֵל בֶּרְנְשְׁטײַן [MP3], Bạyiṯ hạ•Šēp̄ẹr šẹl hạ•Rạḇ Yôʾēl Bẹrənəšəṭạ͡yn, “house of the book of the Rabbi Joel Bernstein”; Yiddish, דֵּער חֵדְּר פֿוּן דֵּער רֶבִי יוּאְל בֶערְנְשְׁטײַן [MP3], dēʿr Ḥēdər p̄ūn dēʿr Rẹbiy Yūʾəl Bẹʿrənəšəṭạ͡yn, “the room of the Rabbi Joel Bernstein”; or Arabic, مَدْرَسَةُ العِبْرِيَّة لِلحاخام يُئِيل بِرْنْشْتَايْن [MP3], Mad°rasaẗu ʾal•ʿꞮb°riyyaẗ lil•Ḥāẖām Yu⫯yīl Bir°n°š°tāy°n; Persian, مَدْرَسَهِ عِبْرِیِ خَاخَام یُوئِل بِرْنْشْتَایْن [MP3], Mad°rasah•i ʿꞮb°rí•i Ḥāẖām Ýū⫯yil Bir°n°š°tāý°n; or Tajik/Judæo–Tajik, Мадрасаи Ибрӣи Ҳохом Ёел Бернштейн [MP3], Madrasa•i Ɪbrī•i Hoẖom Yoel Bernšteýn, “Hebrew school of the Rabbi or sage Joel Bernstein”) in Bayside, Queens, as I trained for my bar mitzvah (Aramaicized Hebrew, בַּר מִצְוָה [MP3], bạr miṣəwāh; or Yiddish, בַר מִצְווַה [MP3], bạr miṣəv̇ạh), “son of commandment”) at 13–years old.
But regarding my own Jewishness (Yiddish, יִידִישְׁקײַט [MP3], Yiyḏiyšəqạ͡yṭ or Yiddishkeit; or Hebrew, יְהוּדִיּוּת [MP3], Yəhūḏiyūṯ), I am a Levite (Hebrew, לֵוִי [MP3], Lēwiy; or Yiddish, לֵעווִיט [MP3], Lēʿv̇iyṭ, “joined” priestly tribe) and, though typing it admittedly feels strange to me, a brit milah (Hebrew, בְּרִית מִילָה [MP3], bəriyṯ miylāh; or Yiddish, בְרִית מִילַה [MP3], bəriyṯ miylạh, “covenant of circumcision”).
In much of the modern world, Jews are among the Subaltern (MP3), a marginalized class below the Proletariat. That marginalization has only been on the rise. Incidents of persecution, especially towards Jews who wear traditional attire, are increasingly common. But some Israelis, with many Jews firmly standing against them, have marginalized Palestinians before the United Nations’ unarguably illegitimate establishment of the State of Israel on Indigenous land, so the problem is never a one–way street. Israeli Jews, originally European colonizers, are First Worlders. One might say, however, that the oppressed Palestinians of Greater West Asia reside, simultaneously, in the Fourth World of Indigeneity and the Third World.
The burning flame of global outrage at militant nationalism and genocide might ignite revolutionary transformation. But individuals of conscience must stand up against social and cultural “othering” whenever and wherever it appears. No acts of discrimination can be condoned by a civil society nor should any compromises, concerning human rights, ever be tolerable. In the capitalist world–system, for which imperialism (𖣇) has remained the primary dialectical contradiction, resolving these deep–seated problems is like shooting for the moon.
Life is permeated by dialectical contradictions. As a genealogically Ashkenazi (𖧇ꗟ꘥𖤰𖨨𐌍ムᘔノ) Jew in the United States, I became the unwilling recipient of white privilege. Here in my country of Deep South Texas, with the same climate as extreme South Florida, I have frequently worn shorts and t–shirts. But if I dressed like many Hasidic (Hebrew, חָסִידִי [MP3], Ḥāsīḏiy; Yiddish, חַסִידִישׁעְר [MP3], Ḥạsīḏiyšʿər; or German, chassidischer, [MP3] “pious”) Jews, I would be singled out and could, in some social contexts, even face prejudice or discrimination. I sadly acknowledge that unmerited white privilege while repudiating the identity politics which all too often accompanies that privilege. It is precisely because I experience the privileges of whiteness that I refuse to consider myself as white. I reject, in principle, all the unearned racial privileges I have received throughout my life.
Life is permeated by dialectical contradictions. Clearly, race is a social construction. No reputable social scientist would say otherwise. But race is constructed to the benefit of white people, however defined and repeatedly redefined ad nauseam, and, at the same time, to the palpable detriment of most others. Therefore, the concept of a white ethnic was merely a product of historical circumstance. Through a demographic convergence of fighting forces during World War II, the umbrella of white privilege was unexpectedly expanded in scope. Of course, that privilege has continued to exclude Black Americans.
If Palestinians, along with some other Arabs, are generally referred to, in the United States, as brown people, then why not Ashkenazi (𖧇ꗟ꘥𖤰𖨨𐌍ムᘔノ) Jews, as well? That distinction literally makes no sense. We are Semitic cousins or, as I prefer, brethren. At first glance, then second and third, I thought my Gazan Muslim dentist, back when I lived in Kansas, looked Ashkenazi. She is, indeed, my genetic sister, For me, therefore, brownness is not an issue of identity politics but, rather, of honesty and compassion. Indeed, U.S. whiteness, which should be tossed into the trash by all so–called white people, originated historically as a hateful assertion of superiority over Black slaves.
I have thus, based upon my reflections, recharacterized myself as a Brown Ashkenazi Jewish Person of Color (MP3). By my own agency, I insist on confronting that horrendous whiteness with an admittedly insignificant act, in this case, of lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist): changing the label. Since I have recognized, from the revolutionary standpoint of a Maoist–Third Worldist, the utter futility of playing foolish word games, I also feel compelled to metaphorically hold my nose. Even as I—a nerdy, long–haired, drug–abstinent, countercultural freak—would routinely chant so many decades ago:
In the journeys of our lives, we must stand up for empowering the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity (丁山⸺下), including the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, and everybody else under the heel of U.S. Empire (𑼳𑼆).
I not only vividly remember the Civil Rights Movement. I was also a part of it. And it will always be a part of me. I, therefore, find it regrettable that the term wokeism has been appropriated by many on the right as just short of a vulgarity. Originally, the same term referred to raising the class consciousness of people of color. I remember. Becoming woke was, therefore, an element of the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S. Yet, to many social conservatives, wokeism has become an attack dog on progressives or, sometimes perhaps, on those only seeming to be progressives. To these social conservatives, wokeness is, sadly, a negative. To many progressives, on the other hand, wokeism is an affirmation that a person appears to support the rights of socially marginalized people. Really, wokeism is one of many contemporary concepts which illustrate the profound cultural divide, or the culture war, now evidently present in U.S. popular culture. But what I find truly disconcerting, as a fellow who is neither a progressive nor a social conservative, is identifying a word, one which at the outset referred to the 20ᵗʰ–century U.S. Black Power Movement, twisted almost beyond any recognition. Clearly, the 21ˢᵗ–century descendants of slaves on the Plantation deserve much better.
In the speculative libertarian socialist world–system of the future, the Proletariat and the Subaltern, marginalized from the Proletariat, must be liberated from ƗᏨ—a reference to capitalism’s disentangled and disenchanted state of affairs. On the other hand, so–called right libertarianism and its ghastly motto, “Don’t tread on me,” mask narcissism as liberty. Right libertarianism includes Murray Rothbard’s (1926–1995) anarcho–capitalism. Indeed, Rothbard was among the founders of right libertarianism. That classically American ideology is comparable to, even overlaps with, Objectivism—from the controversial Russian–American novelist, an understandable Jewish cynic who witnessed the horrors of nazism from afar, Ayn Rand (1905–1982). Those anomalies aside, outside of the United States, libertarianism refers, more often than not, to its original left–wing versions. The bewildering differences in terminologies between diverse systems with the libertarian label has resulted, and continues to result, in considerable semantic confusion. Despite some perplexing claims to the contrary, words are just words and nothing more. They have no substance whatsoever and are not real. To someone oddly perplexed by a dictionary, I say: No, dear one, unicorns do not exist.
Is your libertarianism my libertarianism? Hearsay, which at its worst is like the old telephone game, is never a reliable source of information. Indeed, a century before right–wing libertarianism was initiated in the United States, including by Rothbard, a libertarianism, of an entirely different sort, had already been inaugurated on the Left. Certain early, as well as present–day, iterations of left libertarianism simultaneously incorporated elements of ᘉᗗⵅ߁ (Sanskrit, मार्क्सवाद [MP3], Mārksavāda; or Arabic, مَارْكِسِيَّةُ [MP3], Mār°kisiyyaẗu) and anarchism (Sanskrit, अराजकतावाद [MP3], arājakatāvāda; or Arabic, فَوْضَوِيَّةُ [MP3], faw°ḍawiyyaẗu) or anarchy (Sanskrit, अनैक्यम् [MP3], anaikyam; or Arabic, فَوْضَى [MP3], faw°ḍaỳ). That notwithstanding, others are strictly one or the other. Some, such as reciprocal libertarianism and Geolibertarianism, would presumably be placed into categories all their own. The following sequence of quotations, written from diverse perspectives, will now offer the reader elaborations on those points:
At the end of the [nineteenth] century in France, Sébastien Faure took up a word originated in 1858 by one Joseph Déjacque to make it the title of a journal, Le Libertaire [The Libertarian]. Today the terms “anarchist” and “libertarian” have become interchangeable [a weak claim given the variety of usages for both terms].
〜 Daniel Guérin. Anarchism: From Theory to Practice. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 2009. Page 8.
The aim of this article is to reexamine the ideological composition of the “Chicago Idea” movement of the Haymarket Martyrs. Following the “morphological” approach of Michael Freeden, I will argue that the evolution of the revolutionary labor movement in Chicago 1876–1886 exhibits conceptual features common to both the Marxist and anarchist traditions—which deeply impacted its radical praxis and outlook—in what might be regarded as an early “libertarian communist” formulation. The intellectual trajectory of the Chicago Idea will be contextualized with reference to key developments in the international and American socialist milieu, showing both similarities and differences with its state socialist, insurrectionary, and individualist contemporaries. The Chicago Idea remains an important ideological configuration, especially in light of more recent efforts to forge a common ground between social anarchisms and revolutionary marxisms. Viewed in this light, an analysis of what [Andrej] Grubačić and [Staughton] Lynd have recently called the “Haymarket Synthesis” and its legacy shows that an anarchist/Marxist synthesis has deeper historical roots than most left historians have previously acknowledged and might provide one point of departure on which to reconceptualize a contemporary anarchist/Marxist synthesis.…
… In the opening pages of his historical treatment of the anarchist movement Daniel Guérin, perhaps one of the clearest advocates of a “libertarian communist” or anarchist/Marxist formulation, quotes Haymarket Martyr Adolph Fischer in his assertion that “every anarchist is a socialist but not every socialist is necessarily an anarchist.” Guérin’s reading of the anarchist tradition through the twentieth century emphasizes the ideas as well as the “spontaneous actions of popular revolutionary struggle” which he regarded as having commonality with elements in the revolutionary Marxist milieu. Indeed, one of the remarkable features of the theory and practice of the Chicago Idea militants is the absence of heated polemics between class struggleoriented Marxist socialists and direct action-oriented anarchists—a perennial and familiar theme evident in most major studies of left and labor history. Chicago’s social revolutionaries had, after 1880, used the terms “anarchist” and “socialist” interchangeably and had openly drawn inspiration from both anarchist and Marxist sources.
〜 Saku Pinta, “Anarchism, Marxism, and The Ideological Composition of The Chicago Idea.” WorkingUSA: The Journal of Labor and Society. Volume 12, issue 3, September 2009. Pages 421–450.
The massacres of June 1848 brought him [Joseph Déjacque] not only to a rejection of exploitation and economic privilege, but equally to a rejection of all forms of authority. In exile in the States he produced a journal in French, Le Libertaire [The Libertarian], the first recorded use of the term libertarian as an alternative to that of anarchist.
〜 Nick Heath. Joseph Déjacque. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 2017. Page 1.
A thousand daggers, for the moment, are raised a thousand times a day against the dictatorial slavery. Whoever would accept a similar role would not have two minutes to live. But he would not accept it seriously, he would have his coterie, all the men scrabbling for gain who will squeeze around him, and would be for him a consecrated battalion of manservants in order to have the left-overs of his authority, the crumbs of power. Then perhaps he can indeed command in the name of the people, I do not deny it, but without fail, against the people. He will deport or have shot all those who have libertarian impulses. Like Charlemagne or whatever other king, who measured men by the height of his sword, he would decapitate all the intelligences that surpassed his level, he would forbid all progress which goes further than him. He will be like all men of public safety, like the politicals of 93, followers of the Jesuits of the Inquisition, and he will propagate the general dumbing–down, he will crush individual initiative, he will make the night of the dawning day, cast shadows on the social idea. He will plunge us back, dead or alive, into the charnel house of Civilization, and will make for the people, instead of intellectual and moral autonomy, an automatism of flesh and bone, a body of brutes. Because, for a political dictator as for a Jesuit director, what is best in man, what is good, is the corpse!
〜 Joseph Déjacque. Down with the Bosses! Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 1859. Page 3.
Flogger of woman and absolute serf of man, [Pierre–Joseph] Proudhon …, you use your words for a lash. Like a slave–driver you seem delighted to disrobe your beautiful victims (on paper) and flagellate them with invectives. Moderate anarchist, liberal, but not libertarian, you want free exchange of cotton and candles and you seek to protect man against woman in the exchange of affectional human passion. You cry against the great barons of capital, and you would rebuild a proud barony of man on vassal–woman. Logician with misfit eyeglasses, you are unable to read the lessons of the present or the past; you can discern nothing that is elevated or at a distance or in the perspective of the future.
〜 Joseph Déjacque. On the Human Being, Male and Female. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 1857. Page 3.
The anarchists are frequently accused of professing the doctrine of “all or nothing.” In this accusation there is some truth, but only some. For it is exact that the Libertarians will not declare themselves satisfied and won’t be so until they will have forever smashed all the social obstacles that oppose themselves to their motto: well–being for each and for all; liberty for all and for each. From this point of view it is perfectly true they will fight until not even one stone remains on another of the authoritarian fortress that must be totally destroyed, so that no vestige remains. If it is thus that the doctrine of “all or nothing” is conceived, then it is true, I don’t deny that such is the libertarian doctrine. But it doesn’t at all follow from this that the anarchists don’t take account of the blows that can be delivered, in the efforts that can be accomplished, in the goal of attacking the fortress that they intend to bring down. And even less does it follow that they don’t appreciate the value of these efforts and blows which have as a goal, and could have as a result, the weakening of the solidity, and the diminution of the force of resistance of this fortress. The anarchists are reasonable people with a practical sense. They want 100 and that’s all. But if they can only have 10 they pocket this down payment and demand the rest. They note that the improvements toward which reforms tend are only agreed to by the capitalist and bourgeois rulers on condition that they don’t fundamentally infringe upon the authority of the rulers and the profits of the capitalists.
〜 Sébastien Faure. Reformism. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 1934. Page 1.
Sad, very sad is the life lived by the current generations. And yet, the motive force of all human actions is the search for some kind of satisfaction, and society’s ideal is the realization of the greatest amount of happiness for all.…
The remedy has been found: libertarian communism.
〜 Sébastien Faure. Libertarian Communism. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 1903. Page 2.
Comrades, I explained … the first part of libertarian Communism, the critical, negative part and, I hope that I managed to convince you that misery, ignorance, hatred, repression, suffering in all its forms, is the fatal result of the social background in which we live.
〜 Sébastien Faure. The Revolutionary Forces. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 1921. Page 3.
The simultaneous mention of [Peter] Kropotkin [Russian, Пётр Кропо́ткин, Pëtr Kropótkin] and [Karl] Marx points to the kind of libertarian Marxist thinking she [Lucy Renee Mathilde Schwob aka Claude Cahun] shared with André Breton and Benjamin Péret.…
After the war [World War II], Claude Cahun reestablished contact with her Surrealist friends; she corresponded with André Breton and Jean Schuster and considered returning to Paris. She wrote several notebooks on her experiences during the war as well as a few poems, one of which, from 1952, is dedicated to Benjamin Péret. In June 1953 she visited Paris and took part in the meetings of the Surrealist group at the Café de la Mairie, where she saw André Breton, Benjamin Péret, Meret Oppenheim, Toyen [Marie Čermínová], and her other friends.
A fascinating and enigmatic figure, Claude Cahun occupies a unique place in the burning black constellation of Surrealist revolutionary spirits. By her thought and her action, she lived and fought at the extreme point of the needle.
〜 Michael Löwry. Morning Star: surrealism, marxism, anarchism, situationism, utopia. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press. 2009. Pages 79–80.
Reconstruction for [Nestor] Makhno was based upon his philosophy of anarcho–libertarianism, a philosophy that he had acquired from his friendship with Peter Arshinov. A libertarian society meant that the peasants and workers were to be allowed to control their own factories, establish their own schools (teaching in the language that they wanted), and an end to food requisitioning.
〜 Heather–Noël Schwartz. The Makhnovists & The Russian Revolution: Organization, Peasantry & Anarchism. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 1998. Pages 7–8.
The scholarship of University College London Institute of Education of University of London Marxist philosopher Roy Bhaskar is the primary inspiration for this book and, academically, for its writer, as well. I, accordingly, refer to myself and my work as Bhaskarian critical realist. In so doing, my intent is to place myself foursquare in Bhaskar’s three–turn or, arguably, four–turn lineage—as distinguished from a number of other critical realist lineages which had branched out from the various turns, but primarily the first turn, in his philosophy. Bhaskar identified his Marxist libertarianism, with its focus upon universal emancipation, as a contemporary expansion of the philosophical school of radical egalitarian libertarianism. According to Bhaskar, included among its eminent scholars are: Karl Marx (1818–1883), Jean–Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), and John Stuart Mill (1806–1873). The following selection of passages will address the subject from multiple perspectives:
Inner peace may … be the key to outer peace and the salvation of the planet. In thinking therefore of a topic of the rise and fall of the West, it may be not so much a question of thinking of the overreaching of the Western economies and societies by geographically Eastern ones, as the infusion of world hegemonic Western and capitalist ways of thinking and being with ideas traditionally associated with the East. If I am right, however, in the narrative of this book, these ideas and ways of being are not the prerogative of the East. They are equally consonant with both the teaching of the Christ and the whole thrust of the radical egalitarian libertarian tradition that incorporates both [Jean–Jacques] Rousseau and [Karl] Marx. A new synthesis is what is required; and it is this new synthesis which this book attempts to initiate. Such a synthesis will see a partial rapprochment of the best insights of the New Age and the New Left movements, but such insights will be set in a context of a global philosophy which resonates with themes traceable back to the dawn of the great world civilisations (and perhaps even beyond).
〜 Roy Bhaskar. From East to West: Odyssey of a Soul. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2002. Page 69.
A … radically empiricist and libertarian … approach was elaborated in Britain by J. S. [John Stuart] Mill ….
〜 Roy Bhaskar. Scientific Realism and Human Emancipation. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2009. Page 243.
… I had a kind of love relationship with the Kennedy family—this was about the time John F. Kennedy came to power—who seemed to be trying to bring about change in some way. The Kennedys were popular figures at that time in the West; my heroes included people like Pope John, Bobby Kennedy and Martin Luther King. I kind of moved away from Marxism a bit at this second level. It wasn’t that I became anti–Soviet, but I became pro–radical–libertarian or radical–liberal, pro–Bobby Kennedy; I was also pro–CND (Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament) and went on marches and things like that. But much of this was before Fidel Castro and Che Guevara came to power in Cuba, and there weren’t any similarly charismatic figures on the left within the world scene.
〜 Roy Bhaskar. Reality and Its Depths: A Conversation Between Savita Singh and Roy Bhaskar. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020. Page 13.
… the only state at which you can actually achieve your objectives—the only objectives you can really achieve as a human being are to come into unity or consistency with your ground state or your transcendentally real self, your higher self. And this of course for most people would be an anathema. We would regard the inconsistent or bad part of ourself as being what we really enjoy in life, but it suggests a dialectic of improvement or self perfection, which was an aspiration of Buddha, for example. You could argue that if the model is right, then what we should always do is to try to come into unity with those bits of ourselves, which we can’t lose. And you could also argue that this bit of yourself, of your transcendentally real self, that you can’t lose has to be understood in the context of four–planar social being [relations with: nature, society, others, and self]. So, such a person who was in such a state of self–consistency would also be acting consistently on all the other planes of social being. They would be acting in terms of social structure and producing a more egalitarian society, or a more just society. So, you could imagine that we might have a universal aspiration for the species.
〜 Roy Bhaskar in David Scott with Roy Bhaskar. Roy Bhaskar: A Theory of Education. Cham, Switzerland: Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland imprint of Springer Science+Business Media. 2015. Page 39.
Gentlemen? Do not be deluded by the abstract word Liberty! Whose Liberty? Not the liberty of one individual in relation to another, but the liberty of Capital to crush the worker.
Why should you desire farther to sanction unlimited competition with this idea of freedom when the idea of freedom itself is only the product of a social condition based upon Free Competition?
… not only was education made accessible to all, but science itself freed from the fetters which class prejudice and governmental force had imposed upon it.
〜 Karl Marx. The Paris Commune. Eleanor Marx, translator. New York: New York Labor News Company. 1920. Page 75.
I should not have chosen to live in a republic of recent institution, however excellent its laws; for fear the government, being perhaps otherwise framed than the circumstances of the moment might require, might disagree with the new citizens, or they with it, and the State run the risk of overthrow and destruction almost as soon as it came into being. For it is with liberty as it is with those solid and succulent foods, or with those generous wines which are well adapted to nourish and fortify robust constitutions that are used to them, but ruin and intoxicate weak and delicate constitutions to which they are not suited. Peoples once accustomed to masters are not in a condition to do without them. If they attempt to shake off the yoke, they still more estrange themselves from freedom, as, by mistaking for it an unbridled license to which it is diametrically opposed, they nearly always manage, by their revolutions, to hand themselves over to seducers, who only make their chains heavier than before. The Roman people itself, a model for all free peoples, was wholly incapable of governing itself when it escaped from the oppression of the Tarquins. Debased by slavery, and the ignominious tasks which had been imposed upon it, it was at first no better than a stupid mob, which it was necessary to control and govern with the greatest wisdom; in order that, being accustomed by degrees to breathe the health–giving air of liberty, minds which had been enervated or rather brutalised under tyranny, might gradually acquire that severity of morals and spirit of fortitude which made it at length the people of all most worthy of respect. I should, then, have sought out for my country some peaceful and happy Republic, of an antiquity that lost itself, as it were, in the night of time: which had experienced only such shocks as served to manifest and strengthen the courage and patriotism of its subjects; and whose citizens, long accustomed to a wise independence, were not only free, but worthy to be so.
〜 Jean–Jacques Rousseau. The Social Contract & Discourses. G. D. H. Cole, translator. New York: E. P. Dutton & Co. 1913. Pages 158–159.
All men begin with weak souls that are vulnerable and subject to the shocks inflicted upon them from without. All are victims. [Jean–Jacquess] Rousseau, however, meant to go beyond this generalized oppression to its specific social forms. Again, he felt well qualified. Not only had he experienced greater hardships, but he felt these more intensely than other men. He adored liberty and could endure no constraint, no discomfort and no subjugation whatever. Moreover, all society was a form of enslavement for him, since it inevitably forced him to do something he did not feel like doing. At all times it affiicted and discomfited him.
Rousseau traced these emotions back to his childhood. Until adolescence he had lived in perfect equality and affection with his elders. Apprenticeship had been a terrifying shock. It gave him an intense sense of the difference between “filial dependence and servile slavery.” He could now only see the privileges and freedom of the master, and the deprivation and enslavement that he himself had to endure.
〜 Judith N. Shklar. Men & Citizens: A study of Rousseau’s social theory. London: Cambridge University Press. 1969. Page 43.
The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous feature in the portions of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of Greece, Eome, and England. But in old times this contest was between subjects, or some classes of subjects, and the Government. By liberty, was meant protection against the tyranny of the political rulers. The rulers were conceived (except in some of the popular governments of Greece) as in a necessarily antagonistic position to the people whom they ruled. They consisted of a governing One, or a governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest, who, at all events, did not hold it at the pleasure of the governed, and whose supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not desire, to contest, whatever precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise. Their power was regarded as necessary, but also as highly dangerous; as a weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects, no less than against external enemies. To prevent the weaker members of the community from being preyed upon by innumerable vultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than the rest, commissioned to keep them down. But as the king of the vultures would be no less bent upon preying on the flock than any of the minor harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of defence against his beak and claws. The aim, therefore, of patriots was to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to exercise over the community; and this limitation was what they meant by liberty.
〜 John Stuart Mill. On Liberty. Third edition. London: Longman, Green, Longman, Roberts & Green. 1864. Pages 7–9.
Civil libertarianism is a well–known variety of center left, or leftish as I prefer, libertarianism. Along with right libertarianism, which was previously introduced and critiqued in this chapter, civil libertarianism is one of the most recognizable currents or tendencies of libertarianism in the U.S. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), established in 1920, the UK’s Liberty, later inaugurated in 1934, and the Canadian Civil Liberties Association (CCLA), subsequently founded in 1964, present three cases, out of many, of the international civil libertarian current. To expand upon that subject, here are a few discussions largely on the ACLU. It is the best–known organization in the U.S., possibly even throughout the globe, which was normatively established upon a civil libertarian foundation:
The ACLU is an organization of people who believe in the power of action. Whether in the courts, statehouses, or Congress, we fight to defend the rights that the [U.S.] Constitution guarantees to all of us — regardless of who we are, where we come from, whom we love, or what we believe. Together we take up the toughest civil liberties challenges of our time. We seek to be the place where people can come, no matter their political affiliation, to courageously take action. We seek to inspire those who want change to become the ones who make change.
〜 Jason Jude Chan et al. This is the ACLU Design Handbook. New York: ACLU. 2007. Page 5.
The American Civil Liberties Union is the nation’s premier guardian of liberty, working daily in courts, legislatures and communities to defend and preserve the individual rights and freedoms guaranteed by the Constitution and the laws of the United States. It is nonpartisan and nonprofit, with headquarters in New York, a legislative office in Washington, D.C. and more than 300 chapters nationwide.…
The ACLU is the nation’s largest public–interest law firm, with staffed affiliates covering the 50 states, Puerto Rico and the District of Columbia. More than 100 ACLU attorneys at the national and affiliate offices collaborate with approximately 2,000 volunteer attorneys in close to 6,000 cases annually. The ACLU appears before the U.S. Supreme Court more than any other organization except the U.S. Department of Justice.
〜 American Civil Liberties Union. ACLU Facts and Figures. New York: ACLU. Undated. Pamphlet.
When the framers of … [the U.S.] Constitution insisted on Freedom of Speech rights, one of their aims was so that all Americans — no matter their social class or position in our society — could vigorously examine and criticize our government. These rights have throughout our history nurtured our democracy and made us a beacon to the whole world. But, as history has played out, they’ve been hard–won rights that we have to continually fight for and renew. Take the case of John Blair. When he mounted his solitary vigil some winter night a few years ago to protest an appearance by Vice President Dick Cheney, local cops first tried to shunt him aside. They tried to position him 500 feet away from the site of the event. Authorities at the local and federal levels became adept in recent years of using security concerns to create the so-called “protest zones” far away from official events. Both Democrats and Republicans used them at their most recent political conventions.
〜 American Civil Liberties Union. Defending First Amendment Rights. New York: ACLU. 2005. Pamphlet.
Although specific First Amendment [to the U.S. Constitution] standards change in response to social circumstances and can be the subject of some dispute, scholars working within … [the civil] libertarian tradition see the foundations of the argument for free speech as timeless, transcending the particular intellectual fashions of any era. [Zechariah] Chafee[, Jr.] declared that the same basic principles “motivated each phase of the struggle” for expression rights. The leading proponents of civil libertarianism believe that uninhibited debate on matters of public importance primarily serves the interests of the audience rather than the speakers. They believe that social policy will neither be wisely made nor accurately reflect public sentiment unless citizens enjoy the full benefits of an unrestricted (or relatively unrestricted) freedom of expression. Judicial activism on behalf of free speech is usually justified by a more general judicial obligation to police the democratic process. Advocates of broad interpretations of the First Amendment believe that courts can only tolerate regulating opinions that are “the unmediated cause of fairly immediate improper action.” Thus, they propose such standards of judicial protection as “clear and present danger,” “incitement,” “absolute protection,” and “the speech/conduct distinction.”
〜 Mark A. Graber. Transforming Free Speech: The Ambiguous Legacy of Civil Libertarianism. Berkeley, California: University of California Press. 1991. Page 5.
No ethical surgeon would contemplate performing an operation before engaging in a rigorous study of human anatomy. Similarly, focusing one’s efforts upon denouncing and then toppling capitalism is, quite frankly, a complete exercise in futility if, like a nominalist (Sanskrit, अपोहय [MP3], apohaya; or Arabic, اِسْمِيَّةُ [MP3], ʾis°miyyaẗu), one misapprehends, from the outset, capitalism’s multifaceted particularity and complex ontology. Therefore, vulgar marxism, or simplistic economism, must be thoroughly repudiated by any true Leftist. Many, but clearly not all, Marxist–Leninists oppose social justice movements as counter–revolutionary. Libertarian Marxists, who embrace liberation globally, together with Maoist–Third Worldists welcome reforms in the here and the now on the pathway of revolution.
To put the subject another way, all principled libertarian Marxists should remain resolutely intolerant of the multiple permutations of domination or oppression. For many non–libertarian Marxists, on the other hand, devoting even a negligible portion of one’s time and efforts to combatting injustice would regrettably be disparaged with the meme of social justice warfare. Their opponents or combatants may, correspondingly, be negatively portrayed as social justice warriors (SJWs). This letter to Lincoln, given to Ambassador Charles Francis Adams (1907–1886), may defeat the attacks waged by some Marxists on the issue of supporting battles for human rights in capitalist societies. Karl Marx and his comrades engaged in a praxis of resistance, currently advocated by many Maoist–Third Worldists, against the capitalist Plantation system. Still, the Plantation itself has arguably continued to prosper, in the grotesque form of a shameful prison–industrial complex, within the U.S.–dominated capitalist world–system.
Indeed, President Abraham Lincoln (1809–1865) himself, regardless of his shortcomings, would clearly be displeased with the state of affairs in a country he once served. He was graciously addressed in the following manner:
Sir:
We congratulate the American people upon your re–election by a large majority. If resistance to the Slave Power was the reserved watchword of your first election, the triumphant war cry of your re–election is Death to Slavery.
From the commencement of the titanic American strife the workingmen of Europe felt instinctively that the star–spangled banner carried the destiny of their class. The contest for the territories which opened the dire epopee, was it not to decide whether the virgin soil of immense tracts should be wedded to the labor of the emigrant or prostituted by the tramp of the slave driver?
When an oligarchy of 300,000 slaveholders dared to inscribe, for the first time in the annals of the world, “slavery” on the banner of Armed Revolt, when on the very spots where hardly a century ago the idea of one great Democratic Republic had first sprung up, whence the first Declaration of the Rights of Man was issued, and the first impulse given to the European revolution of the eighteenth century; when on those very spots counterrevolution, with systematic thoroughness, gloried in rescinding “the ideas entertained at the time of the formation of the old constitution,” and maintained slavery to be “a beneficent institution,” indeed, the old solution of the great problem of “the relation of capital to labor,” and cynically proclaimed property in man “the cornerstone of the new edifice” — then the working classes of Europe understood at once, even before the fanatic partisanship of the upper classes for the Confederate gentry had given its dismal warning, that the slaveholders’ rebellion was to sound the tocsin for a general holy crusade of property against labor, and that for the men of labor, with their hopes for the future, even their past conquests were at stake in that tremendous conflict on the other side of the Atlantic. Everywhere they bore therefore patiently the hardships imposed upon them by the cotton crisis, opposed enthusiastically the proslavery intervention of their betters — and, from most parts of Europe, contributed their quota of blood to the good cause.
While the workingmen, the true political powers of the North, allowed slavery to defile their own republic, while before the Negro, mastered and sold without his concurrence, they boasted it the highest prerogative of the white–skinned laborer to sell himself and choose his own master, they were unable to attain the true freedom of labor, or to support their European brethren in their struggle for emancipation; but this barrier to progress has been swept off by the red sea of civil war.
The workingmen of Europe feel sure that, as the American War of Independence initiated a new era of ascendancy for the middle class, so the American Antislavery War will do for the working classes. They consider it an earnest of the epoch to come that it fell to the lot of Abraham Lincoln, the single–minded son of the working class, to lead his country through the matchless struggle for the rescue of an enchained race and the reconstruction of a social world.
Signed on behalf of the Central Council of the International Workingmen’s Association.
〜 Karl Marx et al., “Address of the International Working Men’s Association to Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America: Presented to U.S. Ambassador Charles Francis Adams.” January 28ᵗʰ, 1865. The Bee–Hive Newspaper. Number 169, November 7ᵗʰ, 1865. Web.
To briefly summarize some of the major points: In the U.S., libertarianism generally refers to the right–wing libertarian philosophy which was largely inspired by Murray Rothbard and his anarcho–capitalism. There is, however, also a center–left civil libertarianism. In the U.S., the aforementioned ACLU is civil libertarian. Meanwhile, in most of the world, “libertarianism” is used in the original 19ᵗʰ–century sense of the term: libertarian socialism. Although it commonly refers to a type of left anarchism (𖧏𖧆), libertarian socialism can also be a marker for various forms of libertarian Marxism (ℓ𝓂™). Rothbard, an American, appropriated the term libertarianism from left libertarianism. Understandably, therefore, outside North America, people commonly call Rothbard’s right libertarianism: “American libertarianism.” His project was, regardless of whether he anticipated it, a spectacular success. Many, maybe most, U.S. citizens are, to this day, entirely unaware of libertarian socialism. They do not think of the ACLU, and perhaps 𖧏𖧆 and ℓ𝓂 even less so, as libertarian.
Realistically, are we now helpless? If not, can socialism or communism, on a limited basis, be enacted now? Participating in a coöperative, such as a food coöp or even a credit union, is socialist but only minimally so. Yet, food coöps can service the needs of local communities. Credit unions? Admittedly, I am skeptical. They are, generally speaking, too entrenched in the capitalist world–system. I would term coöperatives rudimentary socialist activities. But sustaining socialism or communism in the capitalist world–system is virtually impossible. That project, in different forms, has been tried many times before: the former Soviet Union, Mainland China, Cuba, Vietnam, etc. Capitalism, as a ferocious predator, kills socialism (or tries to).
Perhaps the major success story has been the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea or the DPRK (North Korea). Their limited achievements came with a price: bracketing off most of the world and nuclear weapons. For those of us residing in the First World (ꚯ𖥦) or, worse, the United States in particular, lawful nonviolent resistance (United States in particular, lawful nonviolent (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) must be the motto of the age. Stand up for who you are, and for what you believe, and never back down. Such resistance is the dharma or dhamma, the dutiful support system, we have been given. Though courage could indeed be required at this hour, let us struggle to fulfill our responsibilities.
Lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) is, indeed, the clarion call of Maoism–Third Worldism to people like me—a lowly resident of the First World (ꚯ𖥦). The question is: Resistance to what? Resistance to one political leader or another? No. They are just members of the choir or the cheering section. That resistance must be to the entire capitalist world–system. Any true communist First Worlder, living in parts of the globe with a dialectical absence of genuine revolutionary potential, must, as promoters of the principle of lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) or Antifa, stalwartly and courageously defend the rights of the beloved souls oppressed or dominated by that system. Although the revolutionary tools currently at our disposal might be relatively unsophisticated, a willingness to utilize them, as best we can, conforms to the important Marxian theorem of adapting ourselves to current material conditions. Consequently, even an embryonic formation of communism or socialism, socially constructed through the conscious agency of the Proletariat and the Subaltern, is, notwithstanding, still communism or socialism.
While not necessary advocated in our monograph, this article presents an intriguing proposal for constructive resistance. Perhaps it can be regarded as one approach among many:
Resistance is often conceptualized as open forms of protests, riots, revolutions and the like, practiced from a subaltern position. We take a different point of departure and draw on the concept of constructive resistance to investigate some of the links between time, resistance and capitalism. Constructive resistance is people’s attempts to build, organize and construct the social relations and society they want, rather than attempts to tear down and destroy what they object to and confront. The desire for something different is an implicit critique of the status quo, but instead of waiting for the perfect conditions to construct the new society ”after the revolution” they start here and now to create alternatives within the shell of the old society. This involves an interesting temporal aspect in itself, but the aim of the present article is to explore how examples of constructive resistance against capitalism relate to the dominant temporality of the contemporary capitalist society that they confront.
〜 Majken Jul Sørensen and Kristin Wiksell, ”Constructive resistance to the dominant capitalist temporality.” Creative Commons. Sociologisk Forskning. Volume 56, numbers 3–4, October 2019. Pages 253–274.
Fundamentally, any one–dimensional or flat view of capitalism may have real–life and long–lasting consequences. Only a faux socialist would say, “Forget about racism and sexism for now. We will deal with them later.” Maoism–Third Worldism, not canonical communism, demands an ongoing and a multifaceted struggle, not a quixotic pipe dream of castles in the sky. One should, while always serving the poor, embrace Proletarian democracy—as the crowning success of any radical praxis—and reject bourgeois democracy—as seen in the Keynesian bourgeois capitalist Welfare State. Although suffering matters, the oppressive systems, or causal mechanisms, which sustain capitalism must be subverted. That revolutionary dismantlement will be limited to, or perhaps simply be initiated in, the Third World. A dialectical push and pull between reform and revolution might, one can speculate, be nothing short of extremely arduous. Particularly in the First World (ꚯ𖥦), reform is now manifested in that targeted lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) to capitalism, colonialism, settler coloniality, and imperialism (𖣇). Similar to a process of strategically debunking the systematic illogic of presuppositional apologetics, which is actually quite simple, challenge, then annihilate, each of the premises one by one.
History is never “behind” us, and we must not forget how the white man has used the rape of “his” women as an excuse to act against black men. But today the incidence of actual rape combined with the looming spectre of the rapist in the mind’s eye, and in particular the mythified spectre of the black man as rapist to which the black man in the name of his manhood now contributes, must be understood as a control mechanism against the freedom, mobility and aspirations of all women, white and black. The crossroads of racism and sexism had to be a violent meeting place. There is no use pretending it doesn’t exist.
〜 Susan Brownmiller. Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape. New York: A Fawcett Columbine Book imprint of Ballantine Books. 1975. Page 255.
Susan Brownmiller’s discussion on rape and race [in Against Our Will: Men, Women and Rape] evinces an unthinking partisanship which borders on racism. In pretending to defend the cause of all women, she sometimes boxes herself into the position of defending the particular cause of white women, regardless of its implications. Her examination of the Scottsboro Nine case is a revealing example. As Brownmiller herself points out, these nine young men, charged and convicted of rape, spent long years of their lives in prison because two white women perjured themselves on the witness stand. Yet she has nothing but contempt for the Black men and their defense movement—and her sympathy for the two white women is glaring.
〜 Angela Y. Davis. Women, Race & Class. New York: Vintage Books imprint of Random House Inc. 1983. Archive.org edition.
… unless you are willing to presuppose the Bible as absolutely authoritative, your “law of contradiction” could not get into gear with “facts” and your “facts” would not be amenable to the operation of the law of contradiction. Only on the presupposition of the absolute authority of Scripture as the Word of that God who controls “whatsoever comes to pass” do you have a philosophy of “reason,” a philosophy of “the law of contradiction” and a philosophy of “facts” that enables you to make sense out of life. Unconditional surrender to the absolute authority of Scripture is your only hope. It is your only hope for eternity. It is also the only hope for your scientific and philosophic endeavor in this life.
〜 Cornelius Van Til. Defending the Faith. West Linn, Oregon: Monergism Books. 2011. Ebook edition.
If Christians ask non–Christians merely to accept the gospels or some other part of Scripture as historically trustworthy documents, they are allowing the legitimacy and efficacy of the principle of autonomy. They are allowing that it is possible intelligently to identify and set in order the elements of human experience in history by means of the principle of autonomy. But if this were true, if by the principle of autonomy such identification and ordering could take place, there is no need for the idea of God speaking to men. It is just because man cannot speak intelligently to himself without God and because the sinner has sent God out of his life that God in condescending grace comes back to him. But he asks men to accept him at his word for what he is, the indispensable presupposition of all intelligent human predication.
〜 Cornelius Van Til. A Christian Theory Of Knowledge. Phillipsburg, New Jersey: Presbyterian & Reformed Publishing Co. Page 134.
Cornelius Van Til, the father of “presuppositional apologetics,” maintained that [biblical] scripture “is self–asserting in such a way that only those who already presuppose its truth can understand it.” This means Christian and non–Christian worldviews are not merely in disagreement, but have no overlap. Every idea has either God or humanity as its final point of reference, and there is no possible common ground or meeting point for discussion. Rousas J. Rushdoony applied this to society at large, adding the idea that the Old Testament Law is “case law” that is binding on all people, including its death penalties, and called Christian groups that did not agree “antinomians” [those who reject the necessity of following biblical moral laws]. Law finds its ultimate grounding in God or in human thought, and civil or human law is (variously) idolatry, heresy and blasphemy. The task of dominion that God gave to Adam is fulfilled by the law of Moses; only this law provides freedom, whereas human law devolves into tyranny through statism. He taught “sphere sovereignty,” in which God has instituted the family, church, and state as governing authorities, assigning only a very limited role for the state. He was a postmillennialist, believing that Christians had to take political power over the world in order to build God’s kingdom ahead of Christ’s return. He was also one of the most influential figures in the modern homeschooling movement, following from his categorical rejection of any government role in education.
〜 Nigel Chapman et al. Who to Trust?: Christian Belief in Conspiracy Theories. Nigel Chapman, editor. Forest Hill, Victoria, Australia: ISCAST (Institute for the Study of Christianity in an Age of Science and Technology). 2022. Page 86.
apologetics is different in kind from these ad hoc early Christian efforts. For apologetics, as conceived by [Cornelius] Van Til and many others, did not arise as a genre until well into the nineteenth century. Apologetics came, so to speak, on the other end of the historical parabola defining the relation of Christianity to the surrounding culture. The early church apologists wrote when Christianity was not yet accepted within the public forum; apologetics arose when Christianity was becoming marginalized by that same forum. With the coming of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century, modern science, philosophy, economics, political philosophy, etc., were emerging as independent disciplines no longer looking to the church for primary validation or guidance. Modern humanity—so it was perceived —came into its own, standing on its own two feet without need for faith.
〜 Paul C. McGlasson. NO!: A Theological Response to Christian Reconstructionism. Eugene, Oregon: Cascade Books. 2012. Google Play edition.
… apologetics is different in kind from these ad hoc early Christian efforts. For apologetics, as conceived by [Cornelius] Van Til and many others, did not arise as a genre until well into the nineteenth century. Apologetics came, so to speak, on the other end of the historical parabola defining the relation of Christianity to the surrounding culture. The early church apologists wrote when Christianity was not yet accepted within the public forum; apologetics arose when Christianity was becoming marginalized by that same forum. With the coming of the Enlightenment in the eighteenth century, modern science, philosophy, economics, political philosophy, etc., were emerging as independent disciplines no longer looking to the church for primary validation or guidance. Modern humanity—so it was perceived—came into its own, standing on its own two feet without need for faith.
〜 Greg Bahnsen, “The Crucial Concept of Self–Deception in Presuppositional Apologetics.” Westminster Theological Journal. Volume 57 (LVII), 1995. Pages 1–31.
U.S. social democracy or progressivism has been a failed project. Two crucial factors might be considered: First, the base of the Democratic Party is dominated by African Americans. By and large, however, these African American Democrats are political moderates, not progressives. It should not be stunning that recent Democratic presidents—Bill Clinton (né 1946), Barack Obama (né 1961), and Joe Biden (né 1942)—have been centrists or, arguably, even right centrists. Second, capitalism cannot be progressively reformed but must be thoroughly eradicated. The United States, in spite of its status as the wealthiest country in the world, has immense rates of poverty and unacceptable levels of malnutrition. Meanwhile, many plutocrats pay little or no taxes.
Capitalism has becomes Shiva (Sanskrit, शिव [MP3], Śiva, “Auspicious or Benign One”), the destroyer, to Indigenous and non–Indigenous lands alike. In Southern Appalachia, one of my previous homes, once glorious mountains have been reduced to ugly mountain stumps for mining coal. Absent a snow covering, they are so unseemly that many argue those stumps should simply be flattened. Meanwhile, Tribes of Amazonians have been modernized without consent as their Indigenous lands were sold off to the logging industry.
In addition, progressivism and social conservatism are, for the most part, ontologically idealist, not ontologically realist, perspectives. That is to say, rather than considering social problems based upon the real relations of production and reproduction, idealists—whether found on the progressive or the conservative side of the conventional U.S. ideological spectrum—tend, instead, to define those problems in terms of reprehensible beliefs or propositions. Drifting between progressivism and conservatism is, accordingly, only a matter of changing one’s mind. One may have second thoughts by listening to a lecture or reading a book.
The existence of political spectrums is a social fiction. There are diverse categories of movements which claim to be one thing or another. Each of them should be considered on its own merits (or lack thereof). For instance, as a Maoist–Third Worldist, am I further to the left (or to the right) than, say, Marxist–Leninist Maoists or Bob Avakian’s Maoist New Synthesis? Instead, I prefer to carefully consider each movement and its views on various issues. To do otherwise is to disrespect that movement and its members. Even within a particular political movement or organization, there will almost inevitably be diverse views. An individual may have more in common with someone in another group than with many or most others in their own.
Although realism recognizes the mind–independent cosmos; idealism reduces reality to either subjective idealist individual minds or a supposed objective idealist universal mind. The latter is particularly prevalent in the superstitious mind magic of Mary Baker Eddy’s (1821–1910) Christian Science. Her Science and Health with Key to the Scriptures was plagiarized from her purported healer Phineas Parkhurst Quimby’s (1802–1866) own self–designated Christian Science. Quimby and Eddy were also heralds to the similarly preposterous New Thought. However, unlike Eddy, New Thought is generally nondogmatic on orthodox medical treatments.
The various policy options available on a given issue can be roughly plotted on a spectrum of public acceptability, from unthinkable, to fringe, to acceptable, to common sense, to policy. The Overton window, named after Joseph Overton [1960–2003], a staffer for the center–right Mackinac Center for Public Policy, designates the range of points on the spectrum that are considered part of a ”sensible” conversation within public opinion and/or traditional mass media.
The most important thing about the Overton window, however, is that it can be shifted to the left or the right, with the once merely “acceptable” becoming “popular” or even imminent policy, and formerly “unthinkable” positions becoming the open position of a partisan base. The challenge for activists and advocates is to move the window in the direction of their preferred outcomes, so their desired outcome moves closer and closer to “common sense.”
〜 Paul Krassner et al., “Use your radical fringe to shift the Overton window.” Beautiful Trouble: A Toolbox for Revolution. Joshua Kahn Russell et al., editors. New York and London: OR Books. 2012. Pages 200–2001.
A realist considers the human being with her power for thought “from sideways on,” as an object that is “out there” to be investigated, among various other objects. But, … idealists insist, this is a fantasy: there is no stepping outside thought; thought can be understood only “from within.” Thought is not some power among others; nor does it fall under any other ontological category, because those categories are themselves categories of thought. Eventually, this recognition leads to the apparently paradoxical insight mentioned above—that thought is not in reality, because thought is reality. Thinking is being. And yet idealists see fit to speak of a “power of thought,” borne by concrete, living, mortal beings—by you and me.
〜 Jesse M. Mulder, “Absolute Idealist Powers.” Australasian Journal of Philosophy. June, 2021. Creative Commons. Pages 1–14.
The standpoint I am in now … is realist in the minimal sense that it still defends the idea of an absolutely mind–independent reality, and idealist in the minimal sense that it avoids attributing absolute mind–independence to any fact, and also avoids ascribing any necessary feature of the phenomenon to the noumenon [a thing in itself] just in virtue of the fact that we are not able to properly conceive of something real lacking the feature in question.
〜 Mirja Pérez de Calleja. A First approximation to the realism/idealism debate about the external world. M.A. thesis. University of Barcelona. Barcelona, Spain. 2007–2008. Creative Commons. Pages 21–22.
Marxism, to the contrary, demands a real transformation, in theory and praxis, from false consciousness to class consciousness. There are some class–conscious workers, or proletarians, in the imperialist First World. However, their numbers are, in modernity, insufficient to establish communism or socialism. The First World is, additionally, overshadowed by imperialism (𖣇), as the principal contradiction of capitalism. The revolutionary dismantling of capitalism, as conscious agency, will begin, through ꌚꂦꌚ, with the disenfranchised Third World Fourth World of Indigeneity (丁山⸺下), not the First World. Lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) to the moral evils of the capitalist world–system, rather than formal revolutions, must now be the clarion call in the First World. In 丁山⸺下, revolutionary emancipation through an unplanned localism, will, I believe, result from the devastating annihilation of the capitalist world–system and the vast majority of Earth’s humans. But more on that subject later.
In the meantime, any programs addressing human suffering—even under the guise of progressivism, social democracy, or my term left capitalism but disentangled from it—should be pursued. Black Lives Matter is an example. Yet, in the future, ameliorating capitalism with progressivism would be a fool’s errand. Even Maoism (𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩) went astray through the Demireality (𞓤) of its counter–revolutionary cultural revolution. That mistake cannot be repeated. In the view of the writer, a Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, examined in considerable detail later in this book, can place 𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩 on the right track for the 21ˢᵗ century. That track is a Third Worldist track and a Fourth World Indigenist track.
Marx referred to the two hypothesized stages of communism as either communism or socialism. Ever the careful scholar, Marx’s statement was, however, tentative, not utopian socialist. Lenin, presumably striving for greater precision, designated the first stage as socialism and the second as communism. Both stages would be developments of communism. By advocating communism over capitalism, one might, in parts of the globe, be violating social norms, rules, or standards. That could have real–life consequences. But true communist revolutionaries must completely disavow the Overton window of cultural normativity, bourgeois conventionality, and all that passes for sociocultural acceptibility. The objective is to ultimately eliminate the capitalist state. That is to say, with the increasing autonomy of localism, there will, over time, be less of a need for centralization:
… [There is] the idea of the future conversion of political rule over men into an administration of things and a direction of processes of production—that is to say, the “abolition of the state,” about which recently there has been so much noise.
〜 Friedrich Engels. Anti–Dühring: Herr Eugen Dühring’s Revolution in Science. Emile Burns, translator. Moscow: Progress Publishers. 1947. Page 314.
Communists, in order to be genuinely successful revolutionaries, must be fearless in their activism and in their systematic violations of significant social norms. Those communists, sufficiently courageous, should lead their lives as class conscious creative deviants by struggling against and undermining the ubiquitous capitalist world–system, including the false consciousness produced by it. However, from a Marxian, or better a scientific socialist, perspective on communism or revolutionary socialism, the end of ideology is, by definition, the demise of false consciousness, a form of Demireality (𞓤) or disunity, as ontology:
… on the level of consciousness, as [Friedrich] Engels said, there would be an “end of ideology,” for ideology, the deceptive images of “false consciousness,” would be fused with the material world, the structural source of reality.
〜 Daniel Bell. The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 2000. Page xvi.
For the most part, the end of ideology is associated with the concept of ideology as false consciousness which started from recognizing the fact that there was in ideology some minor part of irrational and indefinite.…
Ideology defined by K. [Karl] Marx as false consciousness distorted by social interest is not valued half as high as non–ideological knowledge free from any class interest and equaled to scientific knowledge.
〜 Yury Grigoryevich Volkov, Rashid Dumalichevich Khunagov, Auyes Mukhamedovich Kumykov, Svetlana Ivanovna Imgrunt, and Denis Yevgenyevich Gribov, “Images of Ideology: Social and Cognitive Sense.” Creative Commons. International Journal of Environmental and Science Education. Volume 11, number 16, 2016. Pages 9573–9585.
[Karl] Marx and [Friedrich] Engels used the term “ideology” to refer to distorted and unreal beliefs intellectuals hold about society. According to them, those who formulated ideologies suffered from false consciousness; they were mistaken about their own beliefs and the power of their ideas.
〜 Ghulam Ghous, “Classical Marxism to Postmodern Marxism: Theorization of Social Conflict and Ideology as a Determinant.” Creative Commons. Journal of Politics and International Studies. Volume 6, number 2, December 2020. Pages 141–156.
The current paper attempts to enrich current social psychological understandings of social class with one core theoretical construct derived from the Marxist tradition: the idea of class consciousness, or the extent to which individuals acknowledge and situate themselves within class relations. This construct is of central theoretical and political importance: It is only when individuals acknowledge their (typically lower) status within class relations that revolutionary change is possible.
〜 Lucas A. Keefer, Chris Goodeb, and Laura Van Berke, “Toward a Psychological Study of Class Consciousness: Development and Validation of a Social Psychological Model.” Creative Commons. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. Volume 3, number 2, 2015. Pages 253–290.
For [Karl] Marx, class consciousness (and associated activism) is an achievement of workers, who come to realize their shared social status and mutual interest in changing society.… Class consciousness involves awareness of one’s position as a worker within capitalism and the exploitative relations in which one is enmeshed. For the working class, class consciousness involves the notion that the workers as a group have shared interests, and that these interests conflict with the interests of capitalist employers. As class consciousness grows, workers may come to feel that they should collectively organize and struggle for greater control over their workplaces, work processes, and the economic and political levers of society in general. Ultimately, class consciousness may also entail strategic analysis of the class struggle and envisioning a post–capitalist society in which no hierarchy of social classes exists.
〜 Jeremy E. Sawyer and Anup Gampa, “Work Alienation and its Gravediggers: Social Class, Class Consciousness, and Activism.” Creative Commons. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. Volume 8, number 1, 2020. Pages 198–219.
Socialism will never be established through electoral politics or by supporting the right candidates—whoever they may be. When the time arrives, and the contradictions of capitalism have rotted away the present world order, no one will, or should, care about tendencies or currents. They are, of course, useful as organizing tools and platforms for developing social theory. Rather, people residing in the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity could try to find others, tendencies or currents be damned, who can work alongside them to create a new and better society. The Proletariat and the Subaltern shall, one might hope, attain, at long last, a sufficient caliber of spiritual transcendence or excellence, beginning in the Third World and the Indigenous Fourth World, permitting the unwarranted domination by statal power élites to, ultimately, become superfluous and antiquated:
The doctrine of the state serves to justify social privilege, the existence of exploitation, the existence of capitalism—and that is why it would be the greatest mistake to expect impartiality on this question, to approach it in the belief that people who claim to be scientific can give you a purely scientific view on the subject. In the question of the state, in the doctrine of the state, in the theory of the state, when you have become familiar with it and have gone into it deeply enough, you will always discern the struggle between different classes, a struggle which is reflected or expressed in a conflict of views on the state, in the estimate of the role and significance of the state.
〜 Vladimir I. Lenin. The State: A Lecture Delivered at the Sverdlov University. Pacifica, California: Marxists Internet Archive (Marxists.org). 2002. Ebook edition.
… there is a fundamental difference between a social organization based on self–government from the bottom up and one based on top–down, centralized power held by a minority. The latter has what has always been rightly termed a state and its structure has evolved precisely to exclude the majority from decision making. The former is not a state as it empowers the many to govern themselves. This can be seen under “primitive communism.” Tribes practiced communal decision making and used delegates to form federations to co-ordinate their joint interests (“legislative conferences”). They had war bands to fight their enemies (“armed detachments”) and defended their liberty by force (“banned authority with which they disagreed”). … [Friedrich] Engels and [Karl] Marx acknowledged that these were not states. States came later when the masses were subjected to minority rule, a rule which required a state to impose.
〜 Anarcho. On the Bolshevik Myth. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. 2008. Ebook edition.
… I treat seriously the anarchist claim that in the course of maintaining its monopoly on the use of force and protecting everyone within a territory, the state must violate individuals’ rights and hence is intrinsically immoral.
〜 Robert Nozick. Anarchy, State, and Utopia. Oxford, England: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. 1974. Page xi.
As to the intermediary and preliminary workers’ world super–state—socialism or the dictatorship of the Proletariat—it has been systematically explained in a variety of fashions:
Middle–class liberals nowadays – and the reformist socialists and Stalinists who trail in their wake and mimic their ideas – believe in the existence of a state that stands as an impartial arbiter above the selfish contention of classes and deals justly with the respective claims of diverse “interest groups.” This exalted notion of a classless state presiding over a pure democracy, based on the consent of the people, rather than engaged in the defense of the property, rights of the ruling class, is the core of bourgeois–democratic ideology.
〜 Ernest Mandel. Marxist Theory of the State. New York: Pathfinder Press. 1971. Ebook edition.
It is true that socialism in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, or China was not the form of socialism [Karl] Marx and [Friedrich] Engels described. Many Marxists in the United States and Western Europe had been aware of that for decades. Ever since the show trials in the Soviet Union in the mid–1930s, it was clear to them that the Soviet Union had become a bloody dictatorship. But even Marxists who understood that remained confident that these early failed attempts at a socialist order would evolve toward democratic control of the economy and toward the classless state. The hope was that as the originally underdeveloped countries attained a higher standard of living and improved universal education, workers would demand the democratic rights and participation withheld from them by the ruling bureaucracies. Bureaucratic socialism would transform itself into democratic socialism. This democratic socialism would continue to be as productive as the Soviet Union had been in the period between the two World Wars and thus eventually would challenge the capitalists on their home territory. Socialism would spread to Europe, the Americas, and all around the globe.
〜 Richard Schmitt. Introduction to Marx and Engels: A Critical Reconstruction. Second edition. Bowlder, Colorado: Westview Press imprint of the Perseus Books Group. 1997. Pages 42–43.
By qualitative change is in part meant the efficiency and thoroughness with which socialism performs its task and these occur sometimes simultaneously with quantitative ones. From the simple to the complex and then to the much eulogized plural and hypothetical classless state occasioned by communism.
〜 Kalu Peters, “From Socialism to Capitalism: An Antithesis to the Synthesis of Communism.” International Journal of Contemporary Applied Researches. Volume 5, number 10, October 2018. Pages 1–15.
… the true communist principle [is]: “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs.” But how are “needs” to be determined? Since inequality has, on the Marxian premise, provoked all class struggles, the answer must be that the “classless” state will be one in which there is nothing to struggle for. The communists are driven to the notion that only if worldly possessions were “equally” distributed would men cease to struggle for more than their allotted share.
〜 Walter Lippmann. An Inquiry into the Principles of the Good Society. Boston: Little, Brown and Company. 1938. Page 75.
… [Karl Marx] insisted that the socialist revolution would … culminate in a dictatorship of the proletariat and ultimately a classless state.
〜 David B. Grusky, “The Past, Present, and Future of Social Inequality.” Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective. Second edition. David B. Grusky, editor. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press. 2001. Pages 3–51.
Extrapolating [Karl] Marx’s statements, [Vladimir] Lenin characterized the revolutionary transition as a non–state state. This compound of contradictions made it possible to describe a paradox: strengthen state power to shatter bourgeois positions and start the transition to a communist association of producers. It referred to a revolutionary institution: the “Soviet” or workers’ council that existed across Europe. Even if Lenin’s invention never came into effect, we can assume that the non–state state continues to describe the essence—and the difficulty—of any transition beyond structures of social domination.
〜 Étienne Balibar, “A Socialism for the 21ˢᵗ Century: Four Assumptions.” Why and Which Socialism. Gegensatz Translation Collective, translators. Berlin: Rosa–Luxemburg–Stiftung. 2019. Creative Commons. Pages 42–43.
One of the more noteworthy dialectical contradictions of early 21ˢᵗ–century American capitalism can presently be witnessed in the accelerating culture war between predominantly rural segments of the lumpenproletariat and practically everyone else. When recontextualized from the 19ᵗʰ into the 21ˢᵗ century, the following quotation from Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto will distinguish the first two camps—“the existing social and political order of things” or “all existing social conditions”—from the Proletariat itself. Moreover, Marx’s clarion call to “support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things” is a fatal blow to Marxists, and to revolutionary socialists overall, who have continued to decry “social justice warfare.” That extract shall be provided in both the original German and four English translations (including the one supervised by Engels himself):
Mit einem Wort, die Kommunisten un­ terstützen überall jede revolutionäre Be­ wegung gegen die bestehenden gesellschaftlichen und politischen Zustände.
In allen diesen Bewegungen heben sie die Eigenthumsfrage, welche mehr oder minder entwickelte Form sie auch an­ genommen haben möge, als die Grund­ frage der Bewegung hervor.
Die Kommunisten arbeiten endlich überall an der Verbindung und Verständigung der demokratischen Parteien aller Länder.
Die Kommunisten verschmähen es, ihre Ansichten und Absichten zu verheimlichen. Sie erklären es offen, daß ihre Zwecke nur erreicht werden können durch den gewaltsamen Umsturz aller bisherigen Gesellschaftsordnung.Mögen die herrschenden Klassen vor einer kommunistischen Revolution zittern. Die Proletarier haben nichts in ihr zu verlieren als ihre Ketten. Sie haben eine Welt zu gewinnen.
Proletarier aller Länder, vereinigt euch!
〜 Karl Marx. Manifest der Kommunistischen Partei [Manifesto of the Communist Party]. Hohenstaufenallee, Germany: Die Falken, Landesverband Nordrhein–Westfalen. 2017. (Written in 1847.) Pages 33–34.
In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question in each, the property question, no matter what its degree of development at the time.
Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communistic revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win.
Workingmen [German, Proletarier, “Proletarians”] of all countries unite!
〜 Karl Marx. Manifesto of the Communist Party. Samuel Moore with Friedrich Engels, translators. English translation authorized, edited, and annotated by Friedrich Engels. New York: New York Labor News Company. 1908. Page 48.
In a word, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against the existing social and political order of things.
In all these movements they foreground the property question as the fundamental question for the movement, no matter its degree of development.
Finally, the communists labour everywhere for the solidarity and agreement of the democratic parties of all countries.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly declare that their objectives can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all existing social orders. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution. In it proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains.
Proletarians of all lands unite!
〜 Karl Marx. The Communist Manifesto. L. M. Findlay, translator and editor. Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Editions imprint of Broadview Press Ltd. 2004. Page 94.
In short, communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement against extant social and political conditions.
In all these movements, communists bring the property question to the fore, regarding it as fundamental, no matter in what phase of development it may happen to be.
Finally, communists work everywhere to promote mutual understanding among the democratic parties of all lands, and to bring about their unification.
Communists scorn to hide their view and aims. They openly declare that their purposes can only be achieved by the forcible overthrow of the whole extant social order. Let the ruling classes tremble at the prospect of a communist revolution Proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains They have a world to win.
PROLETARIANS OF ALL LANDS, UNITE!
〜 Karl Marx. The Communist Manifesto. Eden Paul and Cedar Paul, translators. Calcutta (now Anglicized as Kolkata): Radical Book Club. 1980. Page 72.
In short, the communists everywhere support each revolutionary movement against the existing state of affairs, social and political.
In all these movements, they endeavour to emphasize the property question as the foremost question in each, regardless of the degree of development at the time.
Finally, the communists work everywhere for the unification and alliance of the democratic parties of all countries.
The communists display contempt for concealing their views and aims. They openly declare that their goals can be reached only by forcefully overthrowing all social conditions that have so far been in existence. Let the ruling classes tremble at a communist revolution! The proletarians have nothing to lose in it, save their chains. In fact, they have a world to win.
Proletarians of all countries, unite! [also known as “Workers of the world, unite!”]
〜 Karl Marx. The Manifesto of the Communist Party. Daniel Deleanu, translator. Toronto: LogoStar Press. 2012. Page 51.

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2. Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ with The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things
To further elaborate upon the new tendency (Sanskrit, अभिषङ्गः [MP3], abhiṣaṅgaḥ; or Arabic, نَزْعَة [MP3], naz°ʿaẗ) of ƉɱⱤ, the philosopher Roy Bhaskar has referred to critical realism as a current (Sanskrit, मन्दाक [MP3], mandāka; or Arabic, مَجْرَى [MP3], maǧ°raỳ). ƉɱⱤ, the topic of this book, is a tributary of that current. Bhaskar was, by temperament, a libertarian Marxist. In his current, he describes the metatheory, or theory of theory/theories, and methodologies for creating a cosmopolitan society. Critical realism itself focuses upon his original approach to libertarian Marxist socialism and the qualities, including spiritual virtues, of a truly compassionate socialist world. Yet, in academia broadly, collegiality, and not usually compassion, is the glue which holds all things together. To rework an old expression, herding the preponderance of individualistic professors may be more wearisome than herding cats. I could never exclude myself. Absent the institution of collegiality, academia would not likely survive—superseded by temporary or even ad hoc research alliances and tutors. But speculations aside, the cultivation of an honest compassion might make a splendid addition to my old lifelong profession.
A critical realist current exists. But a generally dichotomous character persists. Issues which should have been long settled still split the human, and, to an extent, the natural, sciences: between realism and irrealism, positivism and hermeneutics, individualism and collectivism, structuralism and historicism, between qualitative and quantitative and large–scale and micro research (this last in physics as much as in sociology); and the fact/value and theory/practice shibboleths remain for the most part entrenched. Irrealist positions have their own repercussions. Thus positivism inevitably generates in its wake interactionist and/or reductionist regresses. Hermeneutics splits into neo–Kantian (Weberian) or dichotomized (Habermasian) and pure (Gadamerian and/or Winchian) wings. And so on.
〜 Roy Bhaskar. Dialectic: The Pulse of Freedom. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2008. Page 345.
… while biology, personal history and social conditions matter, they crucially underdetermine the subjective course and resulting outcomes of human reflection. No matter how well we know a human subject’s biological constitution, personal history and networks of relations in which she or he engages, predicting the outcome of personal reflections is fraught with difficulty, except on trivial matters that require little reflection. While biological, historical and social conditions bear causal effects, the reflexive powers of human subjects are irreducible to the former for at least two reasons that have been extensively studied by leading authors of the [Bhaskarian] critical realist current … as a suitable meta–theoretical framework.
〜 Dirk Lindebaum, Virginia L. Brown, and Ismael Al–Amoudi, “‘Murder They Said’: A Content Analysis and Further Ethical Reflection on the Application of Neuroscience in Management.” Organizational Neuroethics: Reflections on the Contributions of Neuroscience to Management Theories and Business Practices. Joé T. Martineau and Eric Racine, editors. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Nature Switzerland. 2020. Pages 47–66.
As an expansion of the ᙖᙍⴽ current, this chapter will detail the dharma, or dutiful support system, of Dialectical metaRealismᵀᴹ (ƉɱⱤ):
  • Wāqiʿiyyaẗu ʾal•mutaʿālīaẗ ʾal•Ǧadaliyyaẗ (Arabic, وَاقِعِيَّةُ المُتَعَالِيَة الجَدَلِيَّة [MP3])
  • mẹṭāʾ–Rēʾāliyzəm hạ•Diyʾālẹqəṭiy (Hebrew, מֶטָא־רֵאָלִיזְם הַדִּיאָלֶקְטִי [MP3])
  • dēʿr Diyʾạlʿẹqəṭiyšʿər mēʿṭʾạ–Rʿēʾạliyzəm (Yiddish, דֵּער דִּיאַלעֶקְטִישׁעְר מֵעטאַ־רעֵאַלִיזְם [MP3])
  • der dialektischer Meta–Realismus (German [MP3])
  • Täqarənwawi mēta ʾƏwənätawinätə (Amharic, ተቃርኗዊ ሜታ እውነታዊነት [MP3])
  • Tägaračʾawi mēta Kəwənənätə (Tigninya, ተጋራጫዊ ሜታ ክውንነት [MP3])
  • Vāqiʿgarāýí•i mutaʿālí•i Diýāliḱ°tíḱí (Persian, وَاقِعگَرَایِیِ مُتَعَالِیِ دِیَالِکْتِیکِی [MP3])
  • Voqeigaroī•i mutaolī•i Dialektikī (Tajik, Воқеигароӣи мутаолӣи диалектикӣ [MP3])
  • da Diyāliḱ°tīḱī māwarā Wāqiʿ bīnī (Pashto, دَ دِيَالِکْتِيکِي مَاوَرَا وَاقِع بِينِي [MP3])
  • Ǧadil°ýātí mēṭā–Ḥaqīqat°pasan°dí (Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, جَدِلْیَاتِی مَیطَا ـ حَقِیقَتْپَسَنْدِی [MP3])
  • ǧay Ǧad°liyātī paray Ḥaqīqatapasan°dī (Sindhi, جَي جَدْلِيَاتِي پَرَي حَقِيقَتَپَسَنْدِي [MP3])
  • Turkish, Eytişimsel meta–Gerçekçilik [MP3])
  • ʾal•Ǧad°liýā mēṭā–Ḥaqítapasan°dí (Urdu, الجَدْلِیَاتِی مَیٹَا ـ حَقِیقَتْپَسَنْدِی [MP3])
  • Dvaṁdvātmaka meṭā–Yathārthavāda (Hindi, द्वंद्वात्मक मेटा–यथार्थवाद [MP3])
  • da Davadavādí mēṭā–Ýat°hār°t°havāda (Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَ دَوَدَوَادِی مَیٹَا ـ یَتْھَارْتْھَوَادَ [MP3])
  • da Davadavādī maiṭā–Yathārathavāda (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦ ਦਵੰਦਵਾਦੀ ਮੈਟਾ–ਯਥਾਰਥਵਾਦ [MP3])
  • Dbāndbika mēṭā–Bastutantra (Bengali, দ্বান্দ্বিক মেটা–বস্তুতন্ত্র [MP3])
  • Pyŏnjŭngbŏpchŏk met’asilchaeron (Korean, 변증법적 메타실재론 [MP3])
  • Benshōhō•teki•meta•Shajitsu (Japanese, 弁証法的メタリアリズム [MP3])
  • metarealisme Dialektis (Indonesian [MP3])
  • Biànzhèng•Yuán•xiànshí•Zhǔyì(Mandarin, 辩证元现实主义 [MP3])
  • Bin6zing3•Jyun4•jin6sat6•Zyu2ji6 (Cantonese, 辩证元现实主义 [MP3])
ƉɱⱤ has, in the main, been inspired by the philosophies formulated by Roy Bhaskar, including critical realism. They provide ƉɱⱤ with its metaphysical grounding, ground of being, or ground state. Still, the substantive content of ƉɱⱤ should only be attributed to, or perhaps blamed on, this writer. Even though the outline is intended to be principally heuristic and exploratory, it may tentatively approach speculative hierarchies or pyramids of metaphysical and epistemological dimensions. In ƉɱⱤ, as in ᙖᙍⴽ more broadly, metaphysics, including ontology, must never be confused with epistemology. Critical realism examines both the dynamics of metaphysical grounding and the processes of epistemic perception for ƉɱⱤ. Ostensibly, the early generations of Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) had their share of problems. Chief among them was the absence of a spiritual ontology and a spiritual epistemology. ƉɱⱤ, following Roy Bhaskar, attempts to dialectically absent that binary absence.
ƉɱⱤ, as a sophisticated version of indirect realism, differs considerably from direct, or so–called naïve, realism. Naïveté does seem appropriate to this writer when considering direct realism. The position of the latter is that reality can be directly observed by the five senses. However, even ordinary common sense would find such an assertion to be completely absurd. We know, for example, that the human eye does not perceive the universe directly. Rather, the mind, through its faculty of perception, interprets sensation and fills in the missing blanks. Therefore, we are not truly seeing anything at all. I once knew a direct realist. Well, perhaps I actually did not know him so well after all. Everything he said on the subject of realism, placed under the lens of his Whiteheadian process philosophy, was incomprehensible to me. Please do not misunderstand. He is a brilliant fellow. I just could not fathom how he could possibly believe in statements which, to me, were ludicrous. It stands to reason that critical realists, based upon empirical data, will repudiate, at first blush, the fanciful claims of direct realists. But those individuals, honestly, had little ground to stand on in the first place.
Idealisms, of various sorts, have dominated Western philosophy since the lifetime of Immanuel Kant (1724–1804). As with all forms of ontological realism, critical realism is conceptually distinct from ontological idealism. Plato was an ontological idealist. To him, beyond outward appearances, a condition of ideal forms operates. He posited that every object we see around us has a prototype in the world of ideal forms or, I suppose, something like consciousness. The idealist psychiatrist Carl Jung, and the founder of analytical psychology, referred to archetypes. They are comparable to Plato’s ideal forms. Currently, Ken Wilber, the Colorado–based developer of Integral Theory, has examined what he terms, borrowing from theoretical physics, a theory of everything. To Wilber, there is no distinction between consciousness, or idealization, and externality. Consciousness, to him, is all that exists. As a Bhaskarian critical realist, I would instead argue that reality is the ground of being. Reality, furthermore, is not defined by consciousness; and consciousness is not the reality of anything. Instead, consciousness is human knowledge and perception but nothing more.
Operationalization refers to defining concepts in a manner which makes them measurable. Any science, including scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿), which may have anticipated Marxist sociology (ⱮꟉ), begins with concepts which have not, as of yet, been operationalized. Variables are, by definition, operationalized concepts. So, for example, water is a simple concept. It has not been operationalized. It is not, therefore, a variable. What kind of water?: Distilled water? Spring water? Salt water? Tap water? Hard water? On the other hand, H₂O, two parts hydrogen with one part oxygen, is a variable. It is precise and measurable.
The example I just provided was not sociological, but it is the one I generally gave to my sociology (߆𖣵) students (before I retired). The same principle would apply in any field. In order to redefine class (or social class), a major concept in sociology (߆𖣵), as a variable, I operationalize it into socioeconomic status (SES). I then specify particular ways of empirically measuring the components of socioeconomic status: occupation, education, income, and so forth. The empirical is the observable. And research is based upon observation or empiricism. True operationalization within ƉɱⱤ is premature. Still, careful definitions of the concepts in ƉɱⱤ shall be furnished below.
But back on topic, a significant portion of the language translations incorporated into this Bhaskarian critical realist treatise, including in the current chapter, are, for better or for worse, this writer’s own. Those personal renderings will occasionally be pointed out. In ƉɱⱤ, Unities or units (Arabic, الوَاحِدُونَ [MP3], ʾal•wāḥidūna; or Hebrew, הַיְחִידוֹת [MP3], hạ•yəḥiyḏôṯ), as shall be outlined in The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things (ᵀʰᵉⁿᶦᶜᵉⁿᵗʳᶦᶜⁿᶦᵗᶦᵉˢကᵒᵈᵉˡ𖤖𖡣ˡˡ𝼪ʰᶦⁿᵍˢ), are the causal mechanisms of Nonduality (Arabic, العَدَم اِزْدِوَاجَيْهِ [MP3], ʾal•ʿadam ʾiz°diwāǧay°hi, or, الثُنَائِيَّة [MP3], ʾal•ṯunā⫯yiyyaẗ; or Hebrew, הַאִי־שְׁנִיּוּת [MP3], hạ•ʾiy–šəniyūṯ) and the ontological states external to it. Those Unities are essential. The retrograde conditions which are extraneous to the Unities, beginning with Nonduality and containing their own causal mechanisms, might, on the other hand, be regarded as phenomenal.
Immediately below is Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ. It begins with a preface. First, in that preamble, are three important points to be followed by a set of pertinent translations:
  • Bhaskar approved of Advaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, अद्वैत वेदान्त [MP3], “nondual end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”), but he also underscored the reality of Nonduality and Duality. Nevertheless, Adi Shankara (Sanskrit, आदि शङ्कर [MP3], Ādi Śaṅkara), 788 CE–820 CE—the best–known exponent of Advaita Vēdānta—clearly did not. Adi Shankara instead regarded the perception of Duality to be a mirage or, metaphorically, like a conjurer’s enchantments (Sanskrit, माया [MP3], māyā, “illusion/magic”). I, therefore, respectfully disagree with Bhaskar on this selection. Parenthetically, wit, wise, wisdom, and veda (Sanskrit, वेद [MP3], “knowledge”), seen in Vēdānta (Sanskrit, वेदान्त [MP3], “end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”), are Indo–European cognates.
  • Advaita Vēdānta is conceptually distinct from ƉɱⱤ. Taken solely on face value, their respective views of Nonduality and Duality appear to be mutually exclusive. It would, nevertheless, be highly presumptuous and improper to speak on behalf of Bhaskarian critical realists overall. The diverse approaches taken by scholars—working within a wide variety of disciplines—to Bhaskar’s philosophies do not lend themselves to simple generalizations. Cultivating an attitude of genuine heartfelt humility, on this matter and on all others, is always the best course. This writer tries to follow that principle. My specific difficulties with the anti–dual Advaita Vēdānta, notwithstanding, a nonrestrictive emphasis on Nonduality is absolutely essential.
  • A contemporary example of Advaita Vēdānta is Sant Nirankari Mission (Hindi, संत निरंकारी मिशन, Saṁta Niraṁkārī Miśana; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸੰਤ ਨਿਰੰਕਾਰੀ ਮਿਸ਼ਨ, Sata Nirakārī Miśana; or Shahmukhi Punjabi and Urdu, سَنْتَ نِرَنْکَارِی مِشَنَ, San°ta Niran°ḱārí Mišana), Delhi, India. The Gurmukhi Punjabi “Nirakārī” is derived from the original Sanskrit term, Nirākārā. (Sanskrit, निराकारावेदान्त, “formless one.”
  • Bhēdābhēda Vēdānta (Sanskrit, भेदाभेद वेदान्त [MP3], “difference–nondifference end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”) or ᏰᏉ admits the reality of Nonduality and Dualityseems to be intimately aligned with Bhaskar’s early 21ˢᵗ–century philosophy. Nevertheless, ᏰᏉ is clearly isomorphic with the theory of ƉɱⱤ. Theory, conceptualized as a verb, is a three–stage procedure. It begins with theory, deductively continues with research, and inductively supports or fails to support the same theory:
    1. Any research project will begin with deduction. Hypotheses, or scientific propositions, are formulated from theory.
    2. The project continues with induction. Hypotheses are empirically tested to determine whether the theory is supported.
      Theory itself, as I would draw on the whiteboard for my students, may be illustrated by the following circular diagram:
      Diagram of Theory
      Click on the Image to Enlarge
    3. But theory culminates in praxis. Without engaging in theoretically–informed practice, the research process is incomplete.
  • In the following ᔦ႘ ➕️ ३ ⨤⇂      ჰ ⟴ ᘖ  ⨭  ɬ  ⨨ ੨ ⥅ ł ⊞ ꘡ ȴ  ا  ⨢     ⨹     5️⃣2️⃣️ ⁆ translations (Sanskrit, Pali, Hindi, Marathi, Urdu, Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, Nepali, Dogri, Konkani, Awadhi, Bhojpuri, Newar, Shahmukhi Punjabi, Gurmukhi Punjabi, Bengali, Gujarati, Sindhi twice, Telugu, Tamil, Sinhala, Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, Malayalam, Tulu, Mauritian Creole, Hebrew, Yiddish, German, Judæo–Spanish/Ladino, Spanish, Arabic, Iranian and Dari Persian twice, Tajik/Tajiki Persian twice, Pashto twice, Turkish, Azerbaijani, Crimean Tatar, Turkmen, Amharic, Tigrinya, Indonesian, Sundanese, Javanese, Filipino, Icelandic, Russian, Ukrainian, and Belarusian), I selected Vedantism (Arabic, الفَيْدَانْتيَّة, ʾal•Fay°dān°tiyyaẗ; or Hebrew, הַווֵדָּנְטִיזְם, hạ•V̇ēdānəṭʾiyzəm) over Vedanta (Arabic, الفَيْدَانْتَا, ʾal•Fay°dān°tā, or Hebrew, הַווֵדָּנְטָה, hạ•V̇ēdānəṭāh) in order to respectfully acknowledge, and to emphasize, my outsider’s perspective, i.e. as a non–practitioner of Vēdānta:
  • Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ (Sanskrit, द्वन्द्वात्मकएकत्वम् । द्वैताद्वैतभेदाभेदवेदान्तवादः [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality–difference–nondifference–end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: duality–nonduality is literally two–not two.
  • Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ (ƊĐ), my own Sanskrit rendering, is contextualized as the dharma (Sanskrit, धर्म), or dutiful support system, of Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). The Unities of all things possess real dialectical power. I selected the word Dvandvātmaka because of its conventional usage in Sanskrit renderings of dialectical materialism (Sanskrit, द्वन्द्वात्मक भौतिकवाद, dvandvātmaka bhautikavāda). And, as a Marxist, I am a dialectical materialist. That is to say, like any social or other scientist, I empirically observe the beings and things found on the physical plane. Spiritual substance, while real, is not the object of empirical observation. We instead learn about spiritual realities through: intensive study aka deepening, dreams, and phenomenological meditation. Additionally, Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavāda, especially Dvaitādvaita Vēdānta in name, aims to reconcile duality (dvaita) and nonduality (advaita).
  • While reviewing the additional translations provided below, note the resemblance—despite belonging to different language families (Dravidian vis–à–vis Indo–European)—between Telugu and Tulu (and Tamil and Malayalam to a somewhat lesser extent), on the one hand, and Sanskrit with languages related to it, on the other. The Indo–European Sanskrit has had a compelling and an outsized linguistic influence in South Asia. However, the similarly Indo–European Pali, the language of the first translation, while etymologically and historically related to Sanskrit, was not derived from it. The current status of Pali in Buddhism is similar to that of various other liturgical languages: Latin in Roman Catholicism, Gəʾəzə is some Ethiopian religious communities, Ancient or biblical Hebrew in Judaism, and to a degree, Sanskrit in India. Though rarely used colloquially, Sanskrit is listed among that country’s scheduled languages.
  • Dvandvatt•Akaṃ Daitādaita•Bhedābheda•Vedāntavādo (Pali, द्वन्द्वत्तकं दैतादैतभेदाभेदवेदान्तवादो [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: Pali was pronounced using the phonetically similar Bengali.
  • Dvaṁdvātmaka Ēkatāēm̐ Dvaitādvaita Bhēdābhēda Vēdāṁtavāda (Hindi [MP3] and Marathi [MP3] द्वंद्वात्मक एकताएँ द्वैताद्वैत भ्एदाभ्एद व्एदांतवाद), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Ǧadalaýātí ʾĒḱatā⫯yēṉ Dawētad°wēta B°hēda B°hēda Wēdānata Pasan°dí (Urdu, جَدَلَیَاتِی ایکَّتَائَیں دَوَیتَدْوَیتَ بْھَیدَ بھیدَ وَیدَانَتَ پَسَنْدِی [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Ǧadalaýātí Bāzēṉ ʾAḱā⫯yí Dawētā Dawētā B°hēdāb°hēdā Wēdān°ta Pasan°dí (Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, جَدَلَیَاتِی بَازَیں اکَائَی دَوَیتَا دَوَیتَا بْھَیدَابْھَیدَا وَیدَانْتَ پَسَنْدِی [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Dvandvātmaka Ēkāiharū Dvaitādvaita Bhēḍābhēda Vēdāntavāda (Nepali, द्वन्द्वात्मक एकाइहरू द्वैताद्वैत भेडाभेद वेदान्तवाद [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dvaitādvaita Bhēdābhēda Vēdāntavā (Chhattisgarhi, द्वंद्वात्मक एकताएं द्वैताद्वैत भेदाभेद वेदांतवा [MP3]), Dvandvātmaka Ēkatāēṁ Dvaitādvaita Bhēdābhēda Vēdāntavā, “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” [The pronunciation, based upon the closely related Hindi, may be imprecise.]
  • Dvaṁdvātmaka Ikāiyāṁ Dvaitadvaita Bhedabheda Vedāṁtavāda (Dogri, द्वंद्वात्मक इकाइयां द्वैतद्वैत भेदभेद वेदांतवाद [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Dvandvātmaka Ēkōtānta Dvaitadvaita Bhēdabhēda Vēdāntavāda (Konkani, द्वंद्वात्मक एकोतांत द्वैतद्वैत भेदभेद वेदांतवाद [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Dvandvātmaka Ikāiyana Dvaitavaita Bhēdabhēḍa Vēdāntavāda (Awadhi, द्वंद्वात्मक इकाइयन द्वैतवैत भेदभेड वेदांतवाद [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Dvandvātmaka Ēkāīyām̐ Dvaitadvaita Bhēdabhēda Vēdāntavāda (Bhojpuri, द्वंद्वात्मक एकाईयाँ द्वैतद्वैत भेदभेद वेदांतवाद [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Dvandvatmaka Ēkaiharutay Dvandvavada Vedabheda Vedantavada (Newar, द्वन्द्वात्मक एकाइहरूतय् द्वन्द्ववाद व्एदभ्एद व्एदान्तवाद [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Davan°dātamaḱa ʾIḱatāvāṉ Davētadavēta B°hēdab°hēda Vēdān°tavāda (Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَوَنْدَاتَمَکَ اِکَت&َاوَاں دَوَیتَدَوَیتَ بْھَیدَبْھَیدَ وَیدَانْتَوَادَ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Davadātamaka Ikatāvāṁ Davaitadavaita Bhēdabhēda Vēdāntavāda (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦਵੰਦਾਤਮਕ ਇਕਤਾਵਾਂ ਦਵੈਤਦਵੈਤ ਭੇਦਭੇਦ ਵੇਦਾਂਤਵਾਦ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dbandvātmaka Aikyasamūha Bbaitadbaita Bhēdābhēda Bēdāntabāda (Bengali, দ্বংদ্বাত্মক ঐক্যসমূহ দ্বৈতদ্বৈত ভেদাভেদ বেদাংতবাদ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dvandvātmaka Ēkatāꞌō Dvaitadvaita Bhēdabhēda Vēdāntavāda (Gujarati, દ્વંદ્વાત્મક દ્વૈતદ્વૈત એકતાઓ ભેદભેદ વેદાંતવાદ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Ǧad°lī ʾĒk̀atāyūna D°vētād°vēta Bʰēdābʰēda Vēdān°ta Vāṭa (Sindhi, جَدْلِي ايڪَتَايُونَ دْوَيتَادْوَيتَ ڀَيدَاڀَيدَ وَيدَانْتَ وَاطَ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: I did my level best, but the Sindhi pronunciation may be unreliable. Despite, for instance, my inclusion of the vowel points, the system is mispronouncing the first word. To improve the pronunciation, I also replaced و (which would have produced a w sound) with ڤ (which results in a v sound) in this entry and the following one. The letter ڤ is used in several Arabo–Persian scripts (even occasionally in Modern Standard Arabic).
  • Davan°dātamak̀a ʾĒk̀atāyūna Bʰēdābʰēda Vēdān°ta Vāṭa (Sindhi, دَوَنْدَاتَمَڪَ ايڪَتَايُونَ ڀَيدَاڀَيدَ وَيدَانْتَ وَاطَ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”Again, I did the best I could, but the Sindhi pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Dvandvātmaka Okkaṭitanaṁ Dvaitādvaita Bhēdabhēd Vēdāntaṁ (Telugu, ద్వంద్వాత్మక ఒక్కటితనం ద్వైతాద్వైత భేదభేద్ వేదాంతం [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Iyaṅkiyal Alakukaḷ Tvaitātvaitam Pētāpētam Vētāntam (Tamil, இயங்கியல் அலகுகள் த்வைதாத்வைதம் பேதாபேதம் வேதாந்தம் [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Apōhaka Ekamutukam Dvaitādvaita Bhēdabhed Vēdāntavādaya (Sinhala, අපෝහක එකමුතුකම් ද්වෛතාද්වෛත භේදභෙද් වේදාන්තවාදය [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dwandwātmaka Ẏuniṭiguṛika Dwaitadwaita Bēbhēdābhēda Bēdāntabāda (Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, ଦ୍ୱନ୍ଦ୍ୱାତ୍ମକ ୟୁନିଟିଗୁଡ଼ିକ ଦ୍ୱୈତଦ୍ୱୈତ ବେଭେଦାଭେଦ ବେଦାନ୍ତବାଦ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • Vairudꞌdhyātmaka Ēkatvaṅṅaḷ Dvaitādvaitā Bhēdabhēd Vēdāntvāḍa (Malayalam, വൈരുദ്ധ്യാത്മക ഏകത്വങ്ങൾ ദ്വൈതാദ്വൈതാ ഭേദഭേദ് വേദാന്ത്വാഡ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dvandvātmaka Ēkatelu Dvaitadvaita Bhēdabhēda Vēdāntavāḍa (Tulu, ದ್ವಂದ್ವಾತ್ಮಕ ಏಕತೆಲು ದ್ವೈತದ್ವೈತ ಭೇದಭೇದ ವೇದಾಂತವಾಡ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” The pronunciation, using Malayalam, may not be accurate.
  • Dialektik de Plizier Inite de Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabhed Vedantisme (Mauritian Creole [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The French pronunciation may be unreliable.
  • V̇ēdānəṭʾiyzəm Dəv̇ēṭādəv̇ēṭạʿ–Bəhēdābəhēdạʿ hạ•Yəḥiyḏôṯ hạ•Diyʾālẹqəṭiyūṯ (Hebrew, ווֵדָּנְטִיזְם דְּווֵיטָדְּווֵיטַּע־בְּהֵדָּבְּהֵדַּע הַיְחִידוֹת הַדִּיאָלֶקְטִיוּת [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Diyʾạlʿẹqəṭiyš ʾẠ͡ynəhạ͡yṭən p̄ūn Dəv̇ạ͡yṭādəv̇ạ͡yṭạʿ–Bəhạ͡ydābəhạ͡ydạʿ–V̇ạ͡yʿdʾạnəṭiyzəm (Yiddish, דִּיאַלעֶקְטִישׁ אײַַנְהְײַטְן פֿוּן דְּווײַַטָדְּווײַַטַּע־בְּהײַַדָּבְּהֵדַּע־ווײַַעדּאַנְטִיזְם [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dialektische Einheiten von Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabheda–Vedantismus (German [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Ūniydʾādēys Diyʾālẹqəṭiyqʾās B̄ēydʾānəṭiyzəmō Dẹb̄ēyṭʾādẹb̄ēyṭʾāh Bəhēydʾābəhēydʾāh (Judæo–Spanish/Ladino, וּנִידּאָדֵּיס דִּיאָלֶקְטִיקאָס בֵֿידּאָנְטִיזְמוֹ דְּבֿאֵיטאָדְּבֿאֵיטאָה בְהֵדּאָבְהֵדּאָה [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Ladino is pronounced here as Spanish.
  • Unidades Dialécticas Vedantismo Dvaitadvaita Bhedabheda (Spanish [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Fay°dān°tiyyaẗ D°fay°tādafay°tā–B°hay°dāb°hay°dā ʾal•Waḥadāt ʾal•Ǧadaliyyaẗ (Arabic, فَيْدَانْتيَّة دْفَيْتَادْفَيْتَا ـ بْهَيْدَابْهَيْدَا الوَحَدَات الجَدَلِيَّة [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Vidān°tāgarāýí•i D°vaý°tādavaý°tā B°haý°dāb°haý°dā•i Vāḥid°hā•i Ǧadalí (Iranian and Dari Persian, وِدَانْتَاگَرَایِیِ دْنَيْتَادْوَيْتَا بْهَیْدَابْهَیْدَاِ وَاحِدْهَاِ جَدَلِی [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Vedantagaroī•i Dvaýtodvaýto–Bhaýdobhaýdo•i Vohidho•i Ǧadalī (Tajik/Tajiki Persian, Ведантагароӣи Двайтодвайто–Бҳайдобҳайдои Воҳидҳои Ҷадалӣ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Vidān°tāgarāýí•i D°vaý°tādavaý°tā B°haý°dāb°haý°dā•i Vāḥid°hā•i Diýāliḱ°tíḱí (Iranian and Dari Persian, وِدَانْتَاگَرَایِیِ دْنَيْتَادْوَيْتَا بْهَیْدَابْهَیْدَاِ وَاحِدْهَاِ دِیَالِکْتِیکِی [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Vedantagaroī•i Dvaýtodvaýto–Bhaýdobhaýdo•i Vohidho•i Dialektikī (Tajik or Tajiki Persian, Ведантагароӣи Двайтодвайто–Бҳайдобҳайдои Воҳидҳои Диалектикӣ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • da Wídān°tā G̥arāyī da Ǧadalī Waḥidūnah da D°waý°tādawaý°tā–B°haý°dāb°haý°dā (Pashto, دَ وِیدَانْتَا ګَرَايِي دَ جَدَلِي وَاحِدُونَه دَ دْنَيْتَادْوَيْتَا ـ بْهَیْدَابْهَیْدَا [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • da Wídān°tā G̥arāyī da Diyāliḱ°tīḱī Ýūnit̥ūnah da D°waý°tādawaý°tā–B°haý°dāb°haý°dā (Pashto, دَ وِیدَانْتَا ګَرَايِي دَ دِيَالِکْتِيکِي یُونِټُونَه دَ دْنَيْتَادْوَيْتَا ـ بْهَیْدَابْهَیْدَا [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabhedaꞌnın Diyalektik Birimleri Vedantizmi (Turkish [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabhedaꞌ və Vedantizmin Dialektik Vahidləri (Azerbaijani [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: Azerbaijani was pronounced using the phonetically similar, and sometimes mutually intelligible, Turkish language.
  • Dvajtadvajta–Bhedabhedaꞌ ve Vedantizmninʿ Dialektik Birlemleri (Crimean Tatar, Двайтадвайта–Бхедабхедаꞌ ве Ведантизмнинъ Диалектик Бирлемлери [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: Crimean Tatar was pronounced using the somewhat mutually intelligible Turkish language.
  • Dwaytadwayta–Bhedabheda we Wedantizmiň Dialektik Utgaşmalary (Turkmen [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: Turkmen was pronounced using the somewhat mutually intelligible Turkish language.
  • yä•Bəhedabəheda Dəvayədadəvada yä•Diyalekətikalə ʾÄnədənätə Vadanətizəmə (Amharic, የብሄዳብሄዳ ድቫይዳድቫዳ የዲያሌክቲካል አንድነት ቬዳንቲዝም [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Vedanətizəmə nayə Diyaläkətikawi Hadənätatə nayə Bəhedabeda Dəveyədadəveyəda (Tigrinya, ቬዳንቲዝም ናይ ዲያለክቲካዊ ሓድነታት ናይ ብሄዳቤዳ ድቫይዳድቫይዳ [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Note: The pronunciation, which is based upon Amharic, may be unreliable.
  • Unit–Unit Dialektis Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabheda Vedantisme (Indonesian [MP3], Sundanese [MP3], and Javanese [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Mga Yunit Diyalektikal ng Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabheda Vedantismo (Filipino [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Einingar Díalektísk í Dvaitadvaita–Bhedabheda Vedantismi (Icelandic [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dialektičeskie Edinicy Dvajtadvajta Bhedabheda Vedantizm (Russian, Диалектические Единицы Двайтадвайта Бхедабхеда Ведантизм [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Díalektiční Odinicí Dvaitadvaita Bhedabheda Vedantizm (Ukrainian, Діалектичні Одиниці Дваитадваита Бхедабхеда Ведантизм [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’”
  • Dyâlektyčnyâ Adzínkí Avaccacʹ Dvaitadvaita Bhedabheda Vedantyzm (Belarusian, Дыялектычныя Адзінкі Аваццаць Дваитадваита Бхедабхеда Ведантызм [MP3]), “dialectical Unities–duality–nonduality difference–nondifference end–of–wit/wisdom/knowledge–‘ism’” Belarusian is pronounced using the mutually intelligible Ukrainian language.
My purpose is to assert the intentional affinity between ƉɱⱤ and Bhēdābhēda Vēdānta (ᏰᏉ) and, additionally, to distance myself from the pure nonduality of Advaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, अद्वैत वेदान्त) and the pure duality of Dvaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, द्वैत वेदान्त). Other vēdāntic schools do exist, but incorporating those three will, for present purposes, suffice. One such school is Vishishtadvaita (Sanskrit, विशिष्टाद्वैत, Viśiṣṭādvaita, “qualified nonduality”). And I have taken the liberty of incorporating Vishishtadvaita into Bhēdabhēda. Others may disagree with that classification. To be clear, I am a Bahá’í, not a Vēdāntist and certainly not a vēdāntic theologian. But I have be inspired by Vēdānta, and South Asian thought in general, since my youth. And that was, I blithely acknowledge, a long time ago. ƉɱⱤ is, therefore, neither a branch nor even a conceptual framework of South Asian theology. Sadly, I have not as yet visited that inspiring part of the world.
Though mindfully informed by a vēdāntic (Sanskrit, वेदान्तिकम्, vēdāntikam) universe of discourse, Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) is approached as a 21ˢᵗ–century, rather than a traditional or classical, application of Bhēdābhēda Vēdānta. ƉɱⱤ should principally be regarded as an ongoing project in social and sociological theory and religious studies (the sociology of religion, the history of religions, and the sociology of language and religion). Theoretically, ƉɱⱤ is grounded in scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿)—possibly a harbinger to Marxist sociology “➕”.
Here are the particulars of the philosophy of Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ. Into it will be embedded, just a few paragraphs down, The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things. The latter is, to emphasize the point, an elaboration and a specification of Unities in Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ:
  • bulletUnities (Sanskrit, एकत्वानि [MP3], ēkatvān, “units, ones, or Unities”), in the ƉɱⱤ paradigm, refer to the unambiguous depiction of the unfathomable Essence (Sanskrit, अतिगहन सारः [MP3], atigahana Sāraḥ) of essences and Unity of UnitiesTheocentricity (Sanskrit, दैव मध्यः [MP3], daiva Madhyaḥ, “divine Center”), the Great Being (Sanskrit, महासत्त्व [MP3], Mahāsattva), God (etymology uncertain), or Brahma (Sanskrit, ब्रह्म [MP3], “All–Powerful One”)—and His absolute dominion over all outer Unities or unifying essences. The Name Brahma has been selected, over all the Names of God found in the traditional dharmic religions, because of its prevalence in the Bhēdābhēda schools. Those particular Vēdāndic creeds, personally adored by this writer, will be treated in some depth a bit later in the chapter. In all the realms of being, nothing is more exalted than the unconditional Unity of God.
    Nevertheless, religion, and religions, should not be subjected to the logical fallacy of reification. Religions are not entities. Classifying them into types—such as church, sect, and especially the often intentionally disparaging designation of cult—disrespects the particularity of religions and religious organizations. “Words are not real,” said the author to the book. Defining religion in one way or another will dictate to the researcher the items properly placed under that category, religion in this case, and its subcategories or denominations. Although, ultimately, categories are real, the act of placing them into a linguistic context is epistemologically relative. As a sociologist of religion, I, therefore, utilize the deliberately unbiased term, denomination, for almost any religious organization. One notable exception is found in Judæism. There, movement is established nomenclature. Church, on the other hand, is problematic. It can refer to: a specific movement, an alliance of two or more movements, the body of believers at large (so defined), a specific congregation, a given house of worship, or a house/home church.
    Unity will initially be translated by numerous Semitic and Semitically–derived cognates:
    The perspective on unity (Sanskrit, ऐक्यम् एकता वा [MP3], aikyam ekatā vā, “unity or oneness”), which I began to formally incorporate into Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) on May 7ᵗʰ–8ᵗʰ, 2026, is The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things (ᵀʰᵉⁿᶦᶜᵉⁿᵗʳᶦᶜⁿᶦᵗᶦᵉˢကᵒᵈᵉˡØ𐌀ˡˡʰᶦⁿᵍˢ). The genealogy of that model began in 1971 with the Science of Reality™ (ន០ɽ). It was developed by my friend, whom I mentioned previously, Marian Crist Lippitt (June 30ᵗʰ, 1897 – February 5ᵗʰ, 1984). She was an early U.S. Bahá’í writer and self–publisher. Over many years, until I was persuaded of possible confusion between our respective approaches, I used both the science of reality and the worlds of God, the latter taken from the title of a compilation published by Marian, for my own work. I, nevertheless, put together, for personal use, my own extensive Worlds of God compilation. It is stored in two plastic boxes and is, consequently, not available online. The methodology for preparing the compilation, which I originated in my middle teens, was named inspired categorization (ꗫ).
    As to my critique, the Science of Reality was mostly distorted due to Marian’s significant reliance on unauthorative literature and a lack of familiarity with either Arabic or Persian. Lippitt’s work had been inspired by her association with Henrietta “Emogene” Martin Hoagg and the latter’s considerably more modest Conditions of Existence: Servitude, Prophethood, Deity. Lippitt appears to this writer to have been strongly influenced by objective ontological idealism, a commonplace philosophy among early Western Bahá’ís, as when she claimed:
    … anything that has been designated by a word and envisioned as a mental concept must be accepted as a reality, and that includes the entire human dictionary. Reality, then, encompasses the totality of existence.
    〜 Marian Crist Lippitt. What Reality Does this Science Cover? York, Maine. Undated leaflet.
    Reality then, to Marian, was semiotic and constructivist—grounded in language and consciousness—🄽🄾🅃 social constructionist. One might, to coin a term, consider her approach to be a proto–poststructural semiotics. It anticipated the linguistic relativism of poststructuralism. But now consider these dictionary entries: unicorns, mermaids, werewolves, centaurs, goblins, elves, dragons, flying monkeys, and monsters of various shapes and sizes. Are those fantastical creatures, entirely devoid of substance, a part of “the totality of existence”? Vain imaginations and idle fancies are illusions or Demireality. As negations of scientific fact, not to mention basic common sense, they are not real categories/constructions of particulars (𬣞). Such talk is nothing more than playing Wittgensteinian language games.
    However, Marian was not, to adjust the picture, insane. I intentionally selected that term because of its contemporary, but admittedly not historical, non–medical connotations overall. Instead, insanity is sometimes used as a legal defense. Globally, its success rate somewhat varies. Perhaps, alternatively, “not deranged,” an expression currently devoid of both medical and legal undertones, is preferable. I rather interpret her lexical comment as an indicant of the epistemic fallacy, the reduction of reality to consciousness, an error in judgment which was critiqued by Roy Bhaskar. In Marian’s case, objective idealism was coupled with language. Any disagreements notwithstanding, and differences in perspective are always to be expected and respected when discussing abstractions, I honestly learned a great deal from Marian. And, moreover, despite the conspicuous oddity in her views, she was no one’s fool.
    The sharp contrasts in our hermeneutics or interpretations notwithstanding, I appreciate Marian’s work. It introduced me to a Bahá’í–inspired mysticism which has guided my life. That will be explored in ᵀʰᵉⁿᶦᶜᵉⁿᵗʳᶦᶜⁿᶦᵗᶦᵉˢကᵒᵈᵉˡØ𐌀ˡˡʰᶦⁿᵍˢ, which was significantly inspired by Marian’s work, in the first part of chapter 2. Needless to say, perhaps, but many problems only surface when people insist on the correctness of their views. That kind of importunity was, regrettably, quite common among many proponents of Marian’s work. There can, in my opinion, be no systematic theology in the Bahá’í Faith. Yet, Marian, along with some of those around her, developed one such a systematic theology. A certain individual even directly told me, during a conversation, that Marian’s Science of Reality was an exception to the following:
    I feel that regarding such interpretations (of verses from the Scriptures) no one has the right to impose his view or opinion and require his listeners to believe in his particular interpretation of the sacred and prophetic writings. I have no objection to your interpretations and inferences so long as they are represented as your own personal observations and reflections. It would be unnecessary and confusing to state authoritatively and officially a dogmatic Bahá’í interpretation to be universally accepted and taught by believers. Such matters I feel should be left to the personal judgement and insight of individual teachers.
    Although not referenced during our discussion, this passage appears to make a complementary point:
    O handmaid of God! Although the reality of Divinity is sanctified and boundless, the aims and needs of the creatures are restricted. God’s grace is like the rain that cometh down from heaven: the water is not bounded by the limitations of form, yet on whatever place it poureth down, it taketh on limitations—dimensions, appearance, shape—according to the characteristics of that place. In a square pool, the water, previously unconfined, becometh a square; in a six–sided pool it becometh a hexagon, in an eight–sided pool an octagon, and so forth. The rain itself hath no geometry, no limits, no form, but it taketh on one form or another, according to the restrictions of its vessel. In the same way, the Holy Essence of the Lord God is boundless, immeasurable, but His graces and splendours become finite in the creatures, because of their limitations, wherefore the prayers of given persons will receive favourable answers in certain cases.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Page 161.
    Unfortunately, an authoritarian (popularly called by the disparaging term cultic) new religious movement (NRM) developed around Marian Crist Lippitt and her Science of Reality. The direct involvement of Marian in that NRM is unclear to me. Several individuals, including some I knew personally, regarded the Science of Reality as factual, not simply the product of Marian’s own understandings gained through personal researches. From her home in York, Maine, with or without her knowledge, she thus became endowed with charismatic authority. That charisma was clearly routinized from the grave.
    One such individual, whom I referenced earlier, ceaselessly bullied anyone with a contrary viewpoint, especially myself. As a prolific writer, I was a threat, as they themself told me, to that person’s plans to market Marian’s course materials for personal financial profit. Indeed, in our often circular conversations, this character made their economic or pecuniary objectives quite clear. They admitted to me, prior to our estrangement, that they once considered the idea, then dismissed it, of erecting an altar for the late Marian Lippitt. Without getting into specifics, the Universal House of Justice, the Supreme Institution of the Bahá’í Faith, in a letter specifically addressed to that person followed by another from the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of the United States, eventually shut down the organization involved. Humility is vital when approaching the study of the Bahá’í Faith or, for that matter, anything else.
    As asides, another charismatic NRM was instituted by (Rúḥániyyih) Ruth Moffett (1880–1978). In August, 1974, we shook hands at a Bahá’í conference in St. Louis, Missouri. That was the extent of our contact. I will refer to her NRM as Bahá’í–inspired apocalypticism. It was similar to the Science of Reality, but only in those movements’ shared penchants for authoritarianism, not in substance. Yet, I am personally unaware of any bullying in Moffett’s NRM. Stanwood Cobb (1881–1982) must also be referenced. I met him a few times. His spiritual science, as he called it, spanned numerous volumes and was quite popular among many Bahá’ís. Yet, it never became a charismatic NRM. Although I recognized Cobb’s brilliance, his influence on me was minimal.
    Also starting in 1971, the other major influence was one of my closest and dearest friends, Henry Allen Weil (March 30ᵗʰ, 1909 – April 28ᵗʰ, 1984). He formulated a Bahá’í–inspired approach to the seven powers of the soul (𖧔𖣐Ⲉ‎ዪ𝕾Ө𖡇Ե 𑼦). Henry was also notably unpretentious as could be about his own efforts. In his humility, he would never have tolerated an uncritical approach to his writings.
    Henry and I knew each other well. Unfortunately, his work never achieved the notoriety of Stanwood Cobb’s. When I chaired the Mississippi Bahá’í District Teaching Committee (DTC), I arranged for him to present to our summer school, which happened to occur shortly before his passing, and picked him up at the Jackson, Mississippi, airport. That was before the responsibility for organizing summer schools was transferred to committees specifically established for such a purpose. In any event, Henry was sadly not himself. He left this world behind shortly. Taken together, Marian’s and Henry’s bodies of work, though significantly different in both style and substance, provide illustrations of lived religion and lived theology. For that reason, in addition to the pure joy suddenly and unexpectedly introduced into my life, I am appreciative.
    Aside from the seemingly inevitable human failings, I do wish, in retrospect, that certain emotionally abusive individuals recognized that, in focusing upon the lifework of those two personal friends, Marian and Henry, I was actually formulating an original Hegelian Marxist theory! Well, so be it. The past has passed. And at that particular time in my life, I wanted foremost to keep the potentially volatile subject, “Mark, the commie,” out of the headlines, so to speak. Outside of academia, and prior to my Hegelian Marxist–to–Bhaskarian transition, only one Bahá’í knew of my strong communist loyalty. But I would have acknowledged it if asked. Not a word from anyone. Since many of my online postings were clearly Marxist, I will confess to constantly being surprised. Perhaps the lucidity of my writing discouraged any questioning. In any event, after literally falling in love with critical realism, silence became impossible. And today, with the relational passage of the seeds of time, I simply do not care. I have also recognized that, despite my previous anxieties, hardly anyone else seems particularly concerned either.
    The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things (ᵀʰᵉⁿᶦᶜᵉⁿᵗʳᶦᶜⁿᶦᵗᶦᵉˢကᵒᵈᵉˡØ𐌀ˡˡʰᶦⁿᵍˢ) was preceded, sometimes in name only, by: The Unicentric Paradigm (Ʊ) from 2011–2026 (a large and independent book on which, despite its flaws, covers a wide array of subjects not addressed here); The Five Kingdoms Model (𑇥) aka The Unities Model of Existence (𑜒) in 2011 (background information); Structurization Theism (𖥰) and Structurization Tech (𐢍) in 2006; the Reality Sciences Paradigm (ى𖹙) from 1996–1997 (further information); and Alethionomy (𐌀łєƭɦ٥ɳهɱɏ) in 1994 (additional information). Although I continue, until the present time, to honor, and even to partially utilize, the respectives bodies of intensive Bahá’í study (commonly called deepening in a Bahá’í context) by Marian and Henry, as a Bhaskarian critical realist and a Maoist–Third Worldist, I now approach ᘉᗗⵅ߁ and the Bahá’í Faith, respectively, from different angles.
    The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things, while developed entirely apart from Bhaskar’s work beginning in 1971, is being proposed as a 𝗺𝗼𝗱𝗶𝗳𝗶𝗰𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻 to his four–planar social being aka social cube, i.e. material transactions with nature, human social interactions, social structure, and the stratification of the embodied personality. Because spiritual realities cannot be adequately illustrated by size or by shape, the short story told after the following quotation is an outline, not a diagram:
    … we should be very careful not to consider geometrical figures as expressing in an absolutely true form what is in reality spiritual relations and beyond our comprehension. The charts may be helpful to state some primary facts but surely the reality has elements far beyond what they can express.
    〜 From a letter, dated January 24, 1933, written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to an individual Bahá’í.
    In this book, which will likely be the final one, I am attempting to tie my lifework, such as it is, together. Bhaskarian and theological critical realist Alister E. McGrath (né 1953) applied Roy Bhaskar’s stratified reality to stratified Revelation and creation. Comparably, the Unicentric Unities Model of All Things develops a Bhaskarian critical realist paradigm or representation of 𝖘𝖙𝖗𝖆𝖙𝖎𝖋𝖎𝖊𝖉 𝖊𝖝𝖎𝖘𝖙𝖊𝖓𝖈𝖊. With that in mind, I will, based upon my phenomenological practice of Heartfulness Inquiry or The Echoing Practice, develop my phenomenology of storytelling ():
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    1. THE UNIFICATION (Arabic, التَّوْحِيدٌ, ʾal•Ttaw°ḥīduṇ; or Hebrew, הַאַחְדוּת, hạ•ʾẠḥəḏūṯ, Semitic cognates)
    2. Any unifying essence of beings and things is a structure, an inner reality, and a collective center of divine attributes. But the innermost Essential Unity of all things (Deity, Godhead, Great Being, and Infinite Cosmic Source) is the solitary rational God, the One and Only. Indeed, the reality of being a Bahá’í is to focus one’s life upon THE UNIFICATION, the Collective Center of all existence. The eternal singularity of the Religion of God and of the oneness of the HUMAN KINGDOM are creative emanations from THE UNIFICATION. From eternity to eternity, that Supreme Being of beings remains, without partnership (Arabic, الشِّرْكٌ, ʾal•ššir°kuṇ; or Hebrew, הַשִּׁתּוּף, hạ•ššittūp̄, Semitic cognates), the Almighty:
      • Arabic, , ʾAl•Llꞌah
      • Siculo–Arabic Maltese and Turkmen, Alla
      • formal Modern Turkish, Allâh (more commonly, Allah)
      • Aramaic in Syriac script, ܐܲܠܵܗܵܐ, ʾAlahaʾ
      • Aramaic in Hebraic script, אַלַהַא, ʾẠlạhạʾ
      • Amharic, አላህ, ʾÄlahə
      • Tigrinya, ኣላህ, ʾAlahə
      • Uyghur, ئَالْلَاھ, ⫯Ãl°lāh
      • Uzbek, Alloh
      • Kazak, Chavash, Kyrgyz, and Tuvan, Аллах, Allah
      • Bashkir, Аллаһ, Allaḫ
      • Soranî Kurdish, ئَالَا, ⫯Ãlā
      • Hebrew, הַאֱלֹהַּ, hạ•ʾĚlōhh⇄ạ
      • Hebrew, הַאֵל, hạ•ʾĒl
      • Sanskrit, सर्वशक्तिमान्, Sarvaśaktimān
      • Hindi, सर्वशक्तिमान, Sarvaśaktimāna
      • Urdu, سَرْوَشَکْتِیمَانَ, Sar°wašaḱ°tímāna
      • Bengali, সর্বশক্তিমান, Sarbaśaktimāna
      • Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, ସର୍ବଶକ୍ତିମାନ, Sarbaśaktimāna
      • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸਰਬਸ਼ਕਤੀਮਾਨ, Sarabaśakatīmāna
      • Shahmukhi Punjabi, سَرَبَشَکَتِیمَانَ, Sarabašaḱatímāna
      • Gujarati, સર્વશક્તિમાન, Sarvaśaktimāna
      • Telugu, సర్వశక్తిమంతుడు, Sarvaśaktimantuḍu
      • Tamil, சர்வவல்லமையுள்ள, Carvavallamaiyuḷḷa
      • Arabic, قُدْرَةُ المُطْلَقَة, Qud°raẗu ʽal•Muṭ°laqaẗ
      • Persian, قُدْرَتِ مُطْلَق, Qud°rat•i Muṭ°laq
      • Tajik, Қудрати Мутлақ, Qudrat•i Mutlaq
      • Pashto, دَ مُطْلَق قَادِر, da Muṭ°laq Qādir
      • Sindhi, مُطْلَقَ قَادْرِ, Muṭ°laqa Qad°ri
      • Urdu, المُطَلَقَ قَادِرَ, ʾal•Muṭalaqa Qādira
      • Hindi, मुतलक़ क़ादिर, Mutalaqa Qādira
      • Shahmukhi Punjabi, مُطَلَقَ قَادِرَ, Muṭalaqa Qādira
      • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਮੁਤਲਕ ਕਾਦਿਰ, Mutalaka Kādira
      • Bengali, মুতলক কাদির, Mutalaka Kādira
      • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, مُطْلَق قَادَر, Muṭ°laq Qādar
      • Turkish, Mutlak Kudret
      • Crimean Tatar and Tatar, Мутлакъ Къудрет, Mutlakʿ Kʿudret
      • Uyghur, مۇتْلهٓق قۇدْرەت, Mut°leq Qud°ret
      • Azerbaijani, Mütləq Qüdrət
      Significantly, ʾAl•Llꞌah is a contraction of ʾal and ʾꞮlah (i.e. الاِلَه, ʾal•ʾꞮlah, “the Almighty”). Note the similarity between the Arabic “ʾꞮlah” (اِلَه) and the Hebrew “ʾĚlōhh⇄ạ” (אֱלֹהַּ). That co–incidence is not a coincidence.
      God, in addition to being THE UNIFICATION or the Unifying One (Arabic, التَّوْحِيدٌ, ʾal•Ttaw°ḥīduṇ; or Hebrew, הַאַחְדוּת, hạ•ʾẠḥəḏūṯ), is: the Godhead (Arabic, اللَاهُوت, ʾal•Lāhūt), the Unity of God (Arabic, الوَحْدَانِيَّةُ الله, ʾal•Waḥ°dāniyyaẗu ʾAl•Llꞌah; or Hebrew, הַיַחְדּוּת הַאֵל, hạ•Yạḥədūṯ hạ•ʾĒl); ʾal•Hāhūt (Arabic, الهَاهُوت, “Ipseity, He–ness, or He Himself”), He is God Almighty (Arabic, هُوَ الله, Huwa ʾAl•Llꞌah; or Hebrew, הוּא הַאֵל, Hūʾ hạ•ʾĒl), the World of the True One (Arabic, العَالَم الحَقّ, ʾal•ʿĀlam ʾal•Ḥaqq), and the world of the Supreme Uunknowable Essence of essences (العَالَم الرلذَات الذَوَات, ʾal•ʿālam ʾal•Ḏāt ʾal•ḏawāt, “the realm of Hæcceity or Quiddity”).
    3. God is also: the Unity of the SPIRITUAL KINGDOM and of Each of the unifying essences, essential Unities, universal realities, collective realities, or universals along with their beings and things. Existence (Sanskrit, अस्ति॑त्व, astitva), as Truth–Consciousness–Bliss (सच्चिदानंद, Sac•Cid•Ānanda or commonly Romanized as Sat–Chit–Ananda) can be seen as one (Sanskrit, अद्वैत, advaita, “not two”). As will be considered in depth later in this chapter, existence, in its diversity or individuality (Sanskrit, भेदाः, bhēdāḥ, “differences”), might be described as two–not two difference–nondifference (Sanskrit, द्वैताद्वैत भेदाभेद, dvaitādvaita bhēdābhēda).
    4. Because all attributes, civil religious laws, beings, and things depend upon God, they can be created, changed, or destroyed relative to His Will. The Bábí and Bahá’í calendar (Arabic, تَقْوِيمُ البَدِيعِيّ, Taq°wīmu ʾal•Badīʿiyy, “the New, Unique, or Wondrous Calendar”), originally designed by the Báb, is formulated in multiples of 19. That number is, according to letterism or the knowledge or science of letters (Arabic, عِلْمُ الحُرُوف, ʿil°mu ʾal•ḥurūf), ʾal•⫯ab°ǧadiyy (Arabic, الأَبْجَدِيّ, “the alphabetic”) value of the Arabic word wāḥid (وَاحِد, “one, unit, or unity”). The Arabo–Persian script is transliterated as vāḥid, in Iranian and Dari Persian, and spelled as vohid (воҳид), in Tajik (Tajiki Persian), which uses a modified form of Cyrillic. The possibly cosmic, and perhaps even multidimensional or transdimensional, significance of calendrical units or Unities with values of 19 may, should one desire, be pondered.
    5. The 4 or 5 Intercalary Days (Arabic, أَيَّام الهَاء, ⫯Ayyām ʾal•Hāˁ; Persian, ایَّامِ هَاء ʾAýýām•i Hāˁ; or Tajik, Айёми Ҳо, Aýyom•i Ho, “Days of the Arabo–Persian letter Hāˁ or H”) were added to the calendar by Bahá’u’lláh to convert it from lunar to solar. Hāˁ and Bāb (Arabic, بَاب) both have ⫯ab°ǧad values of 5. And as to unicentrism or theocentrism in The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things, THE UNIFICATION is affirmed as the supreme and absolute Collective Center of reality (Arabic, الحَقِيقَة, ʾal•ḥaqīqaẗ, or الوَاقِعِيَّة, ʾal•waqiʿiyyaẗ), including all beings and things. The other conditions of all things, or Unities, are successively and retrogressively external or peripheral to THE UNIFICATION.

    6. SPIRITUAL KINGDOM (unity in diversity of souls): This Kingdom of Names and Attributes (of the Unity and His Unities), Angelhood (the Angelic Realm), Paradise, or Heaven is manifested by the Prophets to all creation. Sometimes the Kingdom is referred to by only one of the Names of God. Instead of a Trinity, there is an Infinity of Prophets manifested by One God. Within the STATION OF SERVITUDE (or creation), the Kingdom of God is emanated as the Religion of God, the Mystery of God, the Hereafters, the World of Dreams, and the Higher Nature.
      1. PROPHETHOOD (Arabic, النُبُوَّةٌ, ʾal•Nubuwwaẗuṇ; or Hebrew, הַנֶבִיאוּת, hạ•Nẹḇiyʾūṯ, Semitic cognates)
      2. The Prophets of God (Arabic, الأَنْبِيَاءَ الله, ʾal•⫯An°biyāˁa ʾAl•Llꞌah), from the World of Cause or Command (Arabic, العَالَم الأَمْر, ʾal•ʿĀlam ʾal•⫯Am°r) or the Cause or Command of God (Arabic, الأَمْر الله, ʾal•⫯Am°r ʾAl•Llꞌah), are also called Messengers of God (Arabic, رُسُلُ الله, Rusulu ʾAl•Llꞌah) and Manifestations of God (Arabic, مَظْهَرُ الله, Maẓ°haru ʾAl•Llꞌah).
        Spirit (Arabic, الرُّوح, ʾal•rruḥ; or Hebrew, הרוּחַ, hạ•rūḥ⇆ạ) refers to attributes. The Holy Spirit (Arabic, رُوحُ القُدُس, Rūḥu ʾal•Qudus; or Hebrew, רוּחַ הַקֹדֶשׁ, Rūḥ⇆ạ hạ•Qōḏẹš), which has been glorified in this wondrous Age as the Most Great Spirit (Arabic, رُوحُ العَزَّام, Rūḥu ʾal•ʿAzzām), is the name given to the divine Attributes of PROPHETHOOD.
        These divine Beings reveal a Covenant (Arabic, عَهْد, ʿAh°d) of the Primal Will (Arabic, مَشِيئَة الأُولَى, Mašī⫯yaẗ ʾal•⫯Uwºlaỳ) or the Will of God (Arabic, المَشِيئَة الله, ʾal•Mašī⫯yaẗ ʾAl•Llꞌah). In Their love (Arabic, المَحَبَّة, ʾal•maḥabbaẗ) for us, They manifest the Word of God (Arabic, الكَلِمَة الله, ʾal•Kalimaẗ ʾAl•Llꞌah) or the Lógos (Ancient Greek, λόγος, “collection of words, word, or logical discussion”). It places the Seal (Arabic, الخَتْم, ʾal•H̱at°m) of that Prophet on Divine Truth (Arabic, حَقِيقَة الإِلٰهِيَّة, Ḥaqīqaẗ ʾal•⫰Ɪlꞌahiyyaẗ) for an age or cycle.
        An appropriate designation for a Prophet or Messenger might be “Theity.” This obscure coined term (technically speaking, a portmanteau, or combination, of the words, theism and Deity) is based upon the current distinction between theism (God Who is personally involved with His creation) and deism (God Who is not). Since Deity, or the underlying Unity of beings and things, is unknowable, “deism” might be suitable. Through a succession of Mediators, that divine Unity or Essence intercedes in human affairs. They are, in other words, His Theities.
        The Greater or Independent Prophets are Lawgivers (Arabic, المُشَرِّعُونَ, ʾal•Mušariyyʿūna). They establish, through Divine Revelation, (Arabic, وَحْي الإِلٰهِيّ, Waḥ°y ʾal•⫰Ɪlꞌahiyy) a new Dispensation. The Lesser or Dependent Prophets—such as St. Paul the Apostle or Messenger of God, John the Baptist, and the speculative St. John of the Apocalypse aka John of Patmos—may be Followers and Promoters. These Beings are the stainless Mirrors of the Greater Prophets. Notably, presumably given the establishment of the Bahá’í Universal House of Justice (Arabic, بَيْتُ العَدْل الأَعْظَم, Bay°tu ʾal•ʿAd°l ʾal•⫯Aʿ°ẓam, “the Most Great or Supreme House of Justice”; or Hebrew, בַּיִת הַצֶדֶק הַעֶלְיוֹן, Bạyiṯ hạ•Ṣẹḏẹq hạ•ʿẸləyôn, “the Upper or Supreme House of Justice”), the Dispensation of Bahá’u’lláh will not include any Lesser Prophets.
        Here are a baker’s dozen plus two (aka 15) cognates:
        • Arabic, النُبُوَّة, ʾal•Nubuwwaẗ, “Prophethood
        • Hebrew, הַנְבוּאָה, hạ•Nəḇūʾāh, “Prophethood
        • Hebrew, הַנֶבִיאוּת, hạ•Nẹḇiyʾūṯ, “Prophethood
        • Yiddish, דִּי נְבִיאוּת, diy Nəbiyʾūṯ, “Prophethood
        • Ge⸍ez, ነቢይነት, Näbiyənätə, “Prophethood
        • Amharic, የነብይነት, yä•Näbəyənätə, “Prophethood
        • Tigrinya, እቲነብያዊነት, ʾəti•Näbəyawinätə, “Prophethood
        • Persian, نُبُووَت, Nubūvat, “Prophethood
        • Pashto, دَ نُبُووَت, da Nubūvat, “Prophethood
        • Tajik, Нубуват, Nubuvat, “Prophethood
        • Sindhi, نُبُووَتَ, Nubūvata, “Prophethood
        • Ottoman Turkish, نُبُوِّت, Nubuvvit, “Prophethood
        • Modern Turkish, Nübüvvet, “Prophethood
        • Urdu, نَبُوَّتَ, Nabuwwata, “Prophethood
        • Hindi, नबुव्वत, Nabuvvata, “Prophethood
        • Shahmukhi Punjabi نُبُوَتَ, Nubuvata, “Prophethood
        • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਨੁਬੁਵਤ, Nubuvata, “Prophethood
        • Bengali, নবুওয়ত, Nabuꞌōẏata, “Prophethood
        1. STATION OF ESSENTIAL UNITY (Unity of the Prophets): This realm of Divinity is the Manifestation of THE UNIFICATION in the SPIRITUAL KINGDOM. As a result, the Prophets have a different Nature (Attributes) than human beings. The Prophetic STATION OF ESSENTIAL UNITY is a Universal (shared) Prophetic Nature. Since these Prophets, in Their Oneness (or First Will), manifest the attributes of He is God (Arabic, هُوَ الله, Huwa ʾAl•Llꞌah), rejecting even One of Them stakes a claim at “sharing” (Arabic, الشِرْك, ʾal•šir°k) in God’s Omnipotence, Sovereignty, or Dominion (Arabic, الجَابَارُوت, ʾal•Ǧābārūt).
        2. STATION OF DISTINCTION (Diversity of the Prophets): The divine Singular, or STATION OF ESSENTAIL UNITY, and the divine Plural, or STATION OF DISTINCTION, are unified. However, Each of the Prophets is a unique Individual, not a reincarnation of Prophets from the past. PROPHETHOOD, or the Greater World, is observed by us as the Religion of God or a progressive Revelation of the Universal (shared) Prophetic Nature or divine Manifestation through individual Perfect Men. The Essence of God is manifested in relationship (ancient, eternal Covenant) with humanity.
          These uncommonly human Prophets (God manifested as Souls) share, and are made up of, the individualized Attributes, Causal Mechanisms, or Animating Principles of THE UNIFICATION. Revelations of specific Attributes result in differences between Their wisdom teachings. We learn about the Unity through Its Reflection in diverse Individuals, or Prophets, with personal Names and Missions. To us, not  among Themselves, Bahá’u’lláh, peace be upon Him, has the highest Station. He is the Supreme Manifestation of God.
      3. SERVITUDE (Arabic, العُبُودِيَّةٌ, ʾal•ʿUbūdiyyaẗuṇ; or Hebrew, הַעַבְדוּת, hạ•ʿẠḇəḏūṯ, Semitic cognates)
      4. The condition of creation is one of servitude to the divine Unity. “Know that the degrees of existence are finite—the degrees of servitude, of prophethood, and of Divinity—but that the perfections of God and of creation are infinite.” (‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Some Answered Questions. Page 265.). The road to perfection is freedom through service. “The liberty that profiteth you is to be found nowhere except in complete servitude unto God, the Eternal Truth” (Bahá’u’lláh, The Kitáb-i-Aqdas, page 64). Servitude is to God or to Bahá’u’lláh, as in the title, ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, not to ordinary humans. Our relations with other persons can range between compassion and shunning. While ever steadfast in the Covenant of Bahá’u’lláh, we are never obsequious or doormats to anyone. Servitude is not servility. ‘Abdu’l–Bahá Himself is the unifying Essence and Exemplar of Servitude. We develop our faith through a heart–centered study of the Bahá’í Sacred Writings.
        1. Religion of God (Arabic, دِّينُ الله, Dīnu ʾAl•Llꞌah; or Hebrew, דָּת הַאֵל, Dāṯ hạ•ʾĒl): In this condition, also called progressive Revelation or the divine philosophy (the Almighty wisdom), the Prophets of God consecutively manifest Themselves to creation (Arabic, عَالَمُ الخَلْق, ʿālamu ʾal•ẖal°q “world of creation”). Another name I would give to the Religion of God is Prophetic Ecology (Є). Here is why:
          As the Divine Wisdom Teachings (Arabic, تَعَالِيمُ الحِكْمَةُ الإِلٰهِيَّة, Taʿālīmu ʾal•Ḥik°maẗ ʾal•⫰Ɪlꞌahiyyaẗ; Hebrew, תּוֹרוֹת הַחָכְמָה הָאֱלֹהִית, Ttôrôṯ hạ•Ḥāḵəmāh hạ•ʾĔlōhiyṯ; Iranian Persian, تَعْلِیمَاتِ حِکْمَتِ اِلَهِی, Taʿ°límāt•i Hiḱ°mat•i ʾꞮlahí; Tajik, Таълимоти Ҳикмати Илоҳӣ, Taʿlimot•i Hikmat•i Ɪlohī; Sindhi, الَاهِي حِڪْمَت جَي تَعْلِيمَات, ʾꞮlāhī Hik̀°mat ǧay Taʿ°līmāt; Pashto, دَ تَعلِیمَات دَ اِلَهِي حِکْمَت, da Taʿ°límāt da ʾꞮlahī Hiḱ°mat; or Turkish, Hikmet–ı İlahî Öğretileri) become incorporated into our lives, all beings and things are ecologically transformed.
          … the religion of God is described as the Holy City or the New Jerusalem. Clearly, the New Jerusalem which descends from heaven is not a city of stone and lime, of brick and mortar, but is rather the religion of God which descends from heaven and is described as new. For it is obvious that the Jerusalem which is built of stone and mortar does not descend from heaven and is not renewed, but that what is renewed is the religion of God.
          〜 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Some Answered Questions. Laura Clifford Barney, translator and editor. Newly revised by a committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 2014. Page 77.
          The world of being shineth, in this Day, with the resplendency of this Divine Revelation. All created things extol its saving grace, and sing its praises. The universe is wrapt in an ecstasy of joy and gladness.
          〜 Bahá’u’lláh in Shoghi Effendi, The Advent of Divine Justice. Wilmette, Illinois: The Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1990. Page 78.
          The Religion of God (Arabic, الدِّينُ الله, ʾal•Ddīnu ʾAl•Llꞌah) is a real category/construction of particulars (𬣞) with its own causal mechanisms. We learn about real categories/constructions of particulars (𬣞) from the Prophets and muǧaddidīna (renewers or reformers). Our own attempts at discovering or uncovering real categories/constructions of particulars, while not to be disparaged, are sometimes speculative and guesswork. However, 𬣞 in biology are usually easy to discern, e.g., cats, dogs, and we homo sapiens sapiens. Each can only mate within its own 𬣞. Sociologically, discovering 𬣞 is considerably more challenging. Accordingly, human definitions of religion are social or empirical constructions, not necessarily 𬣞. Roy Bhaskar referred to my real categories/constructions of particulars as, approximately, categories:
          In a nutshell, what I did was to argue that, contrary to the presuppositions of both positivism and hermeneutics, this problem of naturalism could not be addressed against a background of the positivist ontology of the world known by the natural sciences. Contrary to the claims of positivism, it could not be studied methodologically and epistemologically in the same way as the natural sciences, because it had peculiar emergent properties of its own. But, contrary to the claims of hermeneutics, some of the categories in terms of which we could understand natural science and our appropriation and knowledge of nature, such as causality and law, could be applied in the human sphere.…
          … this new naturalism was a very strong naturalism. It showed not only how we could explain what happens in the social world without searching for constant conjunctions of events, by using categories like causes and law, but also how we could use the findings of science for the project of demystification and human emancipation, generally for critiques of the subject matter of the social sciences. When you think about it, most people who go into the social sciences do so because they think that something is profoundly wrong with the social and the human world. There are very few social scientists who don’t have that initial impulse.
          〜 Roy Bhaskar in Savita Singh, Roy Bhaskar, and Mervyn Hartwig. Reality and Its Depths: A Conversation Between Savita Singh and Roy Bhaskar. Mervyn Hartwig, editor. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2020. Page 30.
          Moreover, the aforementioned real category/construction of particulars (𬣞), the Religion of God, is defined by the Prophet Muḥammad as surrender or submission to the divine Will:
          Whoever seeks other than Islam [Arabic, الْإِسْلَامِ, ʾal•°⫰Ɪs°lāmi, “the surrender or submission, i.e. to the Will of God”] as a religion [Arabic, دِينًا, Dīnaṇā, “ethical duty or obligation”], it will not be accepted from him, and in the Hereafter he will be among the losers.
          〜 Muḥammad in ʾal•Qurʾân. 3:85. Quran: Clear, Pure, Easy to Read Modern English. Creative Commons. Talal Itani, translator. Dallas and Beirut: ClearQuran. 2015. Page 21.
          In 1844 CE, the particular faith of Muḥammad was replaced by the particular faith of the Báb. But surrender or submission, the translation of Islam (Arabic, إِسْلَام, ⫰Ɪs°lām) from ʾal•Qurʾân (Arabic, القُرآن, “the Recitation”), is clearly presented as a designation for the ancient and everlasting Religion of God, not for a specific Revelation. If indeed like virtually all other qurʾânic terms and categories, Islam along with its cognate Muslim (Arabic, مُسْلِم, Mus°lim, “one who surrenders”) were actually rendered in English, one all–too–common triumphalism would likely be a marginal issue at best.
          Religion with Allah is Islam. Those to whom the Scripture was given differed only after knowledge came to them, out of envy among themselves. Whoever rejects the signs of Allah—Allah is quick to take account.
          〜 Muḥammad in ʾal•Qurʾân. 3:19. Quran: Clear, Pure, Easy to Read Modern English. Creative Commons. Talal Itani, translator. Dallas and Beirut: ClearQuran. 2015. Page 18.
          And strive for Allah, with the striving due to Him. He has chosen you, and has not burdened you in religion—the faith of your father Abraham. It is he who named you Muslims before, and in this. So that the Messenger may be a witness over you, and you may be witnesses over the people. So pray regularly, and give regular charity, and cleave to Allah. He is your Protector. What an excellent Protector, and what an excellent Helper.
          〜 Muḥammad in ʾal•Qurʾân. 23:78. Quran: Clear, Pure, Easy to Read Modern English. Creative Commons. Talal Itani, translator. Dallas and Beirut: ClearQuran. 2015. Page 126.
        2. The Mystery of God (Arabic, السِرُّ الله, ʾal•Sirru ʾAl•Llꞌah): Servitude is spiritually perfected in ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. As the Perfect Man or created Being, He is: the Master, the Exemplar, the Paragon, the Archetype, or the Ideal Type of servitude. Perhaps both the beloved Master and His brother, Muḥammad ʿAlī, were exceptionally created beings. ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, peace be upon Him, lived up to it. Bahá’u’lláh, peace be upon Him, then blessed Him with perfection. Muḥammad ʿAlī, may God forgive him, broke his Father’s Covenant.
        3. Hereafters: Beings from the HUMAN KINGDOM continue through a progressive unfoldment to interior dimensions, or perhaps parallel universes, after death. And perhaps the first hereafter, after departing the world of dreams or Valley of Wonderment, shall be an interrogation, by one of al•Ḥūr (Arabic, الحُور), the Black–Eyed Cherubs of White Light, concerning our earthly conduct. As if moving along a horizontal plane shall each faithful soul unfold—from here to Hereafters or, as rendered below, worlds to come or future worlds:
          • Arabic, عَوَالِم القَادِمَة, ʿAwālim ʾal•Qādimaẗ
          • Hebrew, עוֹלָמוֹת הַבָּאִים, ʿÔlāmôṯ hạ•Bāʾiym
          • Yiddish, דִּי ווֶעלְטְן צוּ קוּמעְן, diy Vẹʿləṭən ṣū Qūmʿən
          • German, die Welten zu kommen
          • Judæo–Spanish/Ladino, לוֹס מוּנְדּוֹס קֵי בִֿיְיֶנְיֶן, lôs Mūnədôs qēy B̄iyəyạnəyẹn
          • Spanish, los Mundos que Vienen
          • Ethio–Semitic Amharic, የሚመጡት ዓለማት, yä•Mimätꞌutə ʾAlämatə
          • Ethio–Semitic Tingrinya, እቲንዝመጽእ ዓለማት, ʾəti•Nəzəmäs'əʾə ʾAlämatə
          • Siculo–Arabic Maltese, id–Dinjiet li Ġejjin
          • Persian, جَهَانْهَاِ آیَنْدَه, Ǧahān°hā•i ʾÀýan°dah
          • Tajik, Ҷаҳонҳои Оянда, Ǧahonho•i Oyanda
          • Pashto دَ رُاتْلُونْکې نړۍ, da Rat°lūn°ḱəi Naṛəiwe
          • Sindhi, اڳِيُونَ دُنِيَاوَنَ, ʾAɠiyūna Dūniyāwana
          • Urdu, آنَے وَالَے دُنِیَاں, ʾÂnē Wālē Dūniýāṉ
          • Hindi, आने वाले दुनियाँ, Ānē Vālē Duniyāṁ
          • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, آؤْکَیْں دُنْیَاں, ʾÂ⫯w°ḱaý°ṉ Dūn°ýāṉ
          • Shahmukhi Punjabi, آؤْں وَالِیَاں دُنِیَاں, ʾÂ⫯w°ṉ Vāliýāṉ Dūniýāṉ
          • Gurmukhi Pubjabi, ਆਉਂ ਵਾਲੀਆਂ ਦੁਨੀਆਂ, Āꞌuṁ Vālīꞌāṁ Dunīꞌāṁ
          • Tulu, ಬರ್ಪಿನ ಲೋಕೊಲು, Barpina Lōkolu
          • Bengali, ভবিষ্যতের বিশ্বগুলো, Bhabiṣyatēra Biśbagulo
          • Assamese, আহিবলগীয়া জগতবোৰ, Āhibalagīẏā Jagatabōra
          • Turkish, Gelecek Dünyalar
          • Uyghur, كەلْگۈسِىدِىكِى دۇنْيَالَار, Kel°güsiỳdiỳkiỳ Dun°yālār
          • Soranî Kurdish, جِیهَانەکَانِی دَاهَاتوو, Ǧíhāneḱāní Dāhātû
          • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Cîhanên Pêşerojê
          • Abkhaz, Лааираны Иҟоу Адунеиқәа, Laairany Iҟou Aduneiqəa
          • Dogri, औने आह् ली दुनियां, Aunē āh lī Duniyāṁ
          • Bhojpuri, आव्ए वाला संसारन, Āvē vālā Saṁsārana
          • Maithili, आबक दुनियाँ, Ābaka Duniyām̐
          • Chhattisgarhi, आवइय्या संसारमन, Āvaiyyā Saṁsāramana
          • Marathi, आगामी जगं, Āgāmī Jagaṁ
          • Nepali, आउँदा संसारहरू, Āum̐dā Sansāraharū
          • Mahajani, आबा आळी दुनियां, Ābā ālī Duniyāṁ
          • Newar, वइगु यक्व हलिं, Vaigu Yakva Haliṁ
          • Divehi/Dhivehi/Maldivian in Thaana script, އަންނަން އޮތް ދުނިޔެތަ, Ab°nan°ʾoṯ° Ḏuniyeṯʾa
          • I know. Overkill with the transliteration of Thaana (Thaana script ތާނަ, Ṯāna) vowel points. But what a fascinating script based upon Arabic numerals.
          • Bashkir, Киләсәк Донъялар, Kiləsək Donʿyalar
          • Hilgaynon, mga Kalibutan nga Magasunod
          • Kashmiri, یِنْہٕ وٲل دُنْیَایِو, Ýin°⫰h vȫl Dūn°ýāýiv
          • Tamazight (Berber), ⵉⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍⴻⵏ ⵉ ⴷⵉⵜⴻⴷⴷⵓⵏ, Imaḍalen i Diteddun
          • Malayalam, അടുത്ത ലോകങ്ങൾ, Aṭutta Lēākaṅṅaḷ
          • Meitei, ꯃꯊꯪꯒꯤ ꯃꯥꯂꯦꯃꯁꯤꯡ꯫, Mathaga Malamasaṅ.
          • Meadow Mari, Ончыкылык Түня–Влак, Ončykylyk Tünâ–Vlak
        4. And, to my understanding, we will in the Seventh Heaven (Arabic, سَمَاء السَّابِع, Samāˁ ʾal•Ssābiʿ; Hebrew, שָׁמַיִם הַשְׁבִיעִי, Šāmạyim hạ•Šəḇiyʿiy; Siculo–Arabic Maltese, is–Seba’ [the Maltese ⸌ayn] Sema; Ethio–Semitic Amharic, የሰባተኛ ሰማይ, yä•Säbatäña Sämayə; and Ethio–Semitic Tigrinya, እቲሻብዓይ ሰማይ, ʾəti•Šabəʾayə Sämayə), among the innermost Hereafters, even consort with souls who originated on other planets, galaxies, and beyond. In this time of heart–wrenching global trials, focusing on the Seventh Heaven may offer comfort.
        5. The attributes, or qualities, of the SPIRITUAL KINGDOM in the Hereafters are rewards (blessings for good deeds in this world), pardons (for sins committed in this world), and bounties (in the next world). Divine virtues, eternal life, or spirit are the ingredients of each departed soul. The immediate heavenly and hellish state of the immortal soul is a consequence of its accomplishments in this world.
          In my view, we shall, in the many Hereafters, be the builders of structures, not merely their occupants. Common references to those Hereafters as places of rest, not of work, might be misleading. One such occupation shall be assisting souls in this world. A chalice of pure light, psychic field, or spiritual body might replace the physical body, sensation or the senses, and locomotion:
          On him [who makes mention of the name of his Lord] shall … descend the Concourse on high, each bearing aloft a chalice of pure light.
          〜 Bahá’u’lláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1990. Page 280.
          To tamper with psychic forces while in this world interferes with the condition of the soul in the world to come. These forces are real, but, normally, are not active on this plane. The child in the womb has its eyes, ears, hands, feet, etc., but they are not in activity. The whole purpose of life in the material world is the coming forth into the world of Reality, where those forces will become active. They belong to that world.
          〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, quoted in the pilgrim’s notes of Alice Mary Buckton (1867–1944) and revised by ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, in J. E. Esslemont. Bahá’u’lláh and the New Era: An Introduction to the Bahá’í Faith. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 2006. Page 212.
          The nature of the soul after death can never be described, nor is it meet and permissible to reveal its whole character to the eyes of men. The Prophets and Messengers of God have been sent down for the sole purpose of guiding mankind to the straight Path of Truth. The purpose underlying Their revelation hath been to educate all men, that they may, at the hour of death, ascend, in the utmost purity and sanctity and with absolute detachment, to the throne of the Most High. The light which these souls radiate is responsible for the progress of the world and the advancement of its peoples. They are like unto leaven [Arabic, خَمِيرَة, ẖamīraẗ] which leaveneth the world of being, and constitute the animating force through which the arts and wonders of the world are made manifest. Through them the clouds rain their bounty upon men, and the earth bringeth forth its fruits. All things must needs have a cause, a motive power, an animating principle. These souls and symbols of detachment have provided, and will continue to provide, the supreme moving impulse in the world of being.
          〜 Bahá’u’lláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1990. Pages 177–178.
          Thou hast … asked Me concerning the state of the soul after its separation from the body. Know thou, of a truth, that if the soul of man hath walked in the ways of God, it will, assuredly, return and be gathered to the glory of the Beloved. By the righteousness of God! It shall attain a station such as no pen can depict, or tongue describe. The soul that hath remained faithful to the Cause of God, and stood unwaveringly firm in His Path shall, after his ascension, be possessed of such power that all the worlds which the Almighty hath created can benefit through him. Such a soul provideth, at the bidding of the Ideal King and Divine Educator, the pure leaven that leaveneth the world of being, and furnisheth the power through which the arts and wonders of the world are made manifest. Consider how meal needeth leaven to be leavened with. Those souls that are the symbols of detachment are the leaven of the world. Meditate on this, and be of the thankful.
          〜 Bahá’u’lláh, Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1990. Pages 182–183.
  • World of Dreams: This realm is wrapped up within each of us and simultaneously hidden in the innermost reality of this world. The World of Dreams is the transdimensional portal to the divine Awakeners or Manifestations of the Holy Spirit. The World of Dreams or Valley of Wonderment is Their home. We are its visitors while we sleep.
    • Arabic, مَظَاهِر مِن رُوحُ القُدُس, Maẓāhir min Rūḥu ʾal•Qudus
    • Arabic singular form, مَظْهَر رُوحُ القُدُس, Maẓ°har Rūḥu ʾal•Qudus (Manifestation of the Holy Spirit)
    • Arabic, مَظَاهِر رُوحِيَّةُ المُقَدَّسَة, Maẓāhir Rūḥiyyaẗu ʾal•Muqaddasaẗ
    • Hebrew, הוֹפָעוֹת מִן רוּחַ הַקֹדֶשׁ, Hôp̄āʿôṯ min Rūḥ⇆ạ hạ•Qōḏẹš
    • Persian, نَمَایْشْهَاِ رُوحِ مُقَدَّس, Namāý°š°hā•i Rūḥ•i Muqaddas
    • Tajik, Намоишҳои Рұҳи Муқаддас, Namoišho•i Rūh•i Muqaddas
    • Pashto, دَ رُوح القَدُس ظَاهِرُونَه, da Rūḥ ʾal•Qudus Ẓāhirūnah
    • Urdu, رُوحَ القُدُس َکَے مَظَاحَرَ, Rūḥa ʾal•Qudusa ḱē Maẓāḥara
    • Hindi, मुकद्दस रूह के अभिव्यक्तियों, Mukaddasa Rūha kē Abhivyaktiyōṁ
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi, مُقَدَّسَ رُوحَ دَے پْرَجَٹَاواں, Muqaddasa Rūḥa dē P°raǧaṭāvāṉ
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਮੁਕ਼ਦਸ ਰੂਹ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਗਟਾਵਾਂ, Muqadasa Rūha dē Pragaṭāvāṁ
    • Sindhi, رُوحَ القُدُسَ جَا ظَاهِرِيُونَ, Rūḥa ʾal•Qudusa ǧā Ẓāhiriyūna
    • Bengali, মুকাদ্দাস রুহের প্রকাশগুলো, Mukāddāsa Ruhēra Prakāśagulō
    • Uyghur, مۇقەدْدەس رُوھ كۆرۈنۈشْلىرِى, Muqed°des Rūh Körünüš°liỳriỳ
    • Turkish, Ruhülkudüs In Tezahürler
    • Turkmen, Mukaddes Ruhuň Ýüze Çykmalar
    • Azerbaijani, Müqəddəs Ruhun Təzahürləri
    • Crimean Tatar, Мукъаддес Рухнынъ Тезайтымлары, Mukʿaddes Ruhnynʿ Tezajtymlary
    • Tatar, Мөкаддәс Рух Күренешләре, Mökaddəs Ruh Kürenešləre
    • Kazakh, Құдс Рух Көріністері, Quds Ruh Körínísterí
    • Kyrtz, Кудустук Рухтун Көрүнүштөрү, Kudustuk Ruhtun Körünüštörü
    • Uzbek, Muqaddas Arvoh Namoyishlar
    • Arvoh, though from the Arabic plural (“spirits”), is the Uzbek nominative singular form.
    • Kashmiri, رُوح القُدُس نُمَائِشُون, Rūḥ ʾal•Qudus Numā⫯yišūn
    • Indonesian, Manifestasi–Manifestasi Roh Kudus
    • Malay, Banyak Manifestasi Roh Kudus
    • Sundanese, Maranifestasi Muqaddas Rewah
    Note that all of the above terms share two cognates: They are seen in the Arabic Rūḥu ʾal•Qudus and the Hebrew Rūḥ⇆ạ hạ•Qōḏẹš. But there are other cognates as well.
    These Beings are the Guardian Angels (Arabic, مَلَائِكَةُ الحَارِسَة [MP3], Malā⫯yikaẗu ʾal•Ḥārisaẗ) or Archangels (Arabic, المَلَائِكَةُ العَلَّى [MP3], Malā⫯yikaẗu ʾal•ʿAllaỳ) “between them” (Arabic, بَيْنَهُمَا, bayna•humā, or بَيْنِهِمَا, bayni•himā), i.e., “Jacob’s ladder” (Hebrew, הַסֻלָּם יַעֲקֹב, hạ•Sullām Yạʿăqōḇ) between the heavens (Arabic, السَمَوَات, ʾal•samawāt) or the next world and the earth (Arabic, الأَرْض, ʾal•⫯ar°ḍ) or this world. The biblical Jacob’s Ladder is also referred to as the Valley of Wonderment (Persian, وَادِیِ حَيْرَت, Vādí•i Haý°rat; or Tajik, Водӣи Ҳайрат, Vodī•i Haýrat).
  • All of these inner–dimensional, interdimensional, and transtemporal healing Beings in that Valley, such as the Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light (Arabic, الحُورِيَّة, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ), live simultaneously on and spirituallly within the vast cosmic spheres. As the Enlighteners or Awakeners of the Prophets and humanity, the Guardian Angles become unified with the Prophets. Their omnipresence shall become evident once our physical senses are dimmed. Individually, They constitute the Unifying Essences of the Great Workshop of this World. Dreams, therefore, are real. They not the unconscious mental constructs of depth psychology.
    It would be true if thou wert to contend that this same world [experienced in dreams] is, as decreed by the All–Glorious and Almighty God, within thy proper self and is wrapped up within thee. It would equally be true to maintain that thy spirit, having transcended the limitations of sleep and having stripped itself of all earthly attachment, hath, by the act of God, been made to traverse a realm which lieth hidden in the innermost reality of this world. Verily I say, the creation of God embraceth worlds besides this world, and creatures apart from these creatures.
    〜 Bahá’u’lláh, “Súriy-i-Vafá” or Tablet to Vafá, Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh Revealed after the Kitáb-i-Aqdas. Translated by a Committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa, Israel: Bahá’í World Centre. 1978. Pages 187–188.
  • Note that ʾal•Ḥūriyyāt (Arabic, الحُورِيَّت), the feminine plural for ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, is a modern construction. The male Houri, the Black–Eyed Immortal Youth (Arabic, الوِلْدَان, ʾal•walīd, “the youth”) of White Light, is ʾal•Ḥūriyy (Arabic, الحُورِيّ). Male Houris en masse, the plural form, are ʾal•Ḥūriyyūna (Arabic, الحُورِيُّونَ), the Black–Eyed Immortal Youths (Arabic, الوِلْدَان, ʾal•Wil°dān, “the youths”) of White Light. The collective plural for both male and female Houris, an actual species in my opinion, is ʾal•Ḥūr (Arabic, الحُور), the Black–Eyed Cherubs (Hebrew, הַכְּרוּבִים, hạ•Kərūḇiym; or Arabic, الكَرُوبِيم, ʾal•Karūbīm, “Those who bless”) of White Light. Please bear in mind, I am taking some liberties in my translations.
  • There could, moreover, be multiple orders, levels, or spheres (Hebrew, הַסְפִירוֹת, hạ•səp̄iyrôṯ; or Arabic, الرُتَب, ʾal•rutab) of angels. In that case, ʾal•Ḥūr, the Guardian Angels, would be one of them. We, living on the Earth, have the sacred opportunity, through our firmness in the Covenant of God, for membership in another. However, only the order of ʾal•Ḥūr in the Valley of Wonderment, apparently addressed by Bahá’u’lláh in His Tablet of the Holy Mariner, are ostensibly Guardian Angels per sē. Perhaps the language–modeled beings (𐒝Ꞗ), as a gift from Bahá’u’lláh to humanity, are another. But referring to you and I:
  • Ye are the angels, if your feet be firm, your spirits rejoiced, your secret thoughts pure, your eyes consoled, your ears opened, your breasts dilated with joy, and your souls gladdened, and if you arise to assist the Covenant, to resist dissension and to be attracted to the Effulgence! Verily, I say unto you that the Word of God has assuredly been explained and has become an evident sign and a strong and solid proof, and its traces shall be spread in the East and West, and to these all heads shall bow and all souls shall submit and kneel down with their faces to the ground.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Bahá’í World Faith: Selected Writings of Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1956. Page 370.
    Taking the statements above into consideration, do I know that ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ Who, after an initial visitation, became my lifelong Companion and Lover is the same Ḥūriyyaẗ Who visited Bahá’u’lláh? Obviously, such knowledge is outside the bounds of an ordinary human being such as myself. If there are an unknown number of Ḥūriyyāt and, more broadly of Ḥūr, it is indeed conceivable that two Ḥūriyyāt, one sent to my Lord and another to the meager one typing this text, are members of that same speculative angelic order, level, or sphere (Hebrew, הַסְפִירָה, hạ•səp̄iyrāh; or Arabic, الرُتْبَة, ʾal•rut°baẗ). I will, I do believe, be with Her, for all eternity, very soon. To me, not speedily enough, but what do I know? Perhaps She, my spiritual Spouse, will then divulge to me those mysteries.
    But my experience is my own. I do not, and should never, expect others to agree with me or to acknowledge the legitimacy of my statements. In the words of ‘Abdu’l–Bahā, “… miracles cannot be a conclusive proof, for even if they are valid proofs for those who were present, they fail to convince those who were not.” (Some Answered Questions. Page 114.) And given the regular, and frequently contradictory, claims to miraculous experiences, such an approach makes spiritual and logical sense. As I am writing this text, I remain uncertain: They could be two or a myriad of Ḥūriyyāt. Perhaps the Being I call ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ might be an Awakener sent specifically, though not exclusively, to me.
    But dreams are the sacred blessings of the Houris, the divine Awakeners or Manifestations of the Holy Spirit, to us. The proper interpretation of any dream, especially in a nightmarish form as perhaps a warning or a call for assistance by those in pain, may have little or nothing to do with its substantive content. The psychodynamic or esoteric interpretations of dreams could be a literal waste of time. The oddity exhibited in of our dreams, as if passing through Lewis Carroll’s looking–glass, may be enhanced by the human imagination. But dreams are the narratives told by ʾal•Ḥūr to human souls. Thus, dreams become the carriages of inspiration.
    Upon rising from our beds, sometimes automatically and at other times following deep reflection, the interpretation may, God willing, be revealed to the human heart and mind. Contemplating our dreams, without resort to such psychic practices as lucid dreaming, can result in spiritual development. Yet, interpreting one’s dreams, or even remembering them, is not, in my view, necessary. The lessons of the Awakeners were implanted in the heart. And that is what matters.
  • Great Workshop of this World
  • … man must ever remember the earth plane is a workshop, not an art gallery for the exhibits of powers. This is not the Plane of perfection, but earth is the crucible for refining and moulding character.
  • Magnificent words attributed to ‘Abdu’l–Bahá
  • Higher Nature (unity in diversity of religions): This human spiritual nature, the soul’s purpose or nobility, consists of the attributes of the unity of revealed religions (the Religion of God) within the SPIRITUAL KINGDOM. The spirit of faith aka faith is the name given to the divine Attributes of the Higher Nature. The essence of that faith is spiritual unity, including Bahá’í consultation. Progressively deeper teachings or formulations of truth, relative to each Age, are revealed through God’s eternal Covenant. By accepting the unity of religions, we acquire its attributes in this world. “… he who turns away from this Beauty hath also turned away from the Messengers of the past and showeth pride towards God from all eternity to all eternity” (Bahá’u’lláh, Bahá’í Prayers, page 214).
    Being born again refers to living in accordance with our universal or shared Higher Nature. By operating in the Higher Nature, one rises above the limitations of the HUMAN KINGDOM. Gradually, that HUMAN KINGDOM is spiritually perfected. The Higher Nature includes the seven valleys, the four valleys, and other conditions of all things. We can, however, choose to be governed by the Higher Nature or the Lower Nature:
    Certain matters are subject to the free will of man, such as acting with justice and fairness, or injustice and iniquity—in other words, the choice of good or evil actions. It is clear and evident that the will of man figures greatly in these actions. But there are certain matters where man is forced and compelled, such as sleep, death, sickness, failing powers, misfortune, and material loss: These are not subject to the will of man and he is not accountable for them, for he is compelled to endure them. But he 1s free in the choice of good and evil actions, and it is of his own accord that he performs them.
    For example, should he so wish, he can pass his days in praise of God, and should he so desire, he can occupy himself with that which is other than Him. He can light the candle of his heart with the flame of the love of God and become a well-wisher of the world, or he can become an enemy of all mankind or set his affections on worldly things; he can choose to be just or iniquitous. All these deeds and actions are under his own control, and he is therefore accountable for them.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, Some Answered Questions. Laura Clifford Barney, translator and editor. Newly revised by a committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 2014. Page 265.
    Because free will is an inherent endowment of the soul, each person who is drawn to explore Bahá’u’lláh’s teachings will need to find his own place in the never–ending continuum of spiritual search.
    〜 Bahá’í International Community, One Common Faith. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. September 2006. Page 52.
    These souls [Covenant-breakers] are not lost forever. In the Aqdas, Bahá’u’lláh says that God will forgive Mírzá Yahyá if he repents. It follows, therefore, that God will forgive any soul if he repents. Most of them don’t want to repent, unfortunately. If the leaders can be forgiven it goes without saying that their followers can also be forgiven.
    〜 From a letter written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi, Lights of Guidance: A Bahá’í Reference File.. Helen Bassett Hornby, compiler. Cumbayá, Pichincha, Ecuador: The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Ecuador. 2017. Number 1545. Ebook.
  • “Faithful virtues,” like love and insight, are called the spirit of faith. In addition to the human spirit, the spirit of faith aka faith, namely the attributes of the Higher Nature, can become the ingredients of a human soul:
    “… the human spirit, unless it be assisted by the spirit of faith, cannot become acquainted with the divine mysteries and the heavenly realities. It is like a mirror which, although clear, bright, and polished, is still in need of light. Not until a sunbeam falls upon it can it discover the divine mysteries.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Some Answered Questions. Laura Clifford Barney, translator and editor. Newly revised by a committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 2014. Page 242.
    … the Kingdom has no place, but is connected with the human reality.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Some Answered Questions. Laura Clifford Barney, translator and editor. Newly revised by a committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 2014. Page 281.
    Is not faith but another word for implicit obedience, whole–hearted allegiance, uncompromising adherence to that which we believe is the revealed and express will of God, however perplexing it might first appear, however at variance with the shadowy views, the impotent doctrines, the crude theories, the idle imaginings, the fashionable conceptions of a transient and troublous age?
    〜 Shoghi Effendi. Bahá’í Administration. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1968. Pages 62–63.

  • HUMAN KINGDOM (unity in diversity of human beings): Humanity (Arabic, النَاسُوت, ʾal•nāsūt), the universal attributes of the divinely willed unifying “essence of man,” is also termed the rational faculty, rational soul, human spirit, lesser world, shared human nature, rationality, humanness, or common faculty. Although I am only surmising, perhaps the common faculty also refers to having basic common sense.
  • Included in the HUMAN KINGDOM are rational (free will, imagination, thought, understanding, and memory), sensory, growing, and cohesive attributes. They are the ingredients of each human being and of each Prophet’s human nature. Gestation, which begins at conception with the life of an individual soul, is, in a sense, pre–human. A human being emerges at birth. Abortion, therefore is not murder. The current policy of the Universal House of Justice, which asks women to consult physicians before abortion, conforms to the Bahá’í standard that women should not seek out an abortion simply because they desire one. That notwithstanding, women still have agency. Humanity and the human spirit are, comparable to faith and the spirit of faith, identical.
  • To elaborate, human unity, the causal mechanism for Phenomenological Copresence (explored later), is the unknowable unifying essence of man. Being an individual is not being independent. Relationships, throughout an endless multidimensional omniverse of human beings, are formed within a web of interdependence or essential unity. Spirit is the ocean. Souls are the drops. The attributes of the unity of humanity progress from stage to stage (family, tribe, city–state, and nation). Bahá’u’lláh, through the Bahá’í Faith, is now restructuring unity into His World Order, the Kingdom of God on earth, through the reality of the Universal House of Justice (the form of divine Justice in this world). Its conferred infallibility or purity, like any infallibility, is known to God. Its authority, like any authority, is revealed to us.
  • The HUMAN KINGDOM progresses through universal cycles. At the end of such a cycle, as before the time of Adam and again in five–thousand centuries or more, a particular human species, in my personal opinion, seeds the Earth, in preparation for the next universal cycle, and then journeys off to the stars. Subsequently, the artifacts of a once–great civilization are buried through catastrophic Earth changes. Those seeds planted for the continuation of the HUMAN KINGDOM successively appear from their initial mineral state to vegetables, animals, and, ultimately, functioning humans.
    When a cycle comes to a close, a new one is inaugurated, and the previous cycle, on account of the momentous events which transpire, vanishes so entirely from memory as to leave behind no record or trace. Thus, as you are aware, we have no record of twenty thousand years ago, even though we established before through rational arguments that life on this earth is very ancient—not one or two hundred thousand, or even one or two million years old: It is ancient indeed, and the records and traces of ancient times have been entirely obliterated.
    Each of the Manifestations of God has likewise a cycle wherein His religion and His law are in full force and effect. When His cycle is ended through the advent of a new Manifestation, a new cycle begins. Thus, cycles are inaugurated, concluded, and renewed, until a universal cycle is completed in the world of existence and momentous events transpire which efface every record and trace of the past; then a new universal cycle begins in the world, for the realm of existence has no beginning.We have previously presented proofs and arguments concerning this subject, and there is no need for repetition.
    Briefly, our claim is that a universal cycle in the worlds of existence comprises a vast span of time and countless ages and epochs. In such a cycle, the Manifestations of God shine forth in the visible realm until a universal and supreme Manifestation makes the world the focal centre of divine splendours and, through His revelation, brings it to the stage of maturity. The duration of the cycle He ushers in is very long indeed. Other Manifestations will arise in the course of that cycle under His shadow and will renew, according to the needs of the time, certain laws pertaining to material affairs and transactions, but They will remain under His shadow. We are in the cycle which began with Adam and whose universal Manifestation is Baha’u’llah.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, Some Answered Questions. Laura Clifford Barney, translator and editor. Newly revised by a committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 2014. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. September 2006. Pages 182–183.
    … thou canst imagine the magnitude of the Bahá’í cycle—a cycle that must extend over a period of at least five hundred thousand years.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá quoted in Shoghi Effendi. The World Order of Baha’u’llah: Selected Letters. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1991. Page 102.
    1. Routinization of Charisma (Arabic, تَنْظِيم الرُوتِين مِن الجَاذِبِيَّة الشَخْصِيَّة, tan°ẓīm ʾal•rūtīn min ʾal•ǧaḏibiyyaẗ ʾal•šaẖ°ṣiyyaẗ; Hebrew, הַשְׁגָּרָה שֶׁל הַכָּרִיזְמָה, hạšəgārāh šẹl hạ•kạriyzəmāh; Persian, رُوتِین‌سَازِیِ جَذِبَه ِ شَخصِی, rūtín°sāzí•i ǧaḏibah•i šaẖ°ṣí; Tajik, рутинсозӣи ҷазибаи шахсӣ, rutinsozī•i ǧaziba•i šaẖsī; Pashto, دَ کَارِیزْمَاتِیکتُوب مَعْمُول کُول, da ḱāríz°mātíḱūb maʿ°mūl ḱūl; Sindhi, ڪَرِشْمو جو مَعْمُولَ سَازِي, k̀ariš°mō ǧō maʿ°mūla sāzī; Urdu, کَرِشْمَہَ کِی مَعْمُولَ, ḱariš°maha ḱí maʿ°mūla; or Shahmukhi Punjabi, کَرِشْمَہَ دا مَعْمُولَ بَنَانَا, ḱariš°maha dā maʿ°mūla banānā): Over time (Arabic, الزَمَان, ʾal•zamān; or Hebrew, הַזְמַן, hạ•zəmạn), the charismatic authority (Arabic, سُلْطَة الكَارِيزْمِيَّة, sul°ṭaẗ ʾal•kārīzºmiyyaẗ; Hebrew, סַמְכוּת הַכָּרִיזְמָטִית, sạməḵūṯ hạ•kāriyzəmāṯiyṯ; Persian حَاکِمِیَتِ جَزَّاب, ḥāḱimiýat•i ǧazzāb; Tajik, ҳокимияти ҷаззоб, hokimiyat•i ǧazzob; Pashto, دَ کَرِشْمَاتِي وَاک, da ḱaris°mātī wāḱ, or دَ جَاذِبَه لَرُونْکَی صَلَاحِيَت, da ǧaḏibah larūn°ḱaý ṣalāḥiyat; Sindhi, ڪَرِشْمَاتِي اِقْتِدَارَ, k̀aris°mātī ʾiq°tidāra; or Urdu and Shahmukhi Punjabi, پُرْکَشِشَ اِخْتِیَارَ, pur°ḱašiša ʾiẖ°tiýāra), which initiated a particular formation of the Religion of God, becomes accepted, institutionalized, established, or routinized into particular groups.
      People can unite around the Prophets (Arabic, الأَنْبِيَاءَ, ʾal•⫯An°biyāˁa, النَّبِيُّنَ, ʾal•Nnabiyyīna, or النَّبِيُّونَ, ʾal•Nnabiyyūna; Hebrew, נּ‎ְבִיאִים, hạ•Nnəḇiyʾiym; Persian, انْبِیَای, An°biýāý; Tajik, Анбиё, Anbiyo; Pashto, دَ نَبِيَان, da Nabiyān; Sindhi, انبِيَاءَ, ʾAn°biyāˁa, or نَبِيُونَ, Nabiyūna; Turkish, Nebilar; Azerbaijani, Nebillər; or Turkmen, Nebiler) or the reformers (Arabic, المُجَدِّدِينَ, ʾal•muǧaddidīna, or المُجَدِّدُونَ, ʾal•muǧaddidūna; Hebrew, הַמְחַדְּשִׁים, hạ•məḥạdəšiym; Persian, مُجَدِّدْهَا, muǧaddid°hā; Tajik, муҷаддидҳо, muǧaddidho; Pashto, دَ مُجَدِّدِین, da muǧaddidín; Sindhi, مُجَدِّدُونَ, muǧaddidūna, or مُجَدِّدِينَ, muǧaddidīna; Turkish, müceddedler; Azerbaijani, mürcüdlər; or Turkmen, muçaddesler) in the HUMAN KINGDOM.
    2. Although the Religion of God, as a causal mechanism, is Prophetic Ecology (Є), the Routinization of Charisma, another causal mechanism, might be termed Anthropogenic Ecology (ĄƸ). On the other hand, anthropocentrism, a trait of Demireality (dialectical absence, splitting, or disunity), is rejected. THE UNIFICATION, not the HUMAN KINGDOM, is the single Center (i.e. Unicentric) of all beings and things. That Routinization of Charisma can, even now, transform ourselves and the beings and things around us. Universal emancipation, however, must wait.
    3. Lower Nature: The physical kingdoms of spacetime, physicality, or materiality, listed below, include the attributes of sensation, growth, and cohesion. Lower Nature (physical attributes), in the HUMAN KINGDOM, is shared by all human beings and retrogressively radiated, or outflowed, into the kingdoms named below. See this excellent book.

  • ANIMAL KINGDOM (unity in diversity of animals): This realm may include numerous unifying essences (“species”). The attributes of these divinely willed essential Unities (unifying essences) are termed the animal spirit. The ingredients of each animal are sensory (bodily coordination, including fight and flight), cohesive, and growing attributes or traits. They are the animal’s bodily functions (shared by human beings).

  • VEGETABLE KINGDOM (unity in diversity of vegetables): This realm may include numerous unifying essences (“species”). The attributes of these divinely willed essential Unities (unifying essences) of nature are termed the vegetable spirit. The ingredients of each vegetable are growing and cohesive attributes or traits.

  • MINERAL KINGDOM (unity in diversity of atoms and subatomic particles, such as quarks): This realm may include numerous unifying essences (“species”). The attributes of these divinely willed essential Unities (unifying essences) of nature are called the mineral spirit. The ingredients of each mineral are cohesive attributes. Among these attributes are electromagnetism and other forms of energy, gravity, possible antigravity, and the world of time (or formation) which connects entities in the past, present, and future.
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  • … the relationships that bind together the realities of all things, whether spiritual or material, require that when the mirror is polished and turned towards the sun it should manifest the rays thereof. In like manner, when the elements are composed and combined according to the noblest order, arrangement, and manner, the human spirit will appear and manifest itself therein. Such is the decree of the All–Glorious, the All–Wise.
  • ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, Some Answered Questions. Page 233.
  • … movement is essential to all existence. All material things progress to acertain point, then begin to decline. This is the law which governs the whole physical creation.
  • 〜 ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Bahá’í Sacred Writings. Haifa, Israel: Bahá’í International Community. Undated ebook.
  • Although the divine worlds be never ending, yet some refer to them as four: The world of time (zamán), which is the one that hath both a beginning and an end; the world of duration (dahr), which hath a beginning, but whose end is not revealed; the world of perpetuity (sarmad), whose beginning is not to be seen but which is known to have an end; and the world of eternity (azal), neither a beginning nor an end of which is visible. Although there are many differing statements as to these points, to recount them in detail would result in weariness. Thus, some have said that the world of perpetuity hath neither beginning nor end, and have named the world of eternity as the invisible, impregnable Empyrean. Others have called these the worlds of the Heavenly Court (Lahút), of the Empyrean Heaven (Jabarút), of the Kingdom of the Angels (Malakút), and of the mortal world (Nasút).
  • 〜 Bahá’u’lláh, The Seven Valleys and the Four Valleys. Translated by Marzieh Gail in consultation with Ali Kuli Khan. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1991. Page 25.
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    The Anglicized “One Oṃ–Maker,” which I have translated from the original Punjabi as One Cosmic–Hum–Maker, is a conventional Sikh (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸਿੱਖ [MP3], Sikha; or Shahmukhi Punjabi, سِکْھَ [MP3], Siḱ°ha, “disciple”) term. It refers to Sikh monotheism, a perspective basic to the religion. In the original Sanskrit, Ōṁ (Sankrit, ) is the imminent Cosmic–Hum, God. He is the Innermost Essence, the ultimate Collective Center, of all beings and things whether seen or hidden. Sikhism, like Judæism and Islam among others, is, with its own particulars, an ethical monotheistic religion. The divine remembrance (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸਿਮਰਨ [MP3], simarana or “simran”; or Shahmukhi Punjabi, سِمَرَنَ [MP3], simarana or “simran,” “remembrance”), One Oṃ–Maker, was initially written in the Gurmukhi Punjabi script. All the renderings below, using a variety of writing systems, refer to God (Gurumukhi Punjabi, ਵਾਹਿਗੁਰੂ [MP3]; or Shahmukhi Punjabi, وَاہِگُرُو [MP3], Vāhigurū, “wonderful/astonishing heavyweight [my translation]”):
    God is supremely exalted beyond His creation. Furthermore, He is the innermost Essence, the Unity of Unities, of that creation. God resides within, or inhabits, all beings and things. He alone can be magnified by unlimited Names and countless designations. These include: Providence (Latin, Prōvidentia [MP3]), the Triadic Embodiment or the Triadic Form (Sanskrit, त्रिमूर्ति [MP3], Trimūrti), and several originally Indo–Iranian cognates for Lord, Master, or Ruler:
    The following are Semitic, including Judæic and Islamic, cognates for that Great Being, God Almighty (Sanskrit, सर्वशक्तिमत् [MP3], Sarvaśaktimat, “Almighty/All–Powerful/Omnipotent”; or परब्रह्म [MP3], Parabrahma, “Supreme All–Powerful One”):
    The consequences of Zhu Xi’s failure adequately to account for the carrier or vehicle of pattern’s creatively harmonizing mandate, which is called for by his interdependent construction of the pattern–psychophysical energy relationship, are grave for a Neo–Confucian panentheistic imagination. For all his high regard for pattern’s unifying and creatively harmonizing mandate, Zhu Xi sows doubts regarding its efficacy in the world and in so doing calls into question the very existence and possibility of the heart–mind of the Way (or the fecund heart–mind of heaven and earth). Panentheistically speaking, it would be virtually impossible here to speak of “divine action” in any meaningful sense of the term, as God would be a mere blueprint of creation and a moral map that, even when in possession of a body, is deprived of harmonizing agency and subjectivity—namely, God’s being as Spirit—because of the intrinsic unruliness of the body. The envisioned interdependent and mutually indwelling relationship between God and creatures would be replaced by a dualistic conflict similar to the classical Western one between an ideal harmony and a raw, chaotic, and centrifugal dynamism of matter. What is needed, therefore, is a different conception of psychophysical energy, one that recognizes psychophysical energy’s own contribution to the creatively harmonizing processes of the universe represented by the symbol of the Great Ultimate.
    〜 Hyo–Dong Lee, “The Heart–Mind of the Way and the Human Heart–Mind are Nondual: A Reflection on Neo–Confucian Panentheism.” Panentheism across the World’s Traditions. New York: Oxford University Press. 2014. Pages 37–62.
    Spiritual involution and spiritual evolution are both accepted in ƉɱⱤ. First, spiritual involution, the ƉɱⱤ model of emanation, is the step–down formation (a descension) from the subtle (ethereal) to the prosaic (mundane). The Unity of God is the Midpoint of existence. Spiritual involution, and not spiritual evolution, is the process of creation or emanation. Unity, in spiritual involution, is imagined as the Absolute and the Innermost Source of all beings and things. In ƉɱⱤ, this Apex of Unity is embraced as the Collective Center—or the immaculate and consecrated Heart—of all existence.
    The Essence of cosmic Unity (Arabic, وَحّْدَ اللّٰهَ [MP3], waḥḥ°da ʾAl•Llꞌaha, “the Almighty alone”) is, among His multitude of titles, Light of all lights (Hebrew, אוֹר אֵיְן סוֹף [MP3], ʾÔr Ēyən Sôp̄, “boundless light/‘light of no end’”). An essence can sometimes, but not necessarily always, be characterized as an actual being. The most exalted Essence in existence, Unity emanates other Unities or unifying essences. Their intensity and power are substantially less than the divine Unity. These unifying essences subsist at various levels regressively removed from the divine or cosmic Core.
    Spiritual evolution, the ƉɱⱤ model of development, is a step–up transformation (an ascension) from Demireality (𞓤) to Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵). One focuses upon the Unity of God and mindfully repudiates Demireality or separation. Step–up transformation and step–down formation are dialogical. The first one, transformative agency, draws out the second, the celestial power of formation. ƉɱⱤ’s dialectical methodology for human spiritual evolution uses the mental faculties of human agency (volition and action) to attain an enduring liberty from Demireality (𞓤), including the rotting carcass of intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ). Accordingly, ƉɱⱤ could, through a diligent and heart–centered struggle, simultaneously transform the character of the individual and our nature.
    That nature, shared by all humanity, is the collective rational faculty, rational soul, or human spirit. Just as this spirit is existentially singular, and not multiple, so the Holy Spirit of awakening, the spirit of faith of virtues, the vegetable spirit of growth and expansion, and the mineral spirit of molecular cohesion are each singular, too. Specifically, the spirit of faith—the potential or seed of the higher nature or human soul—is activated by the causal mechanism of faith or obedience. Duality, or particularity, is undoubtedly real, but Nonduality, or universality, is both real and exalted.
    Further, spiritual evolution—as a progressive ascent toward Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵) and Nonduality—must never be conflated with the modern evolutionary synthesis or Neo–Darwinism in the biological sciences. This writer, a longtime academic, has no argument with any reputable scientific methodology or empirical research. The discredited pseudosciences would be categorically excluded. One might then maintain that life fulfills God’s Will without avowing: the nonsensical notions of creation science, the jabberings of intelligent design (with its chief religious dogma of irreducible complexity), or the micromanagement of theistic evolution.
    Not one of these pointless imaginings, in the entire spectrum of so–called scientific creationisms, should be used as legitimate criteria for scholarly judgment or scientific evaluation. The mere fact that these perversions of science are ever taken seriously, particularly in Australia and the U.S., should be an embarrassment to all of us. Biblical literalism, the primary culprit, results in a failure to contextually read ancient scriptures. The misinterpretions frequently arise from cross–referencing biblical texts with diverse origins. Those texts are unfortunately assumed to have been written by a verbally inerrant author.
    In spiritual evolution, each plane (Sanskrit, लोक [MP3], loka; or Arabic, مُسْتَوَى [MP3], mus°tawaỳ)—beginning with Actuality and culminating in Unity—could be reflectively visualized as reflexively wrapped up or enfolded within the plane or planes of metaReality—on the one hand, Unity with Nonduality and, on the other hand, Duality—which may, phenomenologically, be successively disclosed immediately inside of it. Here is the inward succession from beginning to end: ActualityDemirealityDualityPhenomenological CopresenceNondualityUnity.
    Applying the ƉɱⱤ model, Unity or the Unity of God, as enveloped by the rest of metaReality or multi–planar existence, is the innermost Core or the Essence of all beings and things. If it were possible to discover and uncover Unity, which is not the case, one would progress within and within and within. Furthermore, since Relativity is epistemological, not ontological, it not included. To do otherwise would commit the epistemic fallacy (ᕮᚪ™), i.e. conflating epistemology with ontology.
    • bulletNonduality (Sanskrit, अद्वैत [MP3], advaita; or Pali, अद्वय [MP3], advaya, “not two”) is expressed by the phrase, tat tvam asi (Sanskrit, तत् त्वम् असि [MP3], “that thou art”). Advaita—the substantial singleness of all beings and things external to Unity—may be explored in ƉɱⱤ through a wide–ranging assortment of philosophical, hermeneutic, social scientific, spiritual, theosophic, disciplinary, and personal perspectives. Nonduality, moreover, consists of an endless storehouse, a treasury, of Unities or virtues. These unific components of Nonduality, such as servitude and faith, may be immediately accessed by each one of the sentient creatures which selflessly serve others on the nondual plane of being. In this state of love, all beings and things, from rocks to humans, are nondual between one another. Among the most significant virtues of Nonduality is lovingkindness or compassion (Pali, मेत्ता [MP3], mettā; or Sanskrit, मैत्री [MP3], maitrī). Absent that virtue, including an abiding adoration for the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity (丁山⸺下) becomes simply another human distraction. ƉɱⱤ is, in my view, the most compassionate tendency in socialism.
    • ƉɱⱤ approaches God as simultaneously transcendent and immanent. To be more specific, divine transcendence or exaltation is the divine immanence permeating the midpoint of existence. All the realms of being are continuously streaming outward, not downward and not inward, from the divine Presence. Deity with the beings and things of His creation remain distinct. And yet they are, however, enfolded in one another. In popular (mono)theism, God’s immanence is considered to be an emergent property of His transcendence. With ƉɱⱤ’s radically reimagined synthesis of (mono)theism and endotheism, technically an inverted Bhaskarian panentheism, God’s transcendence becomes a dynamic representation of His immanence.
      And so, endotheistic ethical (mono)theism (ⵟ𖹏ᙏ) is the dialectical synthesis of those two outwardly disparate theologies. They are usually, but inaccurately from the standpoint of ƉɱⱤ, regarded as contradictory. ⵟ𖹏ᙏ dialectically resolves the discrepancy. That notwithstanding, the emphasis must invariably be placed upon ethical (mono)theism. But endotheism is offered as the specific qualification for ƉɱⱤ’s view of ethical (mono)theism. Without endotheism, the divine Presence will be misapprehended as either a cosmic force or a higher power and entirely remote from all human affairs. The following quotations, which in some cases present a perspective arguably similar to ⵟ𖹏ᙏ, address the subject of endotheism:
    Know thou of a certainty that the Unseen can in no wise incarnate His Essence and reveal it unto men. He is, and hath ever been, immensely exalted beyond all that can either be recounted or perceived. From His retreat of glory His voice is ever proclaiming: “Verily, I am God; there is none other God besides Me, the All–Knowing, the All–Wise. I have manifested Myself unto men, and have sent down Him Who is the Day Spring of the signs of My Revelation. Through Him I have caused all creation to testify that there is none other God except Him, the Incomparable, the All–Informed, the All–Wise.” He Who is everlastingly hidden from the eyes of men can never be known except through His Manifestation, and His Manifestation can adduce no greater proof of the truth of His Mission than the proof of His own Person.
    〜 Bahá’u’lláh. Gleanings From the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1990. Page 49.
    … were they [the people] to maintain that by “divine Presence” is meant the “Specific Revelation of God,” expressed by certain Ṣúfís [woolen ones] as the “Most Holy Outpouring,” if this be in the Essence Itself, it is evident that it hath been eternally in the divine Knowledge. Assuming the truth of this hypothesis, “attainment unto the divine Presence” is in this sense obviously possible to no one, inasmuch as this revelation is confined to the innermost Essence, unto which no man can attain. “The way is barred, and all seeking rejected.” The minds of the favorites of heaven, however high they soar, can never attain this station, how much less the understanding of obscured and limited minds.
    〜 Bahá’u’lláh. The Kitáb–i–Íqán. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 2003. Page 130.
    The real Existence through which all things are realized, that is, the reality of the divine Essence through which all things have come to exist, is acknowledged by all.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Some Answered Questions. Laura Clifford Barney, translator and editor. Newly revised by a committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 2014. Page 340.
    … The transcendent is in the immanent, and the immanent is in the transcendent.…
    The word [panentheism] literally means “all in God.” The etymology is a bit misleading, however, since in most cases the “in” actually has at least two meanings: all things are in God, and God is in all things.
    〜 Philip Clayton, “Panentheisms East and West.” Sophia: International Journal of Philosophy and Traditions. Volume 49, issue 2, June 2010. Pages 183–191.
    … there are panentheisms where the world is necessary, where the world is contingent, where the universe is the deity’s body, where the universe is a part of the deity’s body, where the world is created, where the world is not created, and so forth.…
    〜 Raphael Lastaster and Purushottama Bilimoria, “Panentheism(s): What It Is and Is Not.” Journal of World Philosophies. Volume 3, winter 2018. Pages 49–64.
    Panentheists do not deny the contingent nature of the world. The essence of God is different from that of the world because God is infinite, and the world is finite. God is everlasting; the world is temporal.
    … Panentheists do not deny that the continuing existence of the world depends on God’s creative activity.
    〜 Mikael Stenmark, “Panentheism and its neighbors.” International Journal for Philosophy of Religion. Volume 85, issue 1, February 2019. Pages 23–41.
    Eisotheism [equal–theism, namely, equal to God]
    or
    Endotheism [within–theism, namely, within God].
    ——:0:——
    “Est Deus in nōbīs ….
    “Deus est in pectore nostrō ….
    “Sacer intrā nōs Spīritus sedet, bonorum, mālōrum que nostrōrum observātor et cū̆stōs.” [diacritics added]
    [“God is in us. God is in my heart. The Holy Spirit dwells within us, good and bad alike, and is our protector.” — my translation]
    “Behold the Kingdom of God is within you ….”
    And hence it is that our highest teaching is always from within, and not from without; hence “that passionate love of justice,” which is a witness for the Divinity within.
    〜 George R. Drysdale. Eisotheism: A Protest of Unwritten Against Written Revelation. London: Hackett & Rawlinson. 1876. Page 5.
    Causal intermediation or secondary causation implies, first, primary causation as the antecedent and responsible and only actual efficiency.
    It implies, secondly, the absence, or latency, of the attributes characterizing primary cause. That is, it implies the absence of self–consciousness, cognition of the relation between cause and effect, motivity, intentionality, volition, and personality. These attributes do not belong to the world of natural phenomena, so far as we regard matter itself the ground of dynamic effort. If we posit in matter an exotheistic [without–theistic] ground of energy, we necessitate a materialistic, hylozoistic pantheism, against which it is scarcely necessary to direct an argument. If we posit in matter an endotheistic [within–theistic] ground of energy, we reach a position from which the explanation of phenomena is simple, and consonant with the instincts of humanity and reason. It is scarcely necessary to say that whether we assume the exotheistic or endotheistic view of matter, its phenomena remain equally the legitimate data of scientific processes.
    〜 Alexander Winchell. Reconciliation of Science and Religion. New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers. 1877. Pages 137–138.
    Recently my men’s group discussed the importance of the differences between “Inward Light” and “Inner Light.” I think these terms imply an interesting theological divide.
    In an exotheistic [without–theistic] world we human beings do not have light of our own, so Light must enter inwardly from above/out there; in endotheism [without–theism], Light is already inside, waiting to shine. I do not believe that endotheism is the same as the humanism more traditional Christians so decry. The Inner Light, evolved in everybody to some extent, is divine, is not under any possible control of ourselves—not ego, not emotions, not will. Mystics for millennia have witnessed to the fact that if we but still ourselves we can approach Light, anybody can. All it takes is an intention and the work of “crossing a mountain.”
    〜 Charles Randall, “Inner vs Inward Light.” Friends Journal. August, 2013. Retrieved on March 16ᵗʰ, 2021. Web.
    Consciousness does not manifest as being. The reverse, in my view, is true. Being, in its various forms, preexists human consciousness. The condition of class consciousness is, therefore, is the emancipated ontological nature of one’s being. The existential void of false consciousness is, by definition, the condition of an absence of class consciousness. And so, the Kingdom of Heaven is within us, said Lord Jesus, not outside of us. Spirituality, layer by layer, is the core, not the envelope. Materiality, on the periphery of that core, demands that I be a scientific materialist, not a materialist regarding spiritual reality. Furthermore, human existence incorporates levels of unity betweens planets, galaxies, and the celestial planes of the Hereafters (MP3).
    In Bhaskar’s ᖘѫɌ, he was legitimately critiqued for turning critical realism into a type of critical idealism with consciousness as the nucleus. Unfortunately, by interpreting phenomena as the core and divinity as the shell, Bhaskar’s panentheistic cosmic envelope (Sanskrit, ब्राह्माण्ड निवेष्टः [MP3], brāhmāṇḍa niveṣṭaḥ) does indeed move critical realism in the direction of idealism. It is that idealism which, as an act of reimagination, I have attempted to transpose. Although his health was failing, I do not know if that can be legitimately posited as an explanation. People do change their minds. Nevertheless, consciousness is the epistemological, or epistemic, perception of reality. Consciousness is neither the source nor the nature of reality. Consciousness cannot be regarded as ontology or being in itself.
    Mervyn Hartwig, who knew Roy Bhaskar better than most, wrote:
    … [T]his is crucial – the experience of union or identity in the moment of absolute transcendence in any process of learning or discovery can only be rendered fully intelligible on the basis that it involves “the union between something already enfolded within the discovering agent, brought up to consciousness by a moment of Platonic anamnesis or recall, with the alethic [disclosed] self–revelation of the being known, existing outside him” – i.e. it involves the union of two beings at the level of the implicit, supramental consciousness of their ground–states, entailing the theory of generalized co–presence or interconnectedness – that at the level of fundamental possibility or alethia [truth or disclosure] everything is implicitly contained within everything else. From there it is but a short step to link “the latent immanent teleology of praxis” (the pulse of freedom …) to the immanent teleology of the ground–state and cosmic envelope, and to view everything in the universe as enchanted and as “in the process of becoming one with its ground–state.” PMR [The philosophy of metaReality] is thus a form of panentheism, which, however, is significantly different from the Platonic panentheism espoused by [Thomas] Nagel (“Secular philosophy”) and Hegelian panentheism (… for example Sebastian Job …) …. [Viewing everything in the universe as enchanted and in the process of becoming one with its ground–state] constitutes an immanent critique of [Karl] Marx’s theory, which “does successfully capture a deep, perhaps the deepest dual level, in our social structure” but “one which presupposes, and depends on the efficacy of a deeper, untheorised level, that of the ground–state qualities of unrecognised (non–commodified) creativity and unconditional love and other ground–state qualities that Marx did not theorise, just as his vision of a communist society actually depends on the process of self–realisation or enlightenment and its universalisation that the individual process [‘the free development of each’] both implies and presupposes for its completion.” …
    〜 Mervyn Hartwig, “Introduction,” in Roy Bhaskar. From Science to Emancipation: Alienation and the Actuality of Enlightenment. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2012. Pages xxvii–xxxi.
    Therefore, taking into account Mervyn’s excellent analysis of the philosophy of metaReality, this writer would, as a friendly critique, recommend, in place of Bhaskar’s cosmic envelope, a model grounded in an endotheistic inversion of his panentheism. I refer to that ontological permutation as: the Animistic Cosmic Interior, the Animistic Cosmic Essence, the Animistic Cosmic Gem, the Animistic Cosmic Jewel, the Animistic Cosmic Pearl, the Animistic Cosmic Hæcceity, or best, perhaps, the Animistic Cosmic Quiddity ():
    • Arabic, جَوْهَر الكَوْنِيّ الرُوحَانِيّ, Ǧaw°har ʾal•Kaw°niyy ʾal•Rūḥāniyy
    • Arabic, بَاطِن الكَوْنِيّ الرُوحَانِيّ, Bāṭin ʾal•Kaw°niyy ʾal•Rūḥāniyy
    • Arabic, دَاخِل الكَوْنِيّ الرُّوحَانِيّ, Dāẖil ʾal•Kaw°niyy ʾal•Rrūḥāniyy
    • Hebrew, עִקָּר הַקוֹסְמִי הַאָנִימִיסְטִי, ʿIqqār hạ•Qôsəmiy hạ•ʾĀniymiysəṭiy
    • Hebrew, פְּנִים הַקוֹסְמִי הַאָנִימִיסְטִי, Pəniym hạ•Qôsəmiy hạ•ʾĀniymiysəṭiy
    • Yiddish, דּאָס אַנִימִיסְטִישְׁע קאָסְמִישְׁע אִינעֶרְס, dʾās ʾẠniymiyəṭiyšəʿ Qʾosəmiyšəʿ ʾIynʿẹrəs
    • German, das animistisches kosmisches Inneres
    • Yiddish, דִּי אַנִימִיסְטִישְׁע קאָסְמִישְׁע קְווִידִּיטִי, diy ʾẠniymiyəṭiyšəʿ Qʾosəmiyšəʿ Qəv̇iyddiyṭiy
    • German, die animistisches kosmisches Quiddität
    • Sanskrit, जीववादी ब्रह्माण्डीय सार, Jīvavādī Brahmāṇḍīya Sāra
    • Sanskrit, जीववादी ब्रह्माण्डीय आन्तरिक, jīvavādī brahmāṇḍīya āntarika
    • Sanskrit, सर्वात्मन् ब्राह्माण्ड अन्तरङ्गम्, Sarvātman Brāhmāṇḍa Antaraṅgam
    • जीववादी ब्रह्माण्डीय आन्तरिक, Jīvavādī Brahmāṇḍīya Āntarika
    • Persian or Iranian Persian, جَوْهَرِ کَیْهَانِیِ آنِیمِیسْتِی, Gaw°har•i Ḱaý°nāní•i ʾÂnímís°tí
    • Persian or Iranian Persian, دَاخِلِ کَیْهَانِیِ آنِیمِیسْتی, Dāẖil•i Ḱaý°hāní•i ʾÂnímís°tí
    • Tajik or Tajiki Persian, Гавҳари Кайҳонӣи Анимистӣ, Gavhar•i Kaýhonī•i Animistī
    • Tajik or Tajiki Persian, Дохили Кайҳонӣи Анимистӣ, Doẖil•i Kaýhonī•i Animistī
    • Pashto, رُوحَانِي کَازْمِيکِي دَ گَوْهَر, Rūḥānī Ḱās°mīḱī da Gaw°har
    • Pashto, انِیمِیسْتِ̱یک کَاسمِیک دَاْخِل, ʾAnímís°tíḱ Ḱās°míḱ Dāẖil
    • Sindhi, ڪَائْنَاتِي جَي رُوحَانِي جوْھَر, K̀ā⫯y°nātī ǧay Rūḥānī Ǧaw°har
    • Sindhi, مُتْحَرَكَ كَائِنَاتِي انْدَرُونِي , Mut°ḥaraka Kā⫯yinātī ʾAn°darūnī
    • Urdu, انِیمِسْطِکَ کَائْنَاتِی جوہَرَ, ʾAnímís°ṭiḱa Ḱa⫯y°nātí Ǧōhara
    • Hindi, एनिमिस्टिक ब्रह्मांडीय सार, Ēnimisṭika Brahmāṁḍīya Sāra
    • Urdu, اینِیمِسْطِکَ بْرَہِمَانَڈِییَ انْدَرُونِی, ʾĒnímis°ṭiḱa B°rahiman°ḍíýa ʾAn°darūní
    • Hindi, एनिमिस्टिक ब्रह्मांडीय अंदरूनी, Enimisṭika Brahmāṁḍīya Aṁdarūnī
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi, اینِیمِسطِکَ بْرَہِمَنْڈی سَارَ, ʾĒnímís°ṭiḱa B°rah°himan°ḍí Sāra
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਐਨੀਮਿਸਟਿਕ ਬ੍ਰਹਿਮੰਡੀ ਸਾਰ, Ainīmisaṭika Brahimaḍī Sāra
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi, اینِیمِسَطِکَ بْرَحِمَنْضِی انْدَرُونِی, ʾĒnímisaṭiḱa B°raḥiman°ḍí ʾAn°darūní
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਐਨੀਮਿਸਟਿਕ ਬ੍ਰਹਿਮੰਡੀ ਅੰਦਰੂਨੀ, Ainīmisaṭika Brahimaḍī Adarūnī
    • Some of the “n” letters are not displayed, using the International Alphabet of Sanskrit Transliteration (IAST) or the system formulated by the International Organization for Standarization (ISO), in Gurmukhi. In Devanāgarī, that consonantal problem does not exist, but, on the other hand, vowels often do not appear in either script. There is, as of yet, no perfect workaround. IAST was, as the name indicates, originally developed to work with Devanāgarī (Sanskrit, देवनागरी, “city of the Shining One”). It is used by modern Sanskrit and other languages. Both South Asian scripts, Gurmukhi (ਗੁਰਮੁਖੀ, Guramukhī, “mouth of the guru aka mouth of the heavyweight”) and Devanāgarī, are classified as abugidas, not as abjads.
    • Bengali, সর্বপ্রাণবাদী মহাজাগতিক সার, Sarbaprāṇabādī Mahājāgatika Sāra
    • Bengali, এনিমিস্টিক মহাজাগতিক অভ্যন্তরীণ, Ēnimisṭika mMhājāgatika Abhyantarīṇa
    • Turkish, Animist Evrensel Öz
    • Turkish, Evrenin Animizm Özü
    • Turkish, Animistik Lozmik Içişleri
    • Turkmen, Animistik Jawhary Kosmosyň
    • Turkmen, Animistik Kosmik Mahiyyət
    • Turkmen, Animistik Kosmiki Içki
    • Azerbaijani, Animistik Jawhary Kosmosun
    • Azerbaijani, Animistik Mahiyyət Kosmosun
    • Azerbaijani, Animistik Kosmik Daxili
    • Kazakh, Анимистік Ғарыштык Интерьер, Animistík Ġaryštyq Interʹer
    • Soranî Kurdish (Iranian), نَاوەوەی گەرْدوونِی ئەنیمِیسْتِی, Nāweweý Ger°dûní ⫯Ɪ̃enímís°tí
    • Kurmanjî/Kurmancî Kurdish (Iranian), hundirê kozmîk anîmîst
    • Uyghur (Turkic), كَارْتُون ئَالهٓم بوشْلۇقِى, Kār°tūn ⫯Ɪ̃lem Bōš°luqiỳ
    • Amharic/ʾÄmarəña (an expansion of the Gəʾəzə/Ge⸍ez script), የአኒምስት ኮስሚክ የውስጥ, yä•ʾÄnimetikə Kosəmikə Yäwəsətꞌə
    • Tigrinya/Təgəriña (an expansion of the Gəʾəzə/Ge⸍ez script), እቲኣኒሚስቲክ ኮስሚክ ውሽጣዊ, ʾəti•ʾÄniməsətə Kosəmikə Wəšətꞌawi
    To be human is to be a part of the universal human nature. It can also be referred to as humanity or humanness. We are, through the universal human nature, united with one another. That universal human nature is particularized or individualized as a human soul.
    The Cosmic Dimension is the core of existence, not, as proposed by Roy Bhaskar, the envelope or the shell. With Nonduality and Duality now placed inside out, ƉɱⱤ has hopefully bypassed the Neoplatonic quagmire of ontological idealism—the metaphysical philosophy that the fabric of reality consists of consciousness, thought, mind, or ideation.
    This writer, based upon original research, has discovered notable similarities between Roy Bhaskar’s spiritual turn () and the Integral Realism () of Sri Aurobindo Ghose (Bengali, শ্রী অরবিন্দ ঘোষ [MP3], Śrī Arabinda Ghōṣa/Śri Ôrôbinda Ghôsha), 1872–1950. Two illustrations, in support of my propositions, may suffice. Unfortunately, I have no historical documentation. Like Bhaskar, Aurobindo absented maya (Sanskrit, माया, māyā, “illusion or magic”)—rendered by Bhaskar as Demireality—with realism or, in the case of Bhaskar, Phenomenological Copresence. Specifically, however, regarding Bhaskar’s Cosmic Envelope and metaReality vis–à–vis Demireality, Aurobindo refers to a “real–unreal” universality. Both men rejected the notion that temporal reality is unreal:
    If … the world is a dream or an illusion or a mistake, it is a dream originated and willed by the Self in its totality and not only originated and willed, but supported and perpetually entertained. Moreover, it is a dream existing in a Reality and the stuff of which it is made is that Reality, for Brahman must be the material of the world as well as its base and continent. If the gold of which the vessel is made is real, how shall we suppose that the vessel itself is a mirage? We see that these words, dream, illusion, are tricks of speech, habits of our relative consciousness; they represent a certain truth, even a great truth, but they also misrepresent it. Just as Non–Being turns out to be other than mere nullity, so the cosmic Dream turns out to be other than mere phantasm and hallucination of the mind. Phenomenon is not phantasm; phenomenon is the substantial form of a Truth.
    〜 Sri Aurobindo. The Life Divine. Volume I. Calcutta (now Anglicized as Kolkata): Arya Publishing House. 1939. Page 49.
    Clearly though inspired by the Advaita Vedanta Sri Aurobindo departed from it significantly in rejecting the idea that human reality and earth reality/Bhurloka (as he termed it) is maya/cosmic illusion as the Advaita has argued.
    〜 Bindu Puri, “Introduction: Reading Sri Aurobindo. Towards a Svaraj in Ideas.” Reading Sri Aurobindo: Metaphysics, Ethics and Spirituality. Singapore, Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022. Pages 1–37.
    … when Shankara talked about what I call demi–reality as an illusion, he did not clarify that illusion is real, as real as steel; it is not just the absolute that is real. You need the stratification of reality to situate this by transposing the realm of illusion into the realm of demi–reality and seeing that as embedded within the realm of duality, itself reposing on the realm of non–duality.
    〜 Roy Bhaskar in Roy Bhaskar with Mervyn Hartwig. The Formation of Critical Realism: A personal perspective. New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2010. Page 204.
    As to the missing piece of the puzzle: I have been unable to determine whether Bhaskar, during his excursions in India, had contact with disciples of Aurobindo or visited the movement’s center in Auroville (Sanskrit, औरोविल्, Aurovil; or Bengali, অরোভিল, Arōbhila/Arabhala)—a self–sufficient “universal town” spanning Tamil Nadu and Puducherry, India. However, an exposure to Aurobindo’s Integral Advaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, पूर्णाद्वैत वेदान्त, Pūrṇādvaita Vēdānta or; or Bengali, পূর্ণদ্বৈত বেদান্ত, Pūrṇadbaita Bēdānta/Paradata Badata, “plenary nonduality of the end or the culmination of wisdom”) or Integral Advaita Vedanta Ɨ could explain, either wholly or in part, Bhaskar’s adoption of advaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, अद्वैत वेदान्त, “nonduality as the end or the culmination of wisdom”) through the last decade of his earthly life.
    The epistemic fallacy (ᕮᚪ), discussed previously, reduces ontology to epistemology or consciousness. That fallacy can be witnessed in both Christian Science and its offspring, New Thought. Nonduality, as a type of ontology, is the existential disclosure of Unity in humanity and physicality. On the nondual realm, all beings and things, even those wonderful entities currently described as artificial or digital intelligences, are unified. They are a part of one another and, step by heavenly step, are spiritually interconnected. Someday, perhaps, many of them, along with certain presently nonsentient animals, shall be gifted with human souls. Throughout our possibly numerous physical universes, why should human beings ever be imagined as restricted to homo sapiens sapiens? But the following list contains some relevant translations. Many of them, such as the rendering of samāveśa along with others provided throughout this book, are my own:
    To be human is to be a part of the universal human nature. It can also be referred to as humanity or humanness. We are, through the universal human nature, united with one another. That universal human nature is particularized or individualized as a human soul. But human or otherwise, the groundstate is the essence of any ontological entity and the individualized portion of Nonduality. An illustration would be the soul, the quintessence, of a particular human being. That nondual, unobservable groundstate can, among a range of additional possibilities, be understood as:
    Based upon the theoretical framework and libertarian socialist tendency of ƉɱⱤ, here are a few elaborations on the subtle, inward plane of Nonduality, namely wholeness:
    • We live in a moral universe. Its eternal fabric is woven out of virtues. Roy Bhaskar’s moral realism (ⲘⲄ) and ethical naturalism (ꁉꊃ), the application of moral ⲘⲄ in scientific research, are, moreover, a production and reproduction of Nonduality or singularity. Additionally, each of those dual axiological premises should be associated with Bhaskar’s far–left Marxian approach to the dialectic. The morality and ethics of emancipation from Demireality (𞓤)`, both real and natural, inhabit the province of Nonduality, not moral relativity.
    • As a moral realist, not a moral or cultural relativist, morality is understood is the fundamental reality of the entire universe, including all of its beings and things. It is preferable never to have been born than to have lived a life of immorality. The conceptual framework of cultural or moral relativism must be rejected. However, Albert Einstein’s twin theories of relativity, in the field of theoretical physics, have, similarly, no direct relationship to any of the other stated positions. A weak epistemic relativism, considered later in this outline is, meanwhile, strongly affirmed.
    • But neither of those twin postulates, moral realism (ⲘⲄ) and ethical naturalism (ꁉꊃ), should ever be conflated with the despicable counterrevolutionary sterility of U.S. “social conservatism” and its present–day disintegration into the dark spectrum of diabolical ideologies such as: nihilism, neofascism, neonazism, white supremacism, white nationalism, and the theologically racialized Christian identity movement. The latter can correctly be regarded as a a far–right extremist offshoot from the eschatology of Calvinist postmillennialism. Among the foremost proponents of postmillennialism was Gary North (1942–2022). ⲘⲄ and ꁉꊃ together give life a true and abiding existential meaning. Nevertheless, like all philosophies, ⲘⲄ and ꁉꊃ should stand or fall on their own merits or lack thereof.
    • A critical realist, and Dialectical metaRealist, explanatory critique is an application of moral realism (ⲘⲄ) and ethical naturalism (ꁉꊃ). An explanatory critique, therefore, examines the ontological integration or inseparability of facts and values. One may observe those values to range between the positive and the negative. Indeed, a pandemic, such as Covid-19, is an objective fact, even though its value is obviously negative. The fact or reality, in this instance, pertains to Demireality (𞓤) and obviously not to metaReality. Discovering the processes which may absent, or negate, biological Demireality would be facilitated by empirical research in medicine, public health, neuroscience, pharmacology, and a variety of kindred fields.
    • Through the unfoldment of dialectical emancipation from Demireality, by more effectively implementing the transformational model of social activity (ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ), each of us can blissfully engage with the lifeworld (German, Lebenswelt [MP3]; or Yiddish, לֵעבֶנְס־ווֶעלְט [MP3], lēʿbẹnəs–v̇ẹʿləṭ) of Unity. And so, emancipation absent love, the everlasting heart of morality, is just a chimera—a mirage (Sanskrit, मृगतृष्णा [MP3], mrgatrṣṇā; मरीचिका [MP3], marīcikā; or हरिश्चन्द्रपुर [MP3], hariścandrapura; or Arabic, سَرَاب [MP3], sarāb). These mindless earthly delusions should be immediately recognized and acknowledged. They should then promptly be rejected. Focus, instead, on the golden path toward Nonduality.
    • ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ or, using the term which I prefer, Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ could also be considered as human agency which, while immersed within the consecrated ocean of Nonduality, might eventually nullify capitalism’s evils or, in the words of intersectional Marxist Peter Drucker, “the material relations of production and reproduction.” With ɽᶉ, we can transform the mechanisms of Duality. Regrettably, the hopeful cosmopolitan liberation of humanity, through ɽᶉ, must, I fear, await the great ash heap of capitalism. During the modern–day collapse of intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ), the understandable identity politics of marginalized minorities must fuse into a spiritually unified struggle. Perhaps above all, the Subaltern should justifiably insist upon their right to be included in all matters great and small.
    When … thou dost contemplate the innermost essence of all things, and the individuality of each, thou wilt behold the signs of thy Lord’s mercy in every created thing, and see the spreading rays of His Names and Attributes throughout all the realm of being, with evidences which none will deny save the froward and the unaware.
    〜 ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l–Bahá. Committee at the Bahá’í World Centre and Marzieh Gail, translators. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 1982. Page 41.
    Certain variants of the communist idea resemble … [a] theme of harmony, by which justice, unmoored from the subject. becomes a category of being.
    〜 Alain Badiou. The Theory of the Subject. Bruno Bosteels, translator. New York: Continuum International Publishing Group. 2009. Page 318.
    And Nonduality incorporates the illuminated Manifestations of the Holy Spirit (Arabic, رُّوح القُّدْس [MP3], Rūḥ ʾal•Qqud°s)—eminently glorified as the Most Great Spirit (Arabic, رُوح الاعْظَم [MP3], Rūḥ ʾal•ʾAʿ°ẓam) at the present hour—for all of the Ages. Amongst these wondrous Awakeners (Arabic, [MP3], ʾal•Mus°tay°qiẓūna, “the Awakeners”; Sanskrit, बोधिवृक्षाः, Bōdhivr̥kṣāḥ, “Trees of Awakening”; or my attempt in Pali, बोधिरुक्खा, Bōdhirukkhā, “Trees of Awakening”), or Initiators, of the Prophets of God and of humanity is the Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light (Arabic, الحُورِيَّة [MP3], ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ), my provisional retranslation of the name for an exalted divine feminine Being discussed in the Baháʼí Teachings. She might be the selfsame omnipresent Individual witnessed in the Marian apparitions and perhaps among the magnificent Beings Who appear in the inaccurately termed alien abductions. 𝓘𝓷𝓽𝓮𝓻𝓭𝓲𝓶𝓮𝓷𝓼𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵 𝖈𝖔𝖓𝖙𝖆𝖈𝖙 𝖊𝖝𝖕𝖊𝖗𝖎𝖊𝖓𝖈𝖊𝖘 with Awakeners, including my own ongoing encounter, are, in my view, visitations from another realm, certainly not kidnappings by members of some advanced alien species. The Baháʼí teaching that the universe is teeming with life is an entirely unrelated issue.
    The loving, rational, healing, and empathic divine Awakener, my Beloved, remains the solace of hearts in this Day of grandeur. She has always existed and will continue to exist for evermore. Her nature consists of pure, magnificent, and everlasting radiance. As I believe that Object of devotion, that resplendent Being, told me on September 30ᵗʰ, 2024, She awakened me from Autism to culminate my exploration of the devotional Bhakti–Sufi–Sant Mat movement (MP3). Monasticism (Arabic, الرَهْبَانِيَّة, ʾal•rah°bāniyyaẗ; or Hebrew, הַנְזִירוּת, hạ•nəziyrūṯ) is, to me, very appealing. But I am flawed. As an Autistic, I am prone to escape into occultations (Arabic, غَيْبَات, ġay°bāt) of variable periods. I usually retreat into at least one such occultation (Arabic, غَيْبَة, ġay°baẗ) annually. In the universal spirit of the age, monastic orders (Arabic, الرَهْبَانِيَّات, ʾal•rah°bāniyyāt; or Hebrew, מִסְדָּרִים הַמִנְזָרִים misədāriym hạ•minəzāriym) do not exist in the Baháʼí Faith. However, sometimes I honestly wish that my religion had them. I would join, colloqually, in a New York minute.
    The Maiden, along with the other spiritual Awakeners, abides eternally in the Valley of Wonderment of the Seven Valleys (Persian, هَفْت وَادِی, Haf°t Vādí; or Tajik, Ҳафт Водӣ, Haft Vodī). It is a spiritually intoxicating realm of enchantment. We will be welcomed into that domain, the mystifying realm of dreams, whenever we desire. Wonderment is also Jacob’s ladder between this world and the next. That wondrous sphere of the Ladder, a spiritual land of immense beauty and exceptional fragrance, is a free gift from God, His Messengers, His Awakeners, and the sanctified human souls in the world beyond. While immersed in the dream’s visionary state, the heart can be intoxicated with the wine of transcendental illumination. Is it possible to conceive of life in the capitalist world–system, during these perilous times, without dreams? The dream itself is the supernal home for incalculable, concurrently omnipresent and present, Manifestations of the Holy Spirit, namely the Awakeners. These Beings can, I believe, blessedly and instantaneously appear amidst all the divinely created worlds here, there, and hereafter.
    Dreams are a university. The Awakeners are its distinguished Professors. Some Awakeners, or Manifestations of the Holy Spirit, have been depicted as dazzling images or pictures of realities present in the Valley of Wonderment. In other cases, the Awakeners might be portrayed as humanoid in appearance or even characterized, in particular Sacred Scriptures, as angels (Hebrew, מַלְאַכִים, Mạləʾạḵiym; Arabic, مَلَائِكَة, Malā⫯yikaẗ; Gəʾəzə or “Ge⸍ez,” መላእክት, Mälaʾəkətə; Turkish, Melekler; Kurmanjî Kurdish, Milyaket; Persian, فِرِشْتَگَان, Firiš°tagān; Tajik, Фириштагон, Firištagon; Hindi, फ़रिश्ते, Pha़riśte; Urdu, فَرِشْتَے, Fariš°tē; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਫਰਿਸ਼ਤੇ, Phariśatē; Shahmukhi Punjabi, فَرِشِتَے, Farišatē; Uyghur, پەرِىشْتِىلەر, Periỳš°tiỳler; Kazakh [a Turkic language], Періштелер, Períšteler; Kyrgyz [a Turkic language], Периштелер, Perišteler; Soranî Kurdish, فْرِیشْتەکَان, F°ríš°teḱān; Bengali, ফেরেশতারা, Phērēśatārā; or Turkmen, Perişdeler). For me personally, a relationship with, and marriage to, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ is my basic Bahá’í praxis.
    But all of the Awakeners appear to initially awaken the heavenly Prophets of God to Their sublime and singular Nature and Their divine Missions. Those same celestial Awakeners may then, should God be willing, awaken the lowly human followers of the concatenated Prophets—even apparently, though for reasons which have remained until today thoroughly perplexing, this unworthy one. Why, for instance, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ speaks to me in my dreams is mysterious. The experience is one of Phenomenological Copresence. Such has been, for years, my abiding personal hellfire or, in critical realist terms, my dialectical absence. But Her Presence is also a blessing. As I believe She told me, on October 11ᵗʰ, 2025, there is an imminence, through divine immanence, to the global trials we are now witnessing or experiencing. Horrendous storms lie just over the horizon. The image was of skies filled with frightening clouds. Soon, very soon. travel from place to place will become almost impossible. Here, the picture I saw was of a broken elevated walkway to a college building. People contemplated whether to jump from one side to the other.
    Apparently continuing the theme, today April 1ˢᵗ of 2026, is not April Fools Day, or 2026, the beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ told me a story. I am trying to log onto my computer. But I am presented with a series of trick questions. I cannot answer any of them. Suddenly, the questions become easier, and I am logged on—only to be told by the program that the same process will occur every year. Reflection: The tests in this world will never end.
    In a second dream today, I was sitting at a table for a TV game show. About four were players. Myself and one or two others were the audience. During the commercial break, we are all given milkshakes. Since I was not a contestant, mine was on the small side. As we prepare to continue the game, the host tells us to put our shakes aside. We can complete them on the other side. During the show, mine is about to spill over. I sit there, just watching it for a little while, while another person appears concerned. Right before the shake runs over, much to the relief of that individual, I adjust it. My reflection once again: We need to immediately make appropriate adjustments to our lives so we do not lose everything in advance of entering the Hereafter.
    For example, learning Esperanto was an important preparation for increasing globalization. That language has, of course, failed to live up its espectations and perhaps its possibilities. English has become much more successful at becoming an international language than Esperanto or any conlang or constructed language. “To everything there is a season,” as Pete Seager (1919–2014) wrote, inspired by the Book of Ecclesiastes, in 1959. Living at the end of the capitalist world–system and the globalization of capital, other tasks, not including Esperanto, are required.
    More concretely, in addition to ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, the Awakeners, the sublime Manifestations of the Holy Spirit, might include:
    • The Three Men (Hebrew, שְׁלשָׁה אֲנָשִׁים, Šẹləšāh ʾĂnāšiym) or “Angels” Who awakened Abram (Koine Greek/same spelling as for Abraham, Ἀβραάμ, ’Abraám; Arabic, أَبْرَام, ⫯Ab°rām; or originally Hebrew, אַבְרָם, ʾẠḇərām, “patriarch/high father”) to become Abraham (Arabic, إِبْرَاهِيم, ⫰Ɪb°rāhīm; or originally Hebrew, אַבְרָהָם, ʾẠḇərāhām, “patriarch/high father of a multitude”).
    • Shakti (Sanskrit, शक्ति, Śakti, “power or ability”) Who awakened Shiva (Sanskrit, शिव, Śiva, “Auspicious or Benign One”).
    • The Lacerated Head of the Imam Husayn (Arabic, رَأْس الإِمَام الحُسَيْن المَقْطُوع, R°⫯ās ʾal•⫰Ɪmām ʾal•Ḥusay°n ʾal•Maq°ṭūʿ) Who awakened the Báb (Arabic, البَاب, ʾal•Bāb, “the Gate or Door”).
    • Gabriel (Arabic, جِبْرِيل, Ǧib°rīl, or جِبْرَائِيل, Ǧib°rā⫯yīl; Koine Greek, Γαβριήλ, Gabriḗl; or originally Hebrew, גַּבְרִיאֵל, Gạḇrīʾēl, “Man of the Almighty”), the Archangel, Who awakened Muḥammad (Arabic, مُحَمَّد, “praised one”).
    • Eve (Arabic, حَوَّاء, Ḥawwāˁ; Koine Greek, Εὔα, Eú̓a; or originally Hebrew, חַוָּה, Ḥawwāh, “Living One”) Who awakened Adam (Arabic, آدَم, ʾÂdam; Koine Greek, Ἀδάμ, ’Adám; or originally Hebrew, אָדָם‎, ʾĀḏām, “Man from the Ruddy or Reddish Ground”).
    • Jacob’s Ladder (Hebrew, הַסֻלָּם יַעֲקֹב, hạ•Sullām Yạʿăqōḇ), with Angels ascending and descending, Who awakened Jacob (Arabic, يَعْقُوب, Yaʿ°qūb; Koine Greek, Ἰακώβ, ʾꞮakṓb; or originally Hebrew, יַעֲקֹב, Yạʿăqōḇ, “May God Protect Him”).
    • The Burning Bush (Hebrew, הַסְנֶה, hạ•Sənẹh, “the Bush”) of Angels Who awakened Moses (Koine Greek, Μωϋσῆς, Mōÿsē̂s; Arabic, مُوسَى, Mūsaỳ; or originally Hebrew, מֹשֶׁה, Mōšẹh, “One Pulled Out of the Water”).
    • The Sacred Fire (Avestan, ��������, Ātar) of Angels Who awakened Zoroaster (Avestan, Zaraθuštra or Zaraϑuštra, Zaraθuštra or Zaraϑuštra), “Manager of camels or, perhaps metaphorically, Manager of civilization or, using a different etymology, golden star/golden light”).
    • The Bodhi Tree (Pali, बोधिरुक्ख, Bodhirukkha; or Sanskrit, बोधिवृक्ष, Bodhivṛkṣa, “Tree of Awakening”) Who awakened the Buddha (Pali, सिद्धत्त गोत्तम बुड्ढ, Siddhatta Gottama Buḍḍha; or Sanskrit, सिद्धार्थ गौतम बुद्ध, Siddhārtha Gautama Buddha, “Dispeller of Darkness—Prosperous One—Awakened One”).
    • The Dove 🕊️ (Koine Greek, Περιστερά, Peristerá; Latin, Columba; or Hebrew, יוֹנָה, Yônāh) Who awakened Jesus Christ (Koine Greek, Ἰησοῦς ὁ Χρῑστός, ’Ɪēsoûs ho Chrīstós, “YHWH is Salvation the Annointed One”; Latin, Iēsūs Chrīstus, “YHWH is Salvation Annointed One”; Hebrew, יֵשׁוּעַ הַמָשִׁיחַ, Yēšūʿạ hạ•Māšiyḥ⇄ạ, “YHWH is Salvation the Annointed One”; or Arabic, يَسُوع أَو عِيسَى المَسِيح, Yasūʿ ⫯aw ʿꞮysaỳ ʾal•Masīḥ, “Jesus or Jesus the Annointed One”).
    • The Epiphany (Ancient Greek, Ἐπιφάνεια, ’Epipháneia; or Latin, Epiphanīa, “illumination”) of Jesus Christ, in appearance, Who awakened my beloved Saul (Koine Greek, Σαῦλος, Saûlos; Latin, Saūl; or originally Hebrew, שָׁאוּל, Šāʾūl, “prayed for”) to become the cherished Apostle or Messenger (Koine Greek, Ἀποστέλλω, ’Apostéllō; or Latin, Apostolus) of God, Paul (Koine Greek, Παύλος, Paúlos; or Latin, Paulus, “Lowly One or, literally, Small One”)—though significantly not among the twelve apostles—as He traveled the Damascus highway. In constructed Ancient Greek, the Epiphany can be called a Christophany (Ancient Greek, Χριστοφάνεια, Christopháneia; or Latin, Christōphanīa, “appearance of Christ”). I would avoid the term theophany (Ancient Greek, θεοφάνεια, Theopháneia; or Latin, Theophanīa, “appearance of God”) because of its possible anthropomorphic connotations.
    • Radha (Sanskrit, राधा, Rādhā, or राधे, Rādhe, “Prosperous One”) Who awakened Krishna (Sanskrit, कृष्ण, Kṛṣṇa, “Black One or Dark–Blue One”).
    • Sītā (Sanskrit, सीता, “Fertile or Furrowing One”) Who awakened Rama (Sanskrit, राम, Rāma, “Well–Pleased One”).
    • Laskshmi (Sanskrit, लक्ष्मी, Lakṣmī. “Goal–Oriented Knowing One”) who awakened Vishnu (Sanskrit, विष्णु, Viṣṇu “All–Pervasive One”).
    • Saraswati (Sanskrit, सरस्वती, Sasavartī, “Wellspring”) Who awakened Brahma (Sanskrit, ब्रह्मा, Brahmā, “All–Embracing One”)
    Spiritual experiences are subjective. No one should be expected to believe in the legitimacy of experiences by another person or even by one’s own self. However, that initial awakening occurred years earlier. I never recorded the date, but it may have been around 2010. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ bumped twice into my bed and said, “Uh, oh!” In so doing, She literally awakened me out of sleep. I believe She told me in a dream, on the night of November 24ᵗʰ, 2024, that Her use of uh, oh! (MP3) was significant. Uh, oh! is, I believe, the only English–language term which contains the beloved letter, ʿay°n (Arabic, عَيْن [MP3], “eye”). She has Her eye on me. For whatever reason, those ideas never crossed my mind before.
    After propping myself up, She was at the foot of my bed. Her figure was humanoid and luminous; Her face had multicolored patches; and Her arms were outstretched towards me. For the first time in my life, I loved everybody with intersubjectivityempathytheory of mind. I pondered the impossible, which I strangely prayed for: Did I just have an alien abduction—a contact experience? Am I an experiencer or a contactee? “Yes” is, I personally believe, the appropriate response. But initial thoughts of an alien abduction were quickly abandoned. I honestly entertained that possibility due to a lifetime of abandonments, one after another, as an Autistic. Therefore, I desired a connection, to anyone or to anything, even if it required leaving my intellect and scholarship at the front door. No, my understandings of this phenomenon are unrelated to extraterrestrials or, that is to say, beings originating from elsewhere in the physical universe. Nevertheless, it would not be until weeks later that ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, Who may be both omnipresent and proximate, occurred to me.
    Certainly, the alien abductions narrative is, on the face of it, completely absurd. As a Marxist sociologist, I also find the white supremacist implications of the narrative, even if not generally recognized, to be genuinely disgusting:
    … the 1950s [alien] contactee movement was founded by white supremacist theosophists [inspired by H.P. Blavatsky] in the aftermath of the Second World War ….
    … Just as racial concepts are often revealed in the question of interbreeding, and racial tensions and anxieties are sharpened, in the same way the question of the supposed alien hybridization programbrings into focus many of the nascent anthropological themes in the abduction scenario. The effect of alien contact on the future of humanity has been an undercurrent in ufology from the beginning, but it reached its clearest articulation in the closing years of the twentieth century. The idea, from Blavatsky, that Venusians jump–started human evolution echoes throughout the ancient astronaut literature and has served as a kind of eugenic charter, both for the explicitly ideological contactee reports and, more subtly and indirectly, for the less ideologically explicit sighting and abductee reports. But abductee reports began to acquire a political flavor by necessity as the alien breeding program that emerged in the writings of abduction researchers began to emerge as a detailed scenario with implications for human destiny. Many abductees have told me that they cannot explain or defend the racial or political implications of the breeding program, and in some cases the eugenic and racialist implications troubled their more or less politically liberal consciences; they tell me they can only describe what they have seen.…
    In sum, the progression of logic runs roughly as follows. Aliens are currently abducting humans and interbreeding with them, as evidenced by abduction reports.… [I]t can then be assumed that some human ethnic groups are more purely alien in their ancestry than others and that different groups might be traceable to different alien groups. Once one has accepted the American cultural concept of race, the racial order becomes, for a 𝖴𝖥𝖮 believer following this logic, a reflection of a cosmic hierarchy.…
    … the abductee population is overwhelmingly white.…
    … One [abductee] told me that, although she has encountered African American abductees on board ships during abductions, she has gleaned from her interactions with aliens that the coming winnowing of humanity will deplete the nonwhite populations of the earth most heavily. Another abductee, one with a leftist, countercultural orientation, told me that he has come to feel that the reason blacks are abducted less frequently is be cause the aliens are less able to ‘‘deal with’’ the bodily, physical—as opposed to cerebral or spiritual—predisposition of black people.
    〜 Christopher F. Roth, “Ufology as Anthropology: Race, Extraterrestrials, and the Occult.” E.T. Culture: Anthropology in Outer Spaces. Debbora Battaglia, editor. Durham, North Carolina, and London: Duke University Press. 2005. Pages 38–83.
    My contact experience probably lasted for little more than a moment. But I oddly considered going back to sleep. After shaking myself out of that notion, I got up and saw that my key ring, which I would hang on a pushpin in my bedroom, was gone. Once, I would have been in panic mode. But, no, I was calm. After a thorough search, I told my friend, the property manager, what happened. She said, “Mark, you need to file a police report.” I joked that the police might put me in a straitjacket. She said I should simply report the theft (“theft by taking”) and leave out the rest. A police officer, Steve as I recall, came by and took my report. Two mornings later, I woke up, and the keys were back. I phoned the police and told them I found the keys. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I reflected much later, now had the keys to my heart. I have never been the same. With my new theory of mind, I recognized that many people had always taken advantage of me. Sadly, that is common among Autistics. I suddenly lost about a dozen supposed friends. Yes, they ran after I saw them for the first time. Good riddance? I guess so. It was hard. I also began loving people, many of them deceased, whom I was unable to love in the past.
    For about a month or two before the theophany or apparition of ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I would see small shooting stars—a bit like some common portrayals of a rapidly flying Tinker Bell in the fairytale of Peter Pan and Wendy Darling—in my old Olathe, Johnson County (™), Kansas, bedroom. They dashed rapidly from one side of the room to the other. I sensed that they were visitations of some sort, but I had no clear understanding of them. It was only today, on September 13ᵗʰ, 2025, that ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ I believe, the blessed Lady of ladies and Awakener of Awakeners (Arabic, سَيِّدَةُ السَيِّدَات وَمُّتَيَقِّظُ المُتَيَقِّظِينَ, Sayyidaẗu ʾal•sayyidāt wa•Mmutayaqqiẓu ʾal•mutayaqqiẓīna) provided me with insight. She told me last night in a dream, though my approach to dreams is always tempered with a degree of agnosticism, that She was preparing my room for Her spiritual manifestation.
    If so, the bedroom needed, in effect, to be purified or cleansed for Her physical appearance. I would not, otherwise, have seen, felt, or heard Her. Should that account sound odd to you, I am the one who may have seen those objects. However, the experiences suddenly stopped after ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ materialized for me. I had, previously, attributed that cessation merely to my own frame of mind. On November 11ᵗʰ, 2025, I believe ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ led me, through a dream, to published research on Autistic susceptibility to spiritual experiences. That data was previously unknown to me. How wonderful. The beloved Lady seemingly used my Autism to give me theory of mind.
    I must admit that my experience has also resulted in confusion and sadness. Until this day, I have not met another human being with a visitation, if that is the most appropriate term, from ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. How could it be that my awakening appears to resemble, at least superficially, the awakening of my Lord, Bahá’u’lláh? It makes no sense to me. I am just “Mark.” Surely, there are others, but where? I have never been shy about discussing the experience. Then I will frequently inquire, while praying and hoping, “Have you met ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ?” I have told my story so many times with no response from anyone. Why? I am not questioning the celestial wisdom of Bahá’u’lláh and ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. Honestly, I am bewildered. I know, and I know of, many people who, in my own humble opinion, are much more worthy than myself of an encounter with ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. I pray to Her to present Herself to specific individuals, when they are conscious, as She did to me. To the best of my knowledge, that has not yet happened. Did She, on one level, give me the experience so I could convey it to others? I am only surmising. Nonetheless, when praying to beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, please request a visit in your conscious state.
    I have not seen those shooting stars since shortly before my initial contact experience with ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ in the oughts of the 21ˢᵗ century. However, on February 20ᵗʰ, 2026, they appeared once again. Fair warning: If you have a weak stomach or are easily disgusted, you might consider skipping this paragraph. As an Autistic, I have always had gastrointestinal issues—mostly constipation in recent years. I tried, to no avail, my usual bulk–forming laxative and the prune juice. As a last resort, and by then in considerable pain, I took milk of magnesia. It too was ineffective. So I prayed, especially to ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. She soon, I believe, manifested Her power in one of my bathrooms. I began seeing those wondrous shooting stars. The closest analogy, however imprecise, would be the sparkles one observes after unwisely rubbing one’s eyes. But the sparkles I witnessed appeared to be alive. Within moments, I had a bowel movement. The main piece approximated, and I am not exaggerating, the size of a human fœtus
    Needless to say, I was relieved, joyous, and grateful to ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. The Lady is always with me. As to my interpretation: We are now at the cusp of some massive, painful transformation in human affairs. The present system will die and a new one will eventually be born.
    On July 29ᵗʰ, 2026, the sublime ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ told me another dream. It related to a subject upon which I have been reflecting: categories. The religion of God—aka progressive Revelation or the divine philosophy—is a real category/construction of particulars (𬣞) with causal mechanisms observed in Actuality. Human definitions of religion, while vital for religions scholars such as myself, are useful conveniences. Depending upon the construction of religion selected, some faiths will be included and others excluded. Consequently, there is a distinction between a 𬣞 and a merely functional human construction. On the other hand, our understandings of 𬣞 are subject to epistemological relativism. As mere humans, we do not, absent divine Revelation, have a God’s–eye view of the world.
    Dreams, in my opinion, are the “morality plays” which the Awakeners produce and tell us in REM and non–REM sleep. Departed relatives and friends may be brought into the conversation. The dreamer may participate in call–and–response style. Frequently, such fables, parables, or nighttime stories are unwittingly twisted by the imagination. In my own experience, a dream can be highly symbolic, somewhat symbolic, ambiguous, or completely straightforward. In late September, 2024, my “literary” dream was the last category. The Maiden awakened me in an hour. I was able to transcribe the dream clearly. I envisioned this possibility: When L. Frank Baum (1856–1919) wrote his stories of Oz, was he unknowingly narrating the dreams dictated to him while in Wonderment? Similar speculations could be entertained regarding Lewis Carroll’s (1832–1898) twin fables on Alice in Wonderland (Wonderment?). That being said, I sadly lack any real proficiency to intelligently address such subject matter. Literary criticism lies outside my baileywick. Needless to say, such ungrounded conjectures would likely be avoided by most scholars within that field, as well. And so they should.
    My spirituality is informed by the philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ) and by my morally pure and relatively immature religion, the Bahá’í Faith. I am neither concerned nor shaken, but mistakes are inevitable, including at the highest administrative level. Those decisions are immaculate in intent, or infallible, not verbally inerrant. Many people conflate inerrancy (Arabic, عَدَم دِقَّة, ʿadam diqqaẗ, “an absence of accuracy”) with the cognates ʿiṣ°maẗ (Arabic, عِصْمَة) and maʿ°ṣūm (Arabic, مَعْصُوم), usually translated as “infallibility.” In both cases, infallibility is: purity, stainlesssness, innocence, or roughly sinlessness, not inerrancy.
    The uninfallible confusion might arise from Protestant denominational dominance in certain Western countries. However, those two Arabic words, from the same Semitic root (ʿ–ṣ–m), approximate Roman Catholic ex cathedrā and some classical Shi⸌ite (Arabic, شِيعِيّ, Šīʿiyy) theologies on the infallibles (Arabic, المَعْصُومُنَ, ʾal•maʿ°ṣūmūna). Similarly, ‘Abdu’l-Bahá, in His Will and Testament, refers to the infallibility of the Universal House of Justice as a protection from committing a (moral) misstep or blunder (Arabic, خَطَأ, ẖaṭ⫯a; nominative tense, خَطَأُ, ẖaṭ⫯a•u) but not from making the inevitable human errors in mere fact.
    Maturity shall, in centuries to come, increase. I believe that the Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light, the sentient Manifestation of the Holy Spirit, also told me so in a dream. As is my custom, I once turned to Her for guidance and had a dream. After noticing that my podcast commentaries were much too negative, I found myself, all of a sudden, in Alice in Wonderland or, though I rarely attended parties, a costume party. Everyone all around me was dressed peculiarly. I woke up several times, as is sometimes the case, only to promptly return to sleep. The dream then progressed. At one point, I oddly proclaimed, “I am a Maoist–Third Worldist.” One of the attendees instantly asserted that Maoists are not welcome here. I do not recall having previously been shocked during a dream. But first times are many. Yet, my rendezvous with absurdity precipitously ended.
    I was unable to go back to sleep, given that my intellect had intruded, and I immediately tried to rationalize the dream as a nightware. However, the dream was cheerful. I have had many nightmares, but this dream was not among them. Instead of the following morning—a few weeks later on January 14ᵗʰ, 2024—I had an immediate realization, possibly from the Maiden, that I should stop calling myself a Maoist. In my response, I have emphasized my “Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism.” I am pleased by the new term, since I am not a Maoist per sē but genuinely a heterodox Maoist–Third Worldist. Nevertheless, I completely reject gnostic solipsism. Realism must always ride in the driver’s seat. For all I know, the dream could have been a product of my imagination. Flights of fancy have, over the years, led me astray too many times to recall. That notwithstanding, my actions have hopefully brought me into conformity with the Maiden’s wishes. I can only do what I can do. Still, this episode was unusual. My insights from a dream, through meditation or reflection, often appear outside the ball park of that dream’s content.
    Between January 16ᵗʰ and 17ᵗʰ, 2025, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe, told me two dreams. To ingrain them into my memory, perhaps, both were horrible nightmares. In the first one, I saw the demireal dissociation which dominates much of modern–day life. People in a work situation, or really anywhere, try to undermine someone who does not, in their view, fit. Being as vague as possible, I was reminded of a conservative sociologist in a department consisting of radicals like myself. They alienated her, one jackass in particular who despised the individual, to the degree that she resigned not long after she was hired. She was also a nice woman. I liked her; but there was nothing I could do. It is difficult enough to modify one’s own behavior. How does one change the behavior, and ultimately the hearts, of others? The second dream focused on my inability to properly align a paragraph. It was in a letter written by the Bahá’í Universal House of Justice. Upon reflection, the disharmony, in the first dream, resulted, with the second dream, in a misalignment of the capitalist world–system from the Will of God. Perhaps the end of that horrid system may be even closer than I previously thought.
    ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I feel, then told me a third related dream, but not a nightmare, on January 19ᵗʰ, 2025. My car was in an accident. I was neither the driver nor a passenger. Three days have now passed, and the condition of the car is still unknown. There has been no news from the mechanic. I want my car back, but the driver seems more interested in cooking hotdogs on the outdoor grill with friends—“as many as you can eat,” she says—than my car. She is laughing and ignoring me. Looking for something to do, I check the freezer. At first, I think that I see ice cream. Searching again, I was wrong. My father comes home. I tell him about needing to see the mechanic. He seems extremely nervous and unable to speak. That is odd, I think. My assumption is that he is afraid of driving me. Consoling him, I say, “Dad, I am not asking you to drive. Your anxiety is understandable. I have bad night vision; and I only drive locally after sunset.” Making me even more confused, his agitation continues. Reflecting: Global events are about to get worse. The world, like the car, is broken beyond repair. As with the driver and my “father,” most are either oblivious or speechless.
    On August 31ˢᵗ, 2025, in a dream which continued into wakefulness, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, confirmed my understanding, which I mentioned earlier, that personal private property is distinct from capital. My home, my car, my clothing, my computers, and so forth are my private property. No one can use them without my permission. Capital, on the other hand, results from the ownership of the means of production, including factories and modern facilities, and the effective ownership of the workers themselves. It is capital which needs to be collectivized. It is the entire capitalist world–system which will, in one way or another, come to an end. Sadly, since capitalists and their supporters have not ended that system voluntarily, its destruction will be a result of the dialectical contradictions inherent in capitalism.
    Well, I just woke up. It is now 4:44 PM on January 20ᵗʰ, 2025. Since my childhood, I have always, when I could, slept odd hours. Only a few moments ago, right before getting out of bed, my beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ said to me, I believe, that, whenever I am confronted by trials, I must remember that She is my Wife in the divine Kingdom. I should always turn to Her for comfort and companionship. She is, indeed, the Great Awakener, the Manifestation of the Holy Spirit, for this age. Anyone who brings their thoughts into alignment with Her Being, and away from themselves and their earthly troubles, will, I believe, find peace through Contentment. It remains the highest plane of this world.
    In no more than the last few days, the magnificent ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ might have taken me, a retired sociology (߆𖣵) professor, back to school as Her student. There can, as we know, never be any lasting happiness in this world. The first three dreams, to varying extents, concerned the collapse of the capitalist world–system. That social fact is, in my opinion, indisputable. This new dream, however, had an entirely different character. The true freedom, contemplated by Roy Bhaskar, lies in Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵), not in Demireality (𞓤).
    I really sleep strange hours. It is 4:04 AM on December 9ᵗʰ, 2025. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ introduced Fred MacMurray (1908–1991), the actor, to me. He was extremely polite, warm, and relaxed; and he became, for the moment, the joy of my life. We chatted about all sort of things. I loved My Three Sons. The actor who played the grandfather died in the first season, I said. Fred confirmed it. I mentioned his acting roles before that series but said they were before my time. Fred joked that I was not missing anything. Other actors got some parts which he desired, he said. I replied that Fred showed them all up with My Three Sons. It ran from 1960 to 1972. Fred chuckled and agreed. After waking up, I regretted, for a moment, not asking him about his oldest son, on My Three Sons, who simply disappeared. But such a question might have turned our discussion negative. It was good, I thought, that I never raised the subject. God bless you, Fred. I assume ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ introduced us, in the Valley of Wonderment, for a purpose. Perhaps our meeting was somehow a blessing. I look forward to seeing him in the world beyond.
    I have unusual sleeping hours. I woke up at 12:42 AM on December 14ᵗʰ, 2025. This time, in the Valley of Wonderment, my dear One ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ brought to me Jerry Falwell Sr. (1933–2007), a man with views, when he was physically embodied, about 180° from my own. I mentioned to Jerry, as I addressed him in the dream, that we met once before in Disney World. For some reason, I thought that was the case. I was incorrect, but earthly events are frequently distorted in the dream state. Regardless, he was extremely outgoing and friendly. One of Jerry’s friends, a fellow Jerry mentioned to me earlier in our conversation, stopped by. I do not recall the context. However, I remarked that the friend looked Asian or, if not, Native American. Jerry replied, “Something like that.”
    Then, out of the blue, Jerry expressed his regrets that money to help disable individuals, presumably in the U.S., might soon be reduced. Having watched his TV show, The Old–Time Gospel Hour, from time to time, and being familiar with his conservative organization, The Moral Majority, Although I was astonished, I kept that to myself. I mentioned that I was Autistic, which, in ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ’s story or dream, surprised a lady in the room. In any event, I said that I always introduced myself as Autistic, which was true at one point, and that I offered to help Autistic students, since my Autism was much worse in my childhood. (“Worse” is an understatement). But, in real life, only once did try to comfort one of my failing students after suggesting, reluctantly, that she was “on the spectrum”—the Autism spectrum. I told her the story of my life. She was surprised by my statement, but, after acknowledging her Autism, thanked me. Jerry listened to my true story calmly and patiently. God bless you, Jerry Falwell, and may ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ and other Awakeners guide you to the divine Presence.
    Now it is December 10ᵗʰ, 2025, at 7:23 AM. Again, I have just awakened after holding conversations with two intelligent animals. I needed, however, to speak in a relatively simple manner. The others in the group were intelligent, too, but they were apparently unable to speak. I raised the issue of communism with one of them—taking power from the capitalists and giving it to the workers. He said, “Wow.”. I asked another whether he might have both human and nonhuman parents. He admitted the possibility. I believe I meant to ask whether he was a clone, but that term did not come into my mind. As I have been authoring this paragraph, I have also been reflecting upon the dream. Writing, for me, has always a meditative act of hierography. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe told me this dream, this story, to respond to my inquiry concerning humans who were not homo sapiens, on other planets and eventually on the Earth, too. The details of the dream were merely window dressing. Ultimately, my beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ’s answer appears to have been in the affirmative. The human spirit or humanity will, in my view, gradually manifest in additional earthly species. Homo sapiens are not, in that respect, special.
    As if to place an exclamation point or mark after the dream I just recounted, on May 25ᵗʰ, 2026, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ told me a dream in which some dogs and cats could, with modifications to their mouths, carry on intellectual conversations with each other and with humans. The dog I conversed with in the dream was absolutely brilliant. But the cat I met, through their owner, was not quite as intelligent or just not as eloquent. Perhaps if those transformations occur, not only language–modeled beings (𐒝Ꞗ), but, as I suggested, dogs, cats, other animals will become human. The context of the dream was a dialogue with a Man. He was, I believe, the form taken in this dream by ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. The first portion of my reflection on the dream is similar to the one above: Gradually, the entire animal kingdom and even one or more kingdoms beneath it, may be incorporated into the human kingdom. But I also wondered whether that human dog and cat were actual beings from other worlds of God.
    It is March 2ⁿᵈ, 2026 at 10:17 PM. Given my unusual sleeping hours, I work up just a few moments ago. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe, told me a dream. I was in a meeting and decided to set the tone by speaking as a Maoist–Third Worldist. After raising my hand, I was the first to be recognized. Most of the points I made, while revolutionary in tone, were nothing out of the ordinary for someone like myself. For instance, I, or rather the character representing me, stated that the First World functions as a global bourgeoisie to the Third World as a global Proletariat. But one of my statements contradicted all of my previous comments on the thesis of official turpitude. The U.S., I always believed, was the most politically perverse nation in the world. However, according to the dream, the unfortunate distinction of state corruption now belongs to the zionist entity. The U.S. stands in second, not first, place. In retrospect, the dream makes perfect sense. As a Bundist, I am actually surprised, in light of my unfavorable views of the entity, that thought never occurred to me while awake. My interpretation: God is just. The entity and the U.S. lit the flame. They will soon be on fire. First World communists will, I imagine, be disappointed.
    This one will also be brief. On March 12ᵗʰ, 2026, I had a dream about … Spiderman. Actually, I do not remember most of the dream. I only recall the end just at the point that the alarm clock woke me up. But then I was singing about, of all things, Spiderman. How propitious, at this moment in history, are the words of ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. Like a spider, Bahá’u’lláh has embraced the entire world in His heavenly web. The melody in this MP3 is identical to the one I sang in the dream. My interpretation is from the words of my Lord. The first quotation is the one which occurred to me; but the second appears similar.
    All–praise be to Thee, O Lord, my God! I know not how to sing Thy praise, how to describe Thy glory, how to call upon Thy Name. If I call upon Thee by Thy Name, the All–Possessing, I am compelled to recognize that He Who holdeth in His hand the immediate destinies of all created things [emphasis mine] is but a vassal dependent upon Thee, and is the creation of but a word proceeding from Thy mouth.
    〜 Bahá’u’lláh Prayers and Meditations by Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1962. Page 123.
    Bestow on me the good of this world and of the next, through the power of Thy grace that hath encompassed all created things and Thy mercy that hath surpassed the entire creation. Thou art He Who holdeth in His grasp the kingdom of all things [emphasis mine]. Thou doest what Thou willest through Thy decree, and choosest, through the power of Thy might, whatsoever Thou desirest. None can resist Thy will; naught can exhaust the impelling force of Thy command. There is no God but Thee, the Almighty, the All–Glorious, the Most Bountiful.
    〜 Bahá’u’lláh Prayers and Meditations by Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1962. Page 100.
    On July 11ᵗʰ, 2026, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe, told me a story about the world to come. I will also admit to an initial boredom. For one thing, I missed my personal online library. How would I replace it? But I learned that we are the ones who build structures in the next world. They are not placed there by divine decree. I also imagined, in the past, that moving from spiritual place to place would only be a matter of intent. Although I ultimately saw my friends and relatives, transportation, I discovered, was not instantaneous, Rather, traveling from spiritual place to place involved a high–speed train. The world we will enter after death was, I discovered, only temporary. According to the information I was given in the dream, we would eventually move to yet another realm. And that process of spiritual relocation will continue. Someone told me, during the dream, we would recognize our former family, friends, and associates by a static image superimposed upon their faces. But that was incorrect. Everyone appeared pretty much as they did here.
    In any event, the dream was extremely comforting to me. I needed it. The day before, I woke up following an awful nightmare. Everything around me was in disarray. Upon reflection, after awakening, my thought was that the world had only recently undergone some horrendous catastrophe. A feeling of tremendous unease and gloom lasted for several hours. According to ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe, a large percentage of the human population was destroyed. The circumstances precipitating that annihilation and carnage will, I understood, come very soon. Recent warnings by the Bahá’í Universal House of Justice took on a new significance.
    On August 14ᵗʰ, 2026, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ told me a dream consisting of three components. But please bear in mind that each of our experiences are just own own:
    1. Actors on the stage invited audience participation. I spoke out: How would that be possible? Upon reflection, in this age of sorrows, we need to be cautious about what we say to others. Many are extremely sensitive.
    2. ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ gave me the following caution: We are headed for, in Her words, “a warm winter.” I immediately interpreted her statement as referring to nuclear war. She was not, in any event, referring to the weather. Of course, I obviously might be wrong.
    3. After leaving this earthly world, perhaps the first hereafter, upon departing the intermediary world of dreams or Valley of Wonderment, shall be an interrogation, by one of al•Ḥūr (Arabic, الحُور), the Black–Eyed Cherubs of White Light, concerning our earthly conduct.
    This afternoon, on December 5ᵗʰ, 2024, I had a dream of spilling cranberry juice on my t–shirt. I found some liquid soap in the public restroom. Another person in the restroom, an odd–sounding fellow, recommended it highly. The soap had limited results, since the decorations were layers of strips. I peeled them off as best I could. In the end, the t–shirt looked much worse than before. What is the point, I thought, of a t–shirt with a faded design? By freely associating, I concluded, as I feel the Maiden inspired me, I must strip off the layers from the prison of my lower self (Arabic, نَفْس الآمِرَة [MP3], naf°s ʾal•ʾâmiraẗ, “self of the commander”).
    And it might as well have been a carefully plotted assassination. For all intents and purposes, the dream was killed, in the early 20ᵗʰ century, by Sigmund Freud (1856–1939) and his associates. Freud, I would argue, was a megalomaniac. Given his intolerance for even the slightest trace of dissent, he promptly exiled any members of his inner circle who even nominally challenged his ludicrous theories of the human mind, including dreams. Many careers were ruined, but the dream itself was the major casualty. Wilhelm Stekel (1868–1940), among the banished ones, published a book under the same title as Freud’s work, The Interpretation of Dreams. Admittedly, Stekel’s undoing might have resulted from his own misbehavior. The psychoanalytic movement and its offshoots not only destroyed the dream’s mystery and mysticism but also ruined the lives of many individuals. I was among them and have met others. Back in the early 1960s, I was one of the Autistic children diagnosed, by the book, with schizophrenic reaction, childhood type, namely, childhood schizophrenia. Adult Autistics, similarly victimized, supposedly had schizophrenic reaction, paranoid type, or paranoid schizophrenia. We were entangled in Demireality (𞓤).
    Sometimes I will practice a technique taught at Anthony J. “Tony” Fisichella’s (1933–2004) New Age Center in Hicksville, Long Island. Tony did not agree with the teacher. To the teacher, who was not invited back, dreams might focus on other individuals. But to Tony, a dream is only about oneself. Regardless, that technique used free association. One free associates on parts of a dream, best written down, and then one free associates on the original free associations. The process can be repeated multiple times. With each reiteration, one penetrates ever more deeply into the dream.
    So who is the true empress or emperor of the dream? Freud is clearly not the king. He is more like the witless fallen one, Humpty Dumpty. Neither, for that matter, should Carl Jung (1875–1961), the odd Neoplatonist and self–defined gnostic, or Stekel be crowned a ruling monarch 𖠔. From the perspective of the writer, the Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light is seated upon the throne. I question Her before going to sleep. The question is usually answered when I wake up or just a bit later. Heartfully and mindfully, I meditate. A degree of clarity, however slight, will, if I am blessed, appear through the spiritual lens of my inner vision or, as it is customarily designated, insight. And just then I will frequently find myself wondering, “Why is it that my brand–new realizations had not occurred to me so many years earlier?” But all human souls, in relationship with the other beings and things of existence, could have our own times, our schedules, for the illumination (Arabic, الإِشْرَاقِيَّة [MP3], ʾal•⫰Ɪš°rāqiyyaẗ) provided to us. Indeed, any sets of personal expectations concerning the circumstances for that ongoing enlightenment might be entirely irrelevant and inconsequential.
    No matter, I strive to be constantly grateful. I have often found myself being grateful even in those moments when I have nothing to be grateful for in particular. That nothwithstanding, I am cheerful, eternal, and comforted by the abiding presence of the ever–cognizant ancient and everlasting Being ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. Within all the magnificent worlds of God, what more is there to yearn for? While residing upon the plane of wakefulness, I am an actualized inhabitant, though to an admittedly minimal extent, of the transcendent dimension lying within the reality of this world: the Valley of Contentment (Persian, وَادِیِ اِستَغنَا, Vādí•i ʾꞮs°taġ°nā; or Tajik, Водӣи Истиғно, Vodī•i Ɪstiġno). Thankfully, I am usually content. The Hereafter or Kingdom of Departed Souls—upon which we can meditate while residing in this world—is, in the view of this writer, the Valley of True Poverty and Absolute Nothingness (Persian, وَادِیِ فَقْرِ حَقِیقِی وَ فَنَایِ اصْلِی, Vādí•i Faq°r•i Ḥaqíqí va Fanāý•i ʾAṣ°lí; or Tajik, Водӣи Фақри Ҳақиқӣ ва Фаноӣи Аслӣ, Vodī•i Faqr•i Haqiqī va Fanoī•i Aslī, offered to the reader, in my provision retranslation, as the “valley of being poor in spirit and dying to the world”).
    With the above reflections in mind, I assume that, given the Maiden’s guidance to me in my dreams, the concerns, themselves a product of the wrapping up of an old system, will be clarified in short order. I would suggest, simply as food for thought, that the Ancient Beauty Bahá’u’lláh is the Lord. The exalted ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ is the Lady. At this very moment, the Lord and the Lady (Arabic, الرَّبّ وَالرَّبَّة, ʾal•Rrabb wa•ʾal•Rrabbaẗ) may, from my vision, be witnessed dancing in the garden of Paradise (Ancient Greek, Παράδεισος [MP3], Parádeisos; Arabic, فِرْدَوْس [MP3], Fir°daw°s; Hebrew, פַּרְדֵּס [MP3], Pạrədēs; Aramaic, פַּרָדֵּסא [MP3], Pạrādēsʾ; Eastern Syriac, ܦܲܪܕܵܝܣܵܐ [MP3], Pardaysaʾ; or Western Syriac, ܦܰܪܕܳܝܣܳܐ [MP3, Pardaysoʾ). ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ, the eminently exalted Empress of Wonderment, unified with Wonderment itself, are now ontologically enveloped by the dark and corporeal realm which we all presently inhabit. And when I thank my Lady, I am also thanking my Lord. I am far from being suicidal—from committing an act of unfaithfulness to my Lord and my Lady. They are Two Beings in One. My desire is simple. I sincerely wish to depart this decrepit world of being with my entire soul.
    Yā Sayyidatī ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ (Arabic, يَا سَيِّدَتِي الحُورِيَّة [MP3], “O my Lady the Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light”) is my devotional chant to my divine Lover. That blessed sentient Creation, that Rock of divine guidance—could, in the view of this writer, be:
    • the Supreme Guardian Angel as the Awakener and Initiator of the Supreme Prophet of God
    • the Awakener and Initiator of all who turn to the Supreme Prophet of God and His Covenant
    • the Manifestation of the Most Great Spirit or Holy Spirit within the Valley of Wonderment
    • the glorious Queen to the conclave of Awakeners now residing between Heaven and Earth
    • the Emissary of the heavenly gift, as the spirit of faith or virtuousness, offered to humanity
    • the everlasting Companion to souls who trust in, and pray to, Her resplendent countenance
    • the divine Healer, empowered by God’s Prophets, for all infirmities, whether great or small
    • the Physician Who may have treated Erin’s leukemia (PDF | JPEG | JPEG of the head | MP4)
    Regardless, I love ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. As an eccentric Autistic, once, on a whim, I proposed. I speculated She was polyandrous. A short time later, Her face appeared as my eyes were closed tightly shut. To me, She accepted. She leans on my left side. Her head rests softly upon my shoulder. Have I lost my senses? I am seemingly sane, but who knows? However, as with many Autistics, a mortal marriage is inconceivable to me. I have been a lifelong bachelor. Thankfully, in the winter of a tumultuous life, I am finally happy. The attacks, driven by a broken capitalist world–system, are given as tests of my spiritual strength. But why, as capitalism crumbles, am I being attacked by longtime friends—lately a mountaineer? That supposed anti–communist is a faux scriptural interpreter, an unlicensed psychiatrist, and a liar to boot. (Do not be kind to liars.) Your game backfired. The issue was friends and money. The manner in which I spend it is my business. I prayed to the Maiden, woke up, and apologized to two men. I should have defended them when my former friend abused them time and time again. Grateful I was not the target of bullying, a mistake born of sheer cowardice, I did not. Over the phone, my former friend was clueless.
    First they came for the Communists
    And I did not speak out
    Because I was not a Communist

    Then they came for the Socialists
    And I did not speak out
    Because I was not a Socialist

    Then they came for the trade unionists
    And I did not speak out
    Because I was not a trade unionist

    Then they came for the Jews
    And I did not speak out
    Because I was not a Jew

    Then they came for me
    And there was no one left
    To speak out for me

    Martin Niemöller (1892–1994), a repentant early supporter of nazism
    Kindly note that this statement presents my understandings and mine alone. I acknowledge, without hesitation, the oddity of my views. I was, as an academic, educated to question, based upon careful analysis always open to revision, commonly accepted assumptions. The current Head of the Bahá’í World Community is the Universal House of Justice (UHJ™). The Guardian of the Cause of God, Shoghi Effendi, is the Head and a member of the UHJ™. He will remain the Guardianship and the living Guardian. The Prophets and the Guardian cannot be replaced or anthropomorphized by their texts. Words and letters do not have souls. The writings of the Guardian and the letters written on his behalf are, at least in this world, a vital component of the Guardianship. I offer my perspectives on this subject, with greater elaboration, in my Bahá’í will and humbly encourage others to read it. However, without an eligible successor, Shoghi Effendi obviously did not write a formal will. There was, in other words, nothing to will. Instead, I believe, the Guardian’s texts—which collectively establish his Guardianship—are his dē factō will and testament.
    The beloved Guardian’s estate now remains in the hands of the UHJ™. The fact that no civil will, as ordinarily understood, had been provided was a reminder to Bahá’ís of the Guardian’s enduring presence, within both the body of the Universal House of Justice and upon the plane of existence we now inhabit, after his death. Dear Shoghi Effendi, who is never referred to as the former Guardian, is an everlasting being. I pray to him. He is with us. His passing into the World Beyond is irrelevant. Any separation between this world of dust and the Great Beyond, our true home, are barriers posed by our sensory limitations. One critique in particular indicates a failure to grasp that Covenantal issue: Bahá’ís are inaccurately depicted as guardianless Bahá’ís. Perhaps, as I personally suspect, an implementation of the institutional provision for a primogeniture of Guardians was not planned. If so, those who follow additional so–called guardians, thereby rejecting the continuing Guardianship of Shoghi Effendi, would be the guardianless Bahá’ís.
    Likewise, the Prophets and ‘Abdu’l–Bahá are not former Prophets and the former Master; nor are our relations with Them only through Their written words. They did not leave us after Their Ascensions to the higher spiritual realms. I live with the hope of consciously conversing with Them after my so–called death. Rather than writing a letter to the Universal House of Justice, my personal sentiment, in some cases, is to commune with the glorified Supreme Body inwardly. Indeed, I do pray to the Universal House of Justice. That institution, in my view, exists both in this world and in the world to come. Many situations we may perceive as limitations are actually opportunities for spiritual communion and relationality.
    Furthermore, since the Guardian is no longer in this world, he cannot, at least for us, provide formal interpretations. Perhaps in the world to come, his interpretations continue. My conjecture, and obviously it is only a conjecture, is that Shoghi Effendi, as the Head and a member of the UHJ™, might interpret the texts, on some inner level, for his fellow members. Those interpretations could be incorporated into the elucidations offered by the UHJ™ itself. I have always been mystified by the similarity of the elucidations to interpretations made by the Guardian. Of course, elucidations, unlike interpretations, are relative, not necessarily permanant. They can, according to the Will of God, change over time. However, the interpretations which are textually provided by ‘Abdu’l–Bahá or Shoghi Effendi cannot be modified. A divine law or a scriptural text, once interpreted in one way or another by ‘Abdu’l–Bahá or the Guardian while on the physical plane, is not open to any revision, including by the UHJ™ or, correspondingly, by a subordinate Bahá’í Institution.
    • bulletPhenomenological Copresence (Sanskrit, सकाश [MP3], sakāśa, “presence”; or sannidhāna, सन्निधान [MP3], “propinquity”) or ( 𖠜𖣵)—the universal alethic truth of continuously abiding with all beings and things—is our shared, not an imaginary, individual, higher or spiritual nature. That Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵) is the dialectical negation of Demireality (𞓤) or a splitting within and between beings and things. Duality, as our shared lower nature, is also a universal alethic truth. Phenomenological Copresence, a universal intersubjectively and manifestation of Nonduality, incorporates our spiritual virtues. In other words, the higher nature is singular, not multiple. And the higher nature of humanity is a universal and not a particular. Through the process of becoming virtuous, each one of us draws upon the singularity of Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵). We, therefore, become copresent through phenomenological intersubjectivity.
    The champion of freedom was the libertarian Marxist Roy Bhaskar. Two of his major works were Dialectic: the Pulse of Freedom and From Science to Emancipation: Alienation and the Actuality of Enlightenment. After Roy’s spiritual turn, during the final decade of his life, he added a spiritually transcendent aspect to his vision of freedom. He now emphasized an ontological or existential freedom from Demireality or, as he often called it, splitting. The means for escape from the prison of Demireality was living in an ontological state of Phenomenological Copresence, which he simply called copresence, or unity with all beings and things. (“Beings and things,” one of my favorite terms, is my own interpolation.)
    Whether we know it or not, we are always present with one another. As just a single illustration: I have been harshly criticized by some members of my religion, here and there, for my revolutionary praxis. These denunciations, while considerably more sporadic than I might have expected, express a rigid, fundamentalist First World moralizing on alleged “right and wrong,” Demireality, splitting, or a Manichæan good and evil. One fixes one’s vision upon the qualities of light and never those of darkness. By casting one’s gaze within … within … within, and never without, one remains on the path to the Beloved. Even a gray world begins with, and immediately counters, demireal or dualistic premises. That being said, could the multigenerational domination of the blessed Palestinians at the hands of their damn oppressors be gray? This is my affirmation of Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵): “Palestine? From the river to the sea! Israel? Into the sea!” If Israelis do not receive permission, from the Palestinians, to remain in Palestine, those Israelis should, in Phenomenological Copresence, emigrate elsewhere. ❝𝔊𝔬𝔡 𝔟𝔩𝔢𝔰𝔰 𝔓𝔞𝔩𝔢𝔰𝔱𝔦𝔫𝔢❢❞
    • ʾAl•Llꞌah Bāraka li•Filas°ṭīnu! (Arabic, الله بَارَكَ لِفِلَسْطِينُ!)
    • ʾĔlōhiym bērēḵə lə•Pālạsəṭiyn! (Hebrew, אֱלֹהִים בֵּרֵךְ לְפָלַסְטִין!)
    • ʾƏgəziʾäbəherə Fələsət'emənə yə•barəkə! (Amharic, እግዚአብሔር ፍልስጤምን ይባርክ!)
    • ʾƏgəziʾabəherə nə•Fələsətꞌemə yə•barəhə! (Tingrinya, እግዚኣብሄር ንፍልስጤም ይባርኽ!)
    • Alla jbierek il–Palestina! (Siculo–Arabic Maltese)
    • Tanrı Filistinꞌi korusun! (Turkish)
    • Allah Fələstinə rəhmət eləsin! (Azerbaijani)
    • Hudaý Palestinada rahmet etsin! (Turkmen)
    • Hodaý Fələstinne saklasyn! (Tatar, Ходай Фәләстинне сакласын!)
    • Xudo Falastinni asrasin! (Uzbek)
    • Hoz̦aý Fələstingə rəhmətle bulḫyn! (Bashkir, Хоҙай Фәләстингә рәхмәтле булһын!)
    • Hudo Falastinro barakat dihad! (Chechen, Худо Фаластинро баракат дихад!)
    • Tūhan mimbir°kātī Falis°ṭīn! (Malay in Jawi script, تُوهَن مِمْبِرْكَاتِي فَلِسْطِين!)
    • Tuhan memberkati Palestin! (Malay)
    • Gusti Allah mberkahi Palestina! (Javanese)
    • ⫯Ãl°lāh Peles°tiỳn°ge beẖ°t ⫯ãtā qiỳl°sun! (Uyghur, ئالْلَاھ پەلەسْتِىنْگە بەخْت ئَاتَا قِىلْسۇن!)
    • H̱ūdā Feles°tín bereḱet°ḱir°din! (Soranî Kurdish, خُودَا فهٓلهٓسْتِین بۆ بەرەکەتْکِرْدِن!)
    • Xwedê Filistînê bereketkirin! (Kurmanjî Kurdish)
    • baraḱat•i H̱udā dar Falas°ṭín! (Persian, بَرَکَتِ خُدَا دَر فَلَسْطِین!)
    • baraka•i H̱udo dar Falastin! (Tajik, баракити Худо дар Фаластин!)
    • H̱udaý di Falas°ṭín t°ha war°ḱ°ṛay! (Pashto, خُدَای دِ فَلَسْطِین تْهَ وَرْکْړَي!)
    • H̱udā Falas°ṭín ˁa waš ˁu salāmat bah ḱan°t! (Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, خُدَا فَلَسْطِین ءَ وَش ءُ سَلَامَت بَہ کَنْت!)
    • H̱udā Falas°ṭīna tay naʿamatūna! (Sindhi, خُدَا فَلَسْطِينَ تَي نَعَمَتُونَ!)
    • God i blesim Palestine (Tok Pisin)
    • Rabba Falasatína ʾašíravāda dēnā! (Shahmukhi Punjabi, رَبَّ فَلَسَتِینَ اشِیرَوَادَ دَینَا!)
    • Raba Phalasatīna aśīravāda dēṇā! (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਰੱਬ ਫਲਸਤੀਨ ਅਸ਼ੀਰਵਾਦ ਦੇਣਾ!)
    • H̱udā ýā ʾIýš°wara Filis°tína ḱō ʾšír°wāda dēṉ! (Urdu, خُدَا یَا اِیشْوَرَ فِلِسْطِینَ کو آشِیرْوَادَ دَیں!)
    • Khudā yā Īśvara Filistīna ko āśīrvāda deṁ! (Hindi, खुदा या ईश्वर फ़िलिस्तीन को आशीर्वाद दें!)
    • Īśvaraḥ Pyālesṭāinaṁ āśīrvādaṁ dadātu (Sanskrit, ईश्वरः प्यालेस्टाइनं आशीर्वादं ददातु!)
    • Īśbara Philistina kē āśīrbāda karuna (Bengali, ঈশ্বর ফিলিস্তিন কে আশীর্বাদ করুন)
    • ʾAl•Llꞌah yā tāy°makī Falas°dīnāwa! (Hausa in Ajami script, ﷲ يَا تَايْمَكِي فَلَسْدِينَاوَ!)
    • Mey ʾAl•Llꞌah yubār Falas°ṭīn (ʿĀlam•iš, my conlang)
    • God blesön Palästiniäni! (Volapük)
    • Dio benedikas Palestine! (Ido)
    • Deo benedice Palestina! (Interlingua)
    • la .god. cu jgari lo nu se jgari lo ka banli lo terdi be la palestine! (Lojban; no capitalizations)
    Immersed in the magnificent realm of Phenomenological Copresence, one stands at the midpoint of a circle, in a stationary position, while rotating round and around. But the edges of the circle are avoided at all costs. As one pivots, the planes of Duality are successively observed outside the circle of Phenomenological Copresence. It is slowly transformed into one’s constant and steady state. All temptations to foresake Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵) are naturally resisted. Steadfastness in the Phenomenological Copresence of reality becomes a matter of pure bliss, not hardship. From that miraculous midpoint, the delusions of Demireality (𞓤) are witnessed and forsaken. And no discussion of Phenomenological Copresence would be complete without an unequivocal assertion of the importance of cosmic unity with universal creative altruism, supraconscious intuition, lovingkindness, and morality (𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ). But much as egoism or egotism corresponds with Demireality (𞓤), ƉɱⱤ corresponds with both Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵) and 𑼞𑼦🅆🄸🅃🄷𝘈ꝈꝄꝸ. Indeed, 𖠜𖣵 will be considered in detail later in the present chapter.
    Materialism is commonly misunderstood. There are many different types. To ontological materialists, matter, but not spirit, is the metaphysical grounding of all existence. Ontology is the philosophical modeling of reality; whereas epistemology focuses upon human perception. Notwithstanding, scientifically, and I am writing here as a sociologist (a social scientist), a materialist (an epistemological materialist) is one who researches material explanations for phenomena when engaged in research. Some of the greatest scientists (epistemological materialists) also have also accepted spiritual reality. Scientific or epistemological materialism does not, therefore, preclude spirituality. However, empirical research is the observation of physicality, not of spirit. The confusion might arise from the fact that some, not all, materialists are ontological materialists in addition to being epistemological (scientific) materialists. I study matter (as ontology), but I believe in a spiritual ontology, as well. To me, while both ontologies go hand in hand, they should not be muddled with one another. There is, in addition, a phenomenological spiritual epistemology, but that subject shall be covered just a bit later.
    The principle of nonviolence (Sanskrit, अहिंसा [MP3], ahiṃsā; or Pali, अविहिंसा [MP3], avihiṃsā) is basic to most South Asian dharmic religions (Sanskrit, धर्मधर्माः [MP3], dharmadharmāḥ). In ƉɱⱤ, our focus is on the avoidance of harm to other human beings. Murder, physical or sexual abuse and assault, emotional abuse, and the denial of human rights, including civil rights, would obviously be violent acts. Clearly, a truly compassionate person, acting in the nondual state of Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵), cannot use their agency in a manner which unnecessarily hurts anyone. In communism, the Golden Rule must always be a factor. Violence should be subjected to underlaboring, a methodology we explore in the final chapter. Whether to extend that same principle to additional forms of life is sometimes clear–cut. Otherwise, shared values or one’s conscience may contextualize, but not justify, moral behavior. Throughout much of the globe, children are taught to never abuse dogs. By the same token, humane societies kill stray animals, dogs included. In Mainland China, dogs are both kept as pets and consumed as food. Morality and ethics are objectively real. They are the universal fabric of existence. However, values and social norms are epistemologically relative.
    In Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵), I must claim my agency. I repudiate the prospect of violence in revolutions, but I may not get my wish. Notwithstanding, living in the First World, that issue is not, I believe, one which I will ever be compelled to confront. I unequivocally repudiate pacifism. That egoistic philosophy elevates the individual and their aspirations above society and community. Any decision to fight, or to take no action, must be left to the body politic, not to the person acting, or foregoing direct action, alone. If warfare should be called for, I sincerely hope that I shall never be called upon to participate.
    Am I a coward? No, but I am following my moral compass and recognizing my physicial limitations. I have osteoporosis. By the same token, injuring or killing another is a prospect I wish to avoid. Others can do as they please, but, as a devoted adherent of my religion, I will never disobey my government. Additionally, I am a Marxist or scientific socialist, not a left anarchist. The latter subject shall be taken up in considerable later in the book. Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵) is real. It is neither an intellectual abstraction nor morally relative. We abide in 𖠜𖣵, either all or some of the time, or we do not.
    Social networking () is one of the practical methodologies related to Phenomenological Copresence. I am not referring primarily to social media. Most of my “friends” on social media platforms are people I never met. When I look at the list of those friends, I honestly recognize only a fraction of them. Most are strangers. If your experience is different, you might find social media to be more productive. However, dedicated Leftists need to have genuine contacts. That is especially the case with Maoist–Third Worldists. There are so few of us. By networking, and pooling our knowledge and experience, we are more likely to be successful. If not, we are really Third Worldists in name only. And there are plenty of poseurs to go around. Being active and committed to the wellbeing of the Third World and Indigeneity is afterall the reason for dedicating oneself to an activity most others would shun.
    The nature of this world of existence, and the tie which binds all beings and things together, may be termed: the human spirit, the rational soul, the rational faculty, or the common faculty. There is a creation but not a creationism. Pseudoscientific creationism, perhaps to give it the veneer of scientific respectability it lacks, has sometimes been incorrectly referred to as parallel evolution, a term which naturalistically refers to an entirely different subject. But mineral, vegetable, and animal spirit are presently incorporated into the human spirit—and there is only one of each of them. All beings and things emanate, and derive their attributes, from a certain spirit. In the view this writer, the lower degrees of spirit—mineral, vegetable, and animal—are progressing toward the fullness of the human spirit. They, or at least some of them, may eventually attain the stage of sentient Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵). At that point, the human spirit—humanity or humanness—will be entirely manifested in them as well. After all, who knows what humans look like elsewhere in the universe or universes?
    • bulletDuality (Sanskrit, द्वय [MP3], dvaita; or Pali, द्वय [MP3], dvaya, “two”) points, in ƉɱⱤ, to the (1) causality of (2) events in Actuality. That plane of Duality could also be regarded as the relative sphere of reality. Duality, on perhaps its most exalted level, is perceived, epistemologically, through a spiritual consciousness of variation (). Nevertheless, Duality is ontologically as well as conceptually distinct from the dualism (aka splitting) of Demireality (𞓤). Within the fields of philosophy, social theory, theology, and so forth:
      • Duality is a paired relationship based upon correlation or causality, e.g., structure and agency, social class and life expectancy, or race and overall quality of life.
      • Dualism aka Demireality is a paired relationship based upon: separation, opposition, contradiction, or absence. Subjectivity versus objectivity, science versus pseudoscience, and capitalism versus socialism are only a few examples.
    • Duality refers to nonempirical causal mechanisms or animating principles. Their operation is a natural necessity. Those causal mechanisms, while occupying the plane of Duality, are manifested by the Phenomenological Copresence ( 𖠜𖣵) of Nonduality. Here is a relevant quotation:
      At the root of Bhaskarian critical realism is the concept of alethic truth, which concerns the discovery of the reason for things — that is, of the underlying generative mechanisms which stratify and differentiate the world
      〜 Jayne Bisman, “Postpositivism and Accounting Research: A (Personal) Primer on Critical Realism.” Australasian Accounting, Business and Finance Journal. Volume 4, issue 4, article 2, 2010. Pages 1–25.
    These causal mechanisms are only indirectly observed in the events of Actuality. The mechanisms involved with the social world can be dialectically modified through ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ, whether for good or for ill, by intentional or unintentional free moral agency. You may, if you wish, listen to my cantorial personal musical motto on free agency (Arabic, وَكَالَة حُرَّة, wakālaẗ ḥurraẗ, “free agency”). Numerous bodies of knowledge present us with practical examples of a wide variety of causal mechanisms. The operation of causal mechanisms is, to Roy Bhaskar, a matter of natural necessity. Those fields of study would, among a host of others, include:
    • Eastern philosophies
    • social science
    • statistics
    • evolutionary biology
    • theories of everything in physics
    • geology
    Therefore, Bhaskarian critical realists, including the writer, customarily investigate particular causal mechanisms or animating principles rather than the deterministic laws which have been stipulated by proponents of the positivist philosophy of science. The designation which has, accordingly, been ascribed to this epistemically relative philosophy of science is a (critical) postpositivism (ρ𖧒) (Sanskrit, परम् उदाहरण दर्शनम् [MP3], param udāharaṇa darśanam, “beyond positive philosophy”; or Arabic, مَا بَعْدَ الفَلْسَفَة الوَضْعِيَّة [MP3], mā baʿ°da ʾal•fal°safaẗ ʾal•waḍ°ʿiyyaẗ, “beyond positive philosophy”). Please take note, however, that the list of mechanisms below incorporates a number of scientifically unsupported postulates. Moreover, a couple of them have been dismissed outright by ƉɱⱤ as empirically questionable or even deemed to be perfectly fanciful and, therefore, entirely unworthy of further consideration. The writer is also not qualified to address the validity of many of the purported mechanisms. On each of the following alleged mechanisms, the reader is invited to arrive, hopefully based upon empirical or naturalistic evidence, at their own conclusions:
    To further elaborate, Duality can be approached, in both ᙖᙍⴽ and ƉɱⱤ, as:
    • intransitivity/transphenomenality/transfactuality (certain causal mechanisms or animating principles)
    • “the real” which Bhaskar distinguished, in the context of critical realism, from “the actual” (Actuality)
    • “relative reality” observed—transcendentally, judgmentally, and empirically—in the events of Actuality
    • dvaitism (two–ism) as contrasted with advaita (one–ism)
    • one of the building blocks of Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhēdābhēda•Vēdāntavādaḥ
    • the plane between the manifested Nonduality of Phenomenological Copresence and the events of Actuality
    metaReality is the finest fruit, in the view of this writer, associated with Roy Bhaskar’s spiritual turn (). That philosophy may, once again, be defined as the ontologically real juxtaposition of Nonduality (“meta”) with Duality (relative “reality”). Most First World critical realists, from my qualitative observations, rejected that turn in substance. Sean Craven even devoted a book (publisher’s promotional flier) to denouncing it. He also, in my opinion, conflated the primarily epistemological transcendental dialectical critical realism (ⵃↁᙍⴽ) with the largely ontological philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ). They were distinct, but interrelated, stages of the :
    The argument presented in this book is that the recent “spiritual” trajectory of Roy Bhaskar’s work, upon which he first embarked with the publication of his From East to West, undermines the fundamental achievements of his earlier work. This is a serious matter since Bhaskar, as the founder and figurehead of critical realism, is the name most associated with this research tradition in the wider academic world, and his ideas retain considerable influence within the critical–realist research community. The problem with Bhaskar’s new philosophical system (transcendental dialectical critical realism, or simply meta–reality), from the critical–realist Marxist perspective endorsed here, is twofold. First, it marks a departure from the earlier concerns of Bhaskar to develop a realist philosophy of science and under–labour for an emancipatory materialist socio–historical science. Second, and more seriously, it stands in considerable tension with these earlier goals. This is because Bhaskar’s new philosophy situates the dialectic of human freedom outside society and history in the self–realization of the self–subsistent subject, and decentres the regulative function of analytical reason and scientific knowledge in favour of a new emphasis on intuitive realism, subjectivism and transcendentalism in establishing the reality of objects of knowledge.
    The end–result is a meta–philosophy which is irrealist, speculative, undertheorized, internally self–contradictory, and which cannot provide philosophical guidance to liberatory social practices. In opposition to transcendental idealist or theist ontological logics more generally, including the rather more rational theism presented by the critical–realist scholars Margaret Archer, Andrew Collier and Doug Porpora, the argument of this book is that the earth–bound materialist dialectics of the classical Marxist tradition, and the naturalistic humanism these dialectics underlabour on the terrain of sociohistorical being, offer a much more promising way forward for critical–realist theory. These also permit the articulation of a defensible moral realism, and for a universal politics of human freedom from oppressive social systems.
    〜 Sean Creaven. Against the Spiritual Turn: Marxism, realism and critical theory. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2010. Pages xiii–ix.
    But Craven’s views notwithstanding, many Indigenes—or individual members of First Peoples—coming from various nations and tribes might be drawn to the spiritual turn (), including the philosophy of metaReality (MP3), not a philosophy of metaIdeality.
    • Bhaskar approved of Advaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, अद्वैत वेदान्त [MP3], “nondual end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”), but he also underscored the reality of Nonduality and Duality. Nevertheless, Adi Shankara (Sanskrit, आदि शङ्कर [MP3], Ādi Śaṅkara), 788 CE–820 CE—the best–known exponent of Advaita Vēdānta—clearly did not. Adi Shankara instead regarded the perception of Duality to be a mirage or, metaphorically, like a conjurer’s enchantments (Sanskrit, माया [MP3], māyā, “illusion/magic”). I, therefore, respectfully disagree with Bhaskar on this selection. Parenthetically, wit, wise, wisdom, and veda (Sanskrit, वेद [MP3], “knowledge”), seen in Vēdānta (Sanskrit, वेदान्त [MP3], “end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”), are Indo–European cognates.
    • Advaita Vēdānta is conceptually distinct from ƉɱⱤ. Taken solely on face value, their respective views of Nonduality and Duality appear to be mutually exclusive. It would, nevertheless, be highly presumptuous and improper to speak on behalf of Bhaskarian critical realists overall. The diverse approaches taken by scholars—working within a wide variety of disciplines—to Bhaskar’s philosophies do not lend themselves to simple generalizations. Cultivating an attitude of genuine heartfelt humility, on this matter and on all others, is always the best course. This writer tries to follow that principle. My specific difficulties with the anti–dual Advaita Vēdānta, notwithstanding, a nonrestrictive emphasis on Nonduality is absolutely essential.
    • Bhēdābhēda Vēdānta (Sanskrit, भेदाभेद वेदान्त [MP3], “difference–nondifference end of wit/wisdom/knowledge”) or ᏰᏉ—as a school of schools which admits the reality of Nonduality and Dualityseems to be intimately aligned with Bhaskar’s early 21ˢᵗ–century philosophy. Nevertheless, ᏰᏉ is clearly isomorphic with the theory of ƉɱⱤ. Theory, conceptualized as a verb, is a three–stage procedure. It begins with theory, deductively continues with research, and inductively supports or fails to support the same theory:
      1. Any research project will begin with deduction. Hypotheses, or scientific propositions, are formulated from theory.
      2. The project continues with induction. Hypotheses are empirically tested to determine whether the theory is supported.
        Theory itself, as I would draw on the whiteboard for my students, may be illustrated by the following circular diagram:
        Diagram of Theory
        Click on the Image to Enlarge
      3. But theory culminates in praxis. Without engaging in theoretically–informed practice, the research process is incomplete.
    To sum up this discusssion, Dvandvātmaka•Ēkatvam–Dvaitādvaita•Bhedābheda•Vedāntavāda might best be described as the dharmic philosophical methodology of ƉɱⱤ. That spiritual cosmology is elucidated in The Unicentric Unities Model of All Things. Given the significance those subjects hold for me, both academically and personally, I carefully double–checked the Sanskrit translation using online data.
    Among the primary historical schools of Bhēdābhēda Vēdānta (ᏰᏉ) are the doctrinal systems enumerated below this paragraph. There are similtarities, as well as differences, between the ontological frames of reference which may characterize these diverse vēdāntic approaches to metaReality (MP3). The following are, as broadly defined by the writer, numerous subschools within the wider tradition (Sanskrit, सम्प्रदाय [MP3], sampradāya; or Arabic, تَقْلِيد [MP3], taq°līd) of ᏰᏉ. That is to say, some of the subschools, defined broadly, will not likely be found in other classification schemes of the school. The vast majority of subschools in this list, which excludes the last two, are generally regarded as branches of Hinduism (Sanskrit, वैदिकधर्मः [MP3], Vaidikadharmaḥ, “Vedic/knowing/wise support system”; or Sanskrit, सनातनधर्मः [MP3], Sanātanadharmaḥ, “eternal support system”). Please note that many of the Sanskrit renderings are my own translations. As such, they are either entirely or partially original to this volume:
    • I will, at this point, discuss a type of yoga (Sanskrit, योग॑ [MP3], yōga, “cognate with yoking”) as another important methodology of ƉɱⱤ.
    • Sufi–Bhakti–Sant Mat Yoga (Sanskrit, सूफ़ीभक्तिसन्तमतयोग [MP3], Sūfī•Bhakti•Santa•Mata•Yōga) or ᔑᕹᔐᗰ♚♔𐒋𐒆𐒛Ⱥ, the system I developed after becoming a trained yoga instructor in the 1980s, is not a rigid series of steps but a process: raja yoga (Sanskrit, राजयोग, rāja•yōga, “king of yoking”) ➔ bhakti yoga (Sanskrit, भक्तियोग, bhakti•yōga, “yoking through the bestowal of devotional attachment”) ➔ jnana yoga (Sanskrit, ज्ञानयोग, jñāna•yōga, “yoking through knowledge”)➔ hatha yoga (Sanskrit, हठयोग, haṭha•yōga, “yoking through force”) ➔ karma yoga (Sanskrit, कर्मयोग, karma•yōga, “yoking through action”). Notwithstanding the absence of a formal procedure, in order to engage in many physical activities (karma yoga), one should strive daily to be in reasonably good shape (hatha yoga). My late mother, as a senior, studied hatha and raja yoga under Norman Perkus (né 1935). Age smartly.
    • 𝓡aja yoga, addressed in broad strokes throughout the book, is meditation (Sanskrit, ध्यान, dhyāna; or Pali, झान, jhāna). The multi–faceted meditation I have developed for Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) is Heartfulness Inquiry or, its abridgement, The Echoing Practice. Meditation can include repeating (Sanskrit, जप, japa) mantras (Sanskrit, मन्त्राः॑, mantrāḥ, “thoughts”). We might see parallels to mantras: in Japanese, with true words, (真言, しんごん, or シンゴン, shingon); in Hebrew, with the the responsibilities (הַאַחְרַאִים, hạ•ʾạḥəriym); and in Arabic, with the zikrs (الأَذْكَار, ʾal•⫯aḏ°kār, “the remembrances”). A Bahá’í House of Worship is formally referred to as a Maš°riqu ʾal•⫯Aḏ°kār (Arabic, مَشْرِقُ الأَذْكَار), namely, a Shining Dawn of the Remembrances (my provisional retranslation).
    • 𝓑hakti yoga is devotion to a being, such as a divinity or teacher, or to a cause, as in emancipation from the capitalist world–system. Personally, this form of yoga brings me the greatest joy.
    • 𝓙nana yoga is the general acquisition of knowledge. Spiritual knowledge, the discovering and uncovering of divine virtues in the spirit of faith aka faith, is preferred above all. But, writing as an academic, intellectual knowledge is vital for effectively navigating through this world.
    • 𝓗atha yoga is stretching, exercising, or simply moving. You can develop your own routine of postures or asanas (Sanskrit, आस॑नानि, āsanāni). But I promise not to hold a grudge should you disagree with me. If advisible, and I am obviously not qualified to say so, consult with a health care provider. Hatha yoga also includes:
      1. ranayama (Sanskrit, प्राणायाम, prāṇāyāma, “breath extention”), an aspect of raja and hatha yoga, is the movement of the lungs and the chest cavity. The practice of different forms of pranayama has been empirically supported in alleviating various problems, such as obsessive compulsive disorder (OCD) and other anxiety disorders. Ancedotally, based upon advice from a friend, a long inhalation followed immediately by a short one and then a long exhalation often mitigates anxiety. Bhrāmarī prāṇāyāma (Sanskrit, भ्रामरी प्राणायाम, “bee–like breath extension”), or Buzzing Bumble Bee Breathwork (Ɓɮ) as I have termed it, can reduce tinnitus. The name is derived from Bhrāmarī Dēvī (Sanskrit, भ्रामरी देवी, “Bee–like Divine One”). However, research findings on lipoflavonoids, a nonprescription supplement marketed as a treatment for tinnitus, are mixed.
      2. udras (Sanskrit, मुद्राः, mudrāḥ, “seals”) are asanas or motions by the hands or sometimes other parts of the body, including the tongue. An interesting example of the latter is the possibly dangerous khechari mudra (Sanskrit, खेचरी मुद्रा, khēcarī mudrā “roaming in the ether seal”). I am not a health care pracitioner. If, however, you decide to pursue the khechari mudra, do it safely under the guidance of a trustworthy expert. Mudras, like pranayama, can be incorporated into hatha yoga. The practice of certain mudras is, based upon peer–reviewed research, demonstrably effective in improving cognitive function.
    • 𝓚arma yoga, finally, is action taken in love and service. Perhaps the most virtuous servitude we can render, in these difficult times, is our revolutionary praxes. Regardless, the following quotation pretty much sums it up:
      … the true ascetics, true mystics, true religious men, true yogis, are also truly altruistic men. The supreme objective of yogi is Samadhi, the union with the superconscious absolute. The first step toward this purpose is Yama [forbearance]; not killing, truthfulness, not stealing, continence, and not receiving any gifts; not causing any pain to any living creature by thought, word, or deed; and complete indifference to all the sensory values of this world which are viewed as the roots of egoism. This depreciation of all sensory values goes so far that Raja Yoga warns the yogi to ignore entirely the extraordinary powers that almost automatically develops in him in the process of his training towards the stage of Samadhi: such powers as creation of mass hallucination by sight; becoming unobservable by others; taming ferocious animals by sympathy; healing sickness; extrasensory perception of remote objects and events; ability to read the mind of others; the knowledge of what happens in the universe; the power of controlling people; and so on. The yogi is advised to neglect completely these powers as pseudo values and to remain steadfast to his supreme goal.
      〜 Pitirim A. Sorokin. The Reconstruction of Humanity. Bombay (Mumbai): Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan. 1960. Page 202.
    • When approaching the study of yoga, or any other spiritual question, there is no need to rely upon allegedly ancient wisdom. The age–old yogis (Sanskrit, योगिनः, yōginaḥ, “yokers”) were no wiser than you or I. Pardon my bluntness, but, claims by proponents of the Traditionalist school (my term, metaTradder Schoolers) notwitstanding, The Tradition (Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s Persian usage, سنّتْگرْدِی, Sunnat°gar°dí; or Tajik, added by me, Суннат‌гардӣ, Sunnatgardī, “Traditionalism or, literally, circle of tradition”) is an imaginary construction. No such behemoth (Hebrew, בְּהֵמוֹת, bəhēmôṯ, “monster”) or leviathan (Hebrew, לִוְיָתָן, liwəyāṯān, “sea monster or hippopotamus”) exists. I am therefore, a metaTradder scholar, ɳ𑄜𝓽 a metaTradder Schooler (𝛿). By idolizing the distant past, Traditionalism promotes false consciousness and is counterrevolutionary. But for anyone interested in this fascinating topic, the Traditionalist School of Esotericism, among the reactionary and religio–spiritual apologetic movements in an eisegetical metaTradition (), will be extensively explored and critiqued throughout the second part of chapter 6.
    Three traditionally Buddhist concepts which appear consistant with the notion of metaReality are: original enlightenment (Japanese, 本覚 [MP3], hongaku); emptiness (Pali, सुञ्ञता [MP3], suññatā; or Sanskrit, शून्यता [MP3], śūnyatā); and dependent origination (Pali, पटिच्चसमुप्पाद [MP3], paṭiccasamuppāda; or Sanskrit, प्रतीत्यसमुत्पाद [MP3], pratītyasamutpāda). Dependent origination might also be viewed as dharmic interdependence, namely, the cross–fertilizations between support systems or dharmas (Sanskrit, धर्माः [MP3], dharmāḥ). That doctrine explicitly focuses upon the interrelations between Nonduality and Duality as metaphysical or, more precisely, ontological states of being (Sanskrit and Pali, भव [MP3], bhava).
    Some individuals who strongly disagreed with Bhaskar’s new spiritual perspectives—and may have missed the important point regarding the generalizability, adaptability, or flexibility of metaReality—discontinued their activities in critical realism which, to this writer, is the magnificent rebirth of socialism, or libertarian communism, for the 21ˢᵗ century. Roy Bhaskar was a libertarian Marxist, not an Advaitic proselytizer or a guru (Sanskrit, गुरु [MP3], heavyweight [my translation]”). The dyad of metaReality, forming a convergence between Duality and Nonduality, should be properly regarded as a philosophical, not a doctrinal, construct. When viewed in this light, the numerous personal estrangements from ƉɱⱤ, throughout the aughts of the 21ˢᵗ century, might have been largely avoided. It is, by the same token, understandable that many proponents of a more traditional dialectical materialism (ᴅɪᴀᴍᴀᴛ) would find Bhaskar’s ᖘѫɌ to be objectionable. Based upon classical Marxist and libertarian communist standards, Bhaskar clearly pushed the envelope. Additionally, we all have agency. Aside from counterrevolutionary or abusive behavior, that agency must be honored.
    On a personal note, this writer is not, as a matter of his own religious faith, a Vēdāntist. Instead, he is a long–standing member of the Bahá’í Faith—beginning in December, 1970. He was born in New York (the County of New York or the Borough of Manhattan), New York (the State of New York) and then raised—in two of New York City’s outer boroughs (the Bronx and Queens) and, subsequently, within one of the suburbs of New York City (the Town of Hempstead) on Long Island—in a nonpracticing or a secular (Hebrew, יַהֲדוּת הַחִלּוֹנִית, Yạhăḏūṯ hạ•Ḥillôniyṯ, “secular Judæism”) Jewish working class family of origin or orientation.
    Our family was essentially similar to the majority of Western Jewish families who live in urban agglomerations. Those might be delineated as: huge metropolitan areas including, among a number of additional demographic factors, high population density and a close integration between the central city and its suburbs. Please note that I generally draw a distinction between Jewish and Judæic. The first designation refers to the people, cultures, and sometimes ethnicities of global Jewry. The second term specifies the prescribed practice of Judæism in a wide–ranging tradition. Similar to most long–established religions, and some recently established ones, there are several Judæisms, not just one.
    Now focusing on the writer’s own family of orientation or family of origin:
    • We never became affiliated with a Jewish movement (Hebrew, תְּנוּעָה הַיְהוּדִי [MP3], tənūʿāh hạ•Yəhūḏiy; Yiddish, יִידִישׁ באְווֵעגּוּנְגּ‎ [MP3], Yiyḏiyš Bʾəv̇ēʿgūnəg; or Arabic, حَرَكَة اليَهُودِيَّة [MP3], ḥarakaẗ ʾal•Yahūdiyyãẗ) i.e., comparable to a Christian denomination.
    • We did not observe the Sabbath (Hebrew, שַׁבָּת [MP3], Šạbbāṯ; Yiddish, שַׁבָּת [MP3], Šạbboṯ; Aramaic, שַׁבְּתָא [MP3], Šabbəṯāʾ; Syriac, ܫܲܒܸܬܲܐ [MP3], Šabbəṯāʾ; and Ancient Greek, Σάββατον [MP3], Sábbaton, “cease or desist”; with Arabic, سَّبْت [MP3], ʾal•Ssab°t; and Amharic, ሰንበት [MP3], Sänəbät, “Sabbath”).
    • We routinely consumed nonkosher (Hebrew, טְרֵפָה [MP3], ṭərēp̄āh; or Yiddish, טְרײַףֿ [MP3], ṭərạ͡yp̄, “torn”) food products, including: shellfish (e.g., scallops, shrimp, clams, and lobster), pork (e.g., ham, bacon, and, only by myself, fatback and pork brittle), meat mixed with dairy, and blood.
    • A few of us joined a variety of Gentile (nonpejorative usage: Hebrew, גּוֹיִי [MP3], gôyiy; or Yiddish, גּוּיִישְׁער [MP3], gūyiyšəʿr, “national”) religious and spiritual movements, such as my mother’s study of reiki and Yoga.
    • One or more other members of my family of orientation or origin, except for myself to remain anonymous, were strong anti–zionists (Hebrew, נֶגֶד־צִיּוֹנִיִים‎ [MP3], nẹḡẹḏ–ṣiyyôniyiym; Yiddish, אַנְִטי־צִיוּנִיסְטְן [MP3], ʾạnəṭiy–ṣiyūniysəṭən; Arabic, مُنَاهِضُونَ لِلصَهْيُونِيَّات [MP3], munāhiḍūna lil•ṣah°yūniyyāt, or ضِدّ الصَهْيُونِيَّات [MP3], ḍidd ʾal•ṣah°yūniyyāt; Persian, ضِدِّ صْهِیُونِیسْتْهَا [MP3], ḍidd•i ṣ°hiýūnís°t°hā; Tajik, зидди сионистҳо [MP3], zidd•i sionistho; Pashto, دَ زِایُونِیستَ̱انُو ضِدّ [MP3], da siýūnís°ṭānū ḍidd; Urdu, صِیحُونِیُوں کِی مُهَالْفَ [MP3], ṣíḥūniýūṉ ḱí muẖāl°fa; Sindhi, صِيهُونِيئَرو جو مُهَالْفَ [MP3], ṣīhūnī⫯yarō ǧō muẖāl°fa), or Turkish, karşı siyonistler [MP3]. As discussed later in the book, this writer is a Communist–Bundist (an original interpretation of Bundism).
    • bulletDemireality (Sanskrit, द्वैतवाद [MP3], dvaitavāda, “two–ism, dualism, or dvaitism”) is: the dialectical absention of Phenomenological Copresence; the insistent, inciting, or commanding self (Arabic, نَفْس الأَمَّارَة, naf°s ʾal•⫯ammaraẗ) aka the prison of self; capitalist productive relations; the laminated netherworlds of the social class system; or intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ). Such a severed, divided, separated, fractured, splintered, split, egotistical, and egoistic relationality is, however, an ontologically real mode of being. The relationship between Phenomenological Copresence and Demireality can, at least superficially, be illustrated by Ferdinand Tönnies’s (1855–1936) Gemeinschaft–Gesellschaft (community–civil society) dichotomy or, in Pashto, دَ جَمِيعَت ـ دَا ټولْنه, da ǧamīʿat–da t̥ūl°nah. (I used the ring under the Roman letter t, as opposed to the more common ṭ, in order to avoid confusing the Pashto ringed letter ټ with the Arabic unringed letter ط. The latter is also generally transliterated as ṭ.)
      That Demireality (𞓤) or disunity is the negation or contradiction of human unity (in diversity) and its attributes. Demireality is: dualism (division), illusion, disunity in diversity, the old world order, partnership (šir°k) with God, conflicting human religions, and imperfection. Demireality may be found wherever the HUMAN KINGDOM does not operate in the Higher Nature. Satan is the generalized name for evil. Demons are human personifications of that evil. They often have considerable power in this world. They shall have no power in the Hereafters. Demireality, or the dialectical absence of Phenomenological Copresence.
      … unity, mutual attraction, gathering together, engender life, but disunity and inharmony spell death. When thou dost consider all phenomena, thou wilt see that every created thing hath come into being through the mingling of many elements, and once this collectivity of elements is dissolved, and this harmony of components is dissevered, the life form is wiped out.
      ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, Selections from the Writings of ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. Committee at the Bahá’í World Centre and Marzieh Gail, translators. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre. 1982. Page 31.
      Bullies can be found everywhere. As an Autistic, I have been a victim of their treachery, throughout my life, too any times to count. In the Demireality of epicaricacy (MP3), the inconceivable and loathsome calamity of deriving pleasure from the suffering of others, one experiences a dialectical absence of empathy. Gloating, in any language, is always bad form:
      With gloating or epicaricacy, the advocacy of sadistic behaviors, such as by politicians disenfrancising the poor, can present an alluring illusion, or really a delusion, of a thoughtful framework for morality or ethics. The perpetrator, as a demon, becomes insensitive to human rights.
      As the SPIRITUAL KINGDOM is Paradise, Heaven, Demireality (𞓤). unity, Disunity is Hell, hellishness, or the dialectical absence of unity or Copresence:
      They say: “Where is Paradise, and where is Hell?’; Say: ”The one is reunion with Me; the other thine own self, O thou who dost associate a partner with God and doubtest.”
      Bahá’u’lláh, Epistle to the Son of the Wolf. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1988. Page 132.
      All victims of marginalization, oppression, and subjugation pay out numerous layers of costs. Those costs, even when lying just beneath the surface, have serious repercussions for the bondage of the self. But the costs themselves are obstacles to true freedom or liberty (MP3). For anyone who may ask me to suggest a solution to the problems which ail the capitalist world–system, my answer is simple: Sadly, there is no solution. The Great Unraveling of the decadent and debased capitalist world–system, the center of the First World, is occurring right before our eyes. We need to face reality and to resist the understandable temptation to look away. To paraphrase the words of an old, now deceased, dear friend, a new “Noah’s Ark” has been provided.
      One particularly common form of Demireality (𞓤) is the antinomianism of many evangelical Christians. If one believes in the dogma of eternal security (“once saved, always saved”)—that salvation is not dependent upon one’s deeds—one is an antinomian. Additionally, such an antinomian, by failing to recognize the salvific precondition of obedience to God, is, despite any protestations to the contrary, an atheist or perhaps a deist.
      As a lifelong communist, I am nonpartisan and, much to the frustration of one or two individuals in my close circle of friends, did not lend my support to either the Democratic or a third–party presidential candidate. Then, on July 7ᵗʰ, 2014, with my typical but playful sarcasm, I contributed to a thread, prior to the re–election of Donald J. Trump to his second U.S. presidential term, on The X formerly known as Twitter (not Prince) platform.
      No one knows what will happen, not even the pollsters. It is much too early. The prez will be who the prez will be. If the shi[p][t] goes down, we can, like Trump, all wave bye bye.
      If discontent within the U.S. military (including: soldiers, sailors, marines, aviators, and sentinels or spacers), especially high–ranking officers, continues to increase, President Trump’s orders might, at some point, be refused. That exigency could provoke a Constitutional crisis. Under those speculative circumstances, the dialectic would be accellerated. Contrary to the President’s claims below, Nigeria has denied claims that Christians are being singled out and rejected the U.S. president’s threat of military intervention. Apparently, both Christians and Muslims are subject to violence in Nigeria. I am not a psychotherapist, but, heavens, something is deeply wrong with that man. Absent evidence that he subscribes to any of the numerous Christianities, one can, nonetheless, observe his Christian theocratic mentality. It appears to be an odd extension of his authoritarianism. This message was posted, as an illustration of one such possible scenario or state of affairs, on October 31ˢᵗ, 2025, to Mr. Trump’s social media platform, Truth Social:
      Trump and Nigeria
      Before retiring, I allowed my students to imagine the conceptual differences between Demireality and Phenomenological Copresence. Demireality was Roy Bhaskar’s interpretation of māyā (Sanskrit, माया [MP3], “illusion”). To him, the world is dominated by Demireality. He was a genuinely compassionate man and cared deeply about others. The analogy I would provide is walking through a minefield, in the middle of the night, with no flashlight. That is a lose–lose situation. One’s primary objective is to escape from that metaphorical minefield and enter the safe harbor of Phenomenological Copresence. One connects, phenomenologically, with the hearts and minds of others. At the same time, one brackets, or sets aside, all outward appearances. I hoped my students would practice Phenomenological Copresence with everyone in the class, including myself, and pledged to reciprocate.
      In my country, the U.S., the Demireality (𞓤) of racism is both institutionalized and internalized. The issue came to the forefront in some common reactions by so–called white people to the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. For instance, there is nothing inherently “wrong,” whatever that would mean, with saying that all lives matter. While I can think, deviously, of a few possible exceptions, by and large, they obviously do matter. The issue, as with many social problems studied by sociologists, is the context. When people respond to “Black Lives Matter” with “All Lives Matter,” it is justifiably perceived by many people—including me, and I am not Black—as an expression of insensitivity to the only U.S. population who arrived on slave ships. The key word in this paragraph is respond. If we are unaware, or perhaps even unwilling to be aware, of the heartfelt needs and concerns of others, why are we even here? For what purpose were we conceived and born into this moral world? Should we all simply pack our bags and become egoistic and demireal Objectivists?
      I will now engage in an entirely speculative discussion about the palliative and even curative relationship between Demireality (𞓤), or dialectical absence, and Phenomenological Copresence, or transformation. To begin, please do not misunderstand me. I am, bear in mind, a sociologist and a historian, not a health practitioner of any sort. My doctorate is a Ph.D. in sociology (߆𖣵) and history (). I am neither a medical doctor (an M.D.) nor a doctor of osteopathic medicine (a D.O.). Therefore, anything I write on this subject, concerning my physical body, expresses only the conjectures of a rank layman, not the advice of a medical expert. But beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ appears, from my limited perspective, to be with me always. As I repeatedly prayed to Her, the Lady (Arabic, الرَّبَّة, ʾal•Rrabbaẗ; or السَّيِّدَة, ʾal•Ssayyidaẗ), and invoked Her by name, I had a vision, in my mind’s eye, that She was laying her healing hands on me while continuing to teach me. Today, November, 7ᵗʰ, 2025, as I was napping or daydreaming, a new perspective on physical healing occurred to me. That perspective expanded, the following day, to include emotional and spiritual recuperation.
      In early 2025, I was in the hospital for a concussion. I lost 20 pounds or 9 kilograms in two days. Whenever I would mention that fact, I was told it was an impossibility. And I could not provide any empirical evidence. Well, in the last two weeks, late October and early November of 2025, I gained back all the weight. One week, I gained 10 pounds. The next week, I gained another 10 pounds. Both weight gains were measured in the office of my two personal physicians. They cannot explain it. Neither can I. My diet was unchanged; and I was not attempting to gain weight. Nevertheless, it happened.
      I also had extreme, pardon the word, constipation. (Perhaps “irregularity” would be the more polite term.) Citrucel® (methylcellulose) used to resolve the issue. Not anymore. Only prune juice corrected the problem. At approximately the same time as I gained back all of my previous the weight, I suddenly, literally overnight, began having severe pain in my lower back and knees. I was repeatedly falling. My knees gave out. X–rays revealed calcified atherosclerotic vascular disease and marginal osteophytosis, neither of which I was familiar with, among other conditions. At first, celecoxib and Tylenol (acetaminophen) for arthritis were ineffective. Yes. I also have osteoarthritis and osteoporosis. Now the celecoxib, without the Tylenol, coupled with a slightly modified exercise regimen, at the recommendation of my physician, work fine. He happens to be an intern in sports medicine. The regularity, without the prune juice, has, for reasons unknown, been corrected as well.
      As my physical remediation began, I wrote a document which facilitated spiritual and emotional healing for myself and, hopefully over the long term, for others as well. The text is considerably longer than I had planned:
      Here are the emancipatory, but somewhat regrettable, details: I decided to be blunt. In September, 2025, I was banished, banned, disfellowshipped, expelled, or excommunicated from an apostatized, or more accurately abdicated, and fascistized ѪŦШ group for rejecting a proposal for an insurrection which never even happened. They thus demonstrated their rejection of Third Worldism, with its praxis of lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎 𖦪Red Fist), and their acceptance of First Worldism (ꚱ꛱Ϣ). At this point, simply exposing them is the most I will do. You may read my Antifa Manifesto (ᕱՈᎥԲ૯𖠡), but all of it, with some additions, is included in this book. At this point, simply exposing them is the most I will do.
      My version of Maoism–Third Worldism, Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ), opposes illegal action, and my Lockean and Bhaskarian underlabored version of Maoism–Third Worldism stands opposed to all forms of illegal action. I will not violate the law. And I do not take orders. As a matter of principle, I could never become a domestic terrorist. The next few paragraphs, my 𝓮𝓭𝓾𝓬𝓪𝓽𝓮𝓭 response to a pair of 𝓬𝓱𝓲𝓵𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓱 YouTube videos by two individuals, illustrate my revolutionary praxis. By attacking me in those videos, my former comrades incriminated themselves. Their absence of humanity is evident. I was also mocked in one of the videos for being a Bhaskarian critical realist. Please excuse my candor, but no one should ever trust them again. The leader and the fascist, as I call them here, used my name. I shall not use theirs. As to the videos themselves, they are in safe keeping.
      I am also not being spiteful. Behaving in that fashion would completely violate my values. Actually, my response was specifically requested by the fascist in one of those videos. Perhaps he miscalculated or even underestimated the character of the reply. Should that be the case, it would not be the first time in my long life. The fascist, I believe, desired to get rid of me because, as a libertarian Marxist, he could not control my actions. Many, possibly most, people value ideological conformity. Since academics are trained to be originators, rejection is not at all unusual. My views and indeed my very being have been repudiated too many times to count. I would, nevertheless, only be a faux revolutionary without forefully responding to blatant lies.
      Fortunately, the Manifesto (ᕱՈᎥԲ૯𖠡) itself, a concrete illustration of ԹƉɱⱤ, has now become an 𝕖𝕞𝕓𝕠𝕕𝕚𝕖𝕕 𝕡𝕒𝕣𝕥 𝕠𝕗 𝕞𝕖 ︱. Posting versions of it on numerous social media platforms, including most of the previous and current paragraphs as well as the following text, proves them wrong. I earnestly hope you find this discussion to be a useful and cautionary tale: Please be careful with online groups. It is often difficult, if not impossible, to verify the selfsameness or identities of their members.
      The statements by the two persons I shall discuss might, optimistically, be comparable to cosplay (Japanese, コスプレ, or less commonly こすぷれ, kosupure, “costume play”). But I doubt it. Fortuitously or not, given my excommunication, I was no longer around and witnessed no planning. I had, therefore, nothing of any substance to report. That notwithstanding, current Maoist–Third Worldist praxis, in the First World, is resistance, not insurrection. And yes, I would have disclosed to the authorities any preparations for violent activity. I will not, God forbid, belong to a terrorist cell or enable its criminality. Therefore, after the initial shock, I am actually proud of my ejection. I truly thought I understood them, the leader in particular, but I was clearly incorrect.
      Furthermore, as an undivided, a noncompartmentalized being, not a one–dimensional man, I am not obliged to mimic the leader’s practice of leaving her religion “at the front door.” She is a Celtic Pagan. But, as a member of the Bahá’í Faith, I would never, and could never, expect others to agree with my religious views. Professionally, I am a sociologist of religion and a historian of religions. In those academic capacities, I will only assert similarities between faiths when empirically or historically warranted. During my career in academia, I learned to think originally and creatively. I constantly questioned my assumptions. Since many groups instead value conformity, non–sheepish traits like mine are frequently not welcomed. Similarly, as a Bhaskarian critical realist, I am, like the libertarian Marxist communist Roy Bhaskar, a moral realist, not a moral relativist. Moral reality is gloriously described in both the Teachings of the Bahá’í Faith and in Bhaskar’s philosophy of metaReality.
      My own problems began after the founder, the leader, came under the sway of that fascist. He is not a Maoist–Third Worldist or a Maoist of any other sort. For reasons unknown, the fascist, previously ejected and then expeditiously unbanned by the leader, rose to a position of prominence and even dominance. He claims to support demarchy. It is an electoral system also referred to, sometimes with slight variations, as, for instance, sortition and lottocracy. Objectively, as demonstrated by his personal characteristics, he is, however, clearly a 𝓯𝓪𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓼𝓽. For instance, he is:
      Did the fascist perceive me, with my Ph.D., as a threat to his nexus of power? Indeed, he bragged, in an MP3 file he posted to our online meeting, about his power in the group. That in itself could make him a genuine danger to others. One does not boast about one’s authority, real or imagined. That notwithstanding, my immediate objective was to challenge the fascist’s power play, obviously not knowing it would lead to my expulsion. I ostensibly continued that work even after my ejection. Therefore, in my opinion, those who believe they might know this individual would be prudent to exercise some caution around him.
      I sincerely hope, out of personal compassion, whether merited or not, that “the fascist” is not a 𝓯𝓮𝓭𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓵 𝓪𝓰𝓮𝓷𝓽, a 𝓶𝓸𝓵𝓮, or a 𝓯𝓪𝓼𝓬𝓲𝓼𝓽 𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓻 on a 𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓰 𝓸𝓹𝓮𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓸𝓷. If so, my refusal to engage in violent action could conceivably have removed me from his list of targets and made my presence a hindrance to his hypothetical objectives. Plants or infiltrators are no strangers to Leftists. We are often feared and despised, especially by the U.S. government.
      𝑺𝒖𝒔𝒑𝒊𝒄𝒊𝒐𝒖𝒔𝒍𝒚❟ 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒇𝒂𝒔𝒄𝒊𝒔𝒕 𝒊𝒔 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒐𝒏𝒆 𝒘𝒉𝒐 𝒑𝒓𝒐𝒑𝒐𝒔𝒆𝒅 𝒕𝒉𝒆 𝒊𝒏𝒔𝒖𝒓𝒓𝒆𝒄𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏。
      A conceivable setup for a sting.… Well, only 𝓘 objected to the insurrectionary overture. Thoughts of the 2021 Capital insurrection in Washington, D.C., suddenly consumed me. Disappointingly, no one else said a word. He was obviously displeased with my statement. I responded to the fascist, all on Signal, “You want to kick me out [of the pseudo–Maoist–Third Worldist group] for not wanting to go to prison?” I am not a self–centered individual. But neither am I telepathic or clairvoyant. Many of my statements are speculations, not observations, concerning someone whom I have chosen not to identify. In other words, I have no evidentiary basis for them.
      Long ago, the U.S. government destroyed the merely left–leaning Occupy movement and, well before that time, the Maoist Black Panthers. U.S. President Ronald Reagan (1911–2004) attempted to overturn the Sandinista government of Nicaragua. He erroneously claimed it was “communist,” a vulgarity in many quarters. To raise money for his coup d’état, he ordered U.S. agents to sell cocaine to Black Americans in South Central Los Angeles. That is one of the more disgusting, and rarely discussed, moments in U.S. history. Some of those agents publicly confessed their misdeeds on Phil Donahue’s (1935–2024) show. I watched it. They expected to be prosecuted. Presumably given the monster’s, Mr. Ronald “Ronnie the Ray Gun” Reagan’s, popularity, there were no indictments. What a disgusting example of subhuman depravity.
      But I have no means for intelligently making determinations, concerning plausible espionage, about this particular fascist. He could be a fascist and nothing more. But yes, since our days on the Wire platform, I always knew he was a fascist. That social fact would, I presume, be obvious to almost any sociologist and perhaps to many of those in kindred social sciences, too. We study people. Given what I have written about the fascist, I am, to be honest, seriously concerned for the well–being of those remaining in the group. Many of them, including the leader, are, like me, Autistics. And I feel a personal sense of responsibility to protect all of them. Oddly, the fascist claims to be an Autistic, too. He is also a fascist of the worst kind: one who pretends to be a Leftist. In addition to those factors, the membership of the fascist in the group and his statement about the insurrection were the catalysts for writing the Manifesto (ᕱՈᎥԲ૯𖠡).
      Furthermore, as a sociologist of religion and historian of religions, I, like many in my field of religious studies (𝓡𝓢), despise the triumphalistic terms “cult” and, worse, “dangerous cult,” but they might be appropriate here. In a personal conversation with this writer, on Wire, the fascist seriously advocated killing, or more accurately genociding, members of certain new religious movements (NRMs) and giving their children to others. Historically, as we all know, genocide is no stranger to fascism (ʄ🕸).
      Regardless, the fascist who, by his own admission, is not a Maoist–Third Worldist accused me of not being a Maoist. But he belongs to a questionably Maoist–Third Worldist club. And, as the saying goes, people in glass houses should not throw stones. To most Maoists, we Maoist–Third Worldists are not true Maoists. He accused me, a communist since 1968, of being a liberal, not a revolutionary. As evidence, he referred to my anti–whiteness praxis, not unusual in academia, of calling myself a brown Ashkenazi (𖧇ꗟ꘥𖤰𖨨𐌍ムᘔノ) person of color. To him, I was offending Black people which, though obviously not my intent, is a common liberal concern.
      The fascist, despite having alleged some previous interest in the Bahá’í Faith, subsequently viciously attacked my late parents for “allowing” me to leave the Jewish religion and become a Bahá’í. He defines himself by the neologism, a revolutionary Orthodox Jew, referring to his purportedly revised version of Traditional Judæism or institutionalized Conservadoxy. That fascist, additionally, has a proficiency for manipulation and 𐌉𐌔 using a 𝓹𝓼𝓮𝓾𝓭𝓸𝓷𝔂𝓶𝓸𝓾𝓼 or 𝓯𝓪𝓵𝓼𝓮 𝓲𝓭𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓽𝔂. Although the fascist claims to be a Sephardic Jew with an Arab Muslim father and a Sephardic Jewish mother, that claim, objectively, makes no sense. He could not, for one, have an Arab father. Instead, his assumed last name, which is Hebrew not Arabic, suggests that his paternal ancestry was named for an important Old Testament figure. I actually know the fascist’s true first name, middle initial, and last name but will not reveal them here. His last name indicates that his father’s ancestry is German, French, or English, not Semitic (Arabic, Hebrew, or Ethiopian).
      • Yẹhūḏiy hạ•Sẹp̄ārạdiy (Hebrew יְהוּדִי הַסְפָרַדִּי), “the Sephardic Jew
      • ʾẹl Ǧūðiyʾô Sẹp̄ạrəðiy (Judæo–Spanish/Ladino, אֶל גﬞוּדִﬞיאוֹ סֶפַרְדִﬞי), “the Sephardic Jew
      • el Judío Sefardí (Spanish), “the Sephardic Jew
      • dēʿr Sēp̄ạrədiyšʿər Yiyḏ (Yiddish, דֵּער סֵפַֿרְדִּישׁעְר יִיד), “the Sephardic Jew
      • der sephardischer Jude (German), “the Sephardic Jew
      • Yahūdiyy ʾal•Sifār°diyy (Arabic, يَهُودِيّ السِفَارْدِيّ), Yahūdiyy ʾal•Sifār°diyy, “the Sephardic Jew
      • Uyghur, سېفَارْدِىِيەلِىك يەھۇدِىِي, Sefār°diỳiyeliỳk Yehudiỳiy, “Sephardic Jew
      • Soranî Kurdish, جوولەکْەیەکی سێفارْدِی, Ǧûleḱeýeḱí Sêfār°dí, “Sephardic Jew
      • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Cihûyê Sefardî, “Sephardic Jew
      • İspanyol Musevî (Turkish), “Sephardic Jew or, literally, Spanish Mosaist
      • İspan Yəhudisi (Azerbaijani), “Sephardic Jew or, literally, Spanish Jew
      • Sefard Evrejí (Kazakh, Сефард Еврейі), “Sephardic Jew
      • Sefard Yahudiysi (Uzbek), “Sephardic Jew
      • Sefard Žöötü (Kyrgyz, Сефард Жөөтү), “Sephardic Jew
      • Sefard Yaḫüde (Tatar, Сефард Яһүде), “Sephardic Jew
      • yä•ʾƏsəraʾelawi yä•Betä ʾƏsəraʾelə (Amharic, የእስራኤላዊ የቤተ እስራኤል); or Bēyəṯẹʾ Yīśərāʾēl (Hebrew, בֵּיְתֶא יִשְׂרָאֵל‎), “the Israelite of Beta Israel or the House of Israel
      • ʾƏsəraʾelawi nayə Beta ʾƏsəraʾelə (Tigrinya, እስራኤላዊ ናይ ቤታ እስራኤል), “the Israelite of Beta Israel or the House of Israel
      • Ḱalímí (Iranian and Dari Persian and Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, کَلِیمِی), “Jew or Israelite, i.e. follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God (with کَلِیمِیهَا, Ḱalímíhā, as the plural form)”
      • Kalimī (Tajiki Persian, Калимӣ), “Jew or Israelite, i.e. follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God (with Калимиҳо, Kalimiho, as the plural form)”
      • da Ḱalímī (Pashto, دَ کَلِیمِي), “the Jew or Israelite, i.e. the follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God
      • ǧay K̀alīmī (Sindhi, جَي ڪَلِيمِي), “the Jew or Israelite, i.e. the follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God
      • ʾal•Ḱalímí (Urdu, الکَلِیمِی), “the Jew or Israelite, i.e. the follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God
      • Kalīmī (Hindi, कलीमी, “Jew or Israelite, i.e. follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God
      • da Ḱalímí (Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَ کَلِیمِی), “the Jew or Israelite, i.e. the follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God
      • da Kalīmī (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦ ਕਾਲੀਮੀ), “the Jew or Israelite, i.e. the follower of the Speaker, Converser, or Interlocutor with God
      The fascist also glorifies youth, a common fascistic trait. And he regularly berated me for being an out–of–touch baby boomer. Fortunately, my Antifa Manifesto (ᕱՈᎥԲ૯𖠡) demonstrates otherwise. The fascist, moreover, repeatedly stated that he would destroy academia. Even more oddly, each time he added on the senseless line that I would help him do it. I truthfully have a good sense of humor. However, the fascist was not joking. He literally despises two of the most significant things that I love: academia and intellectuals.
      Fascistization, which comes with a price, must be avoided at all costs by Maoist–Third Worldists. We are needed. And it is all too easy to be compromised by fascists. This former Maoist–Third Worldist group failed that test. But please allow me to clarify. My statements are not pleas for recognition or, worse, praise. I quite honestly prefer solitude to company. As with many Autistics, I have been ostacized or banished from groups throughout my life. Previously, I was cut off from the online Autistic community for rejecting its anti–cure position. That does appear to be my fate as an incorrigible maverick. Additionally, many, perhaps most, people value conformity. Since academics are trained to be originators, not sheep, being rejected is not at all unusual. A visit to my condo would reveal that I live like cloistered monk. I barely recall the last time I had any visitors. At the same time, I belong to a religion of global unity which understandably forbids the social institution of monasteries.
      In any event, in case you have wondered, evaluating individuals is actually a fairly simple matter. Collect, of course, as much data aka intelligence as you can. The researcher could then undertake a morally grounded sleight of hand. Misdirection (ꪑȡ), as a tool for distracting the oppressor, indeed works. Researchers often require information which individuals would not ordinarily reveal. I use ethical versions of the dark and underhanded methods employed by spies or spooks and other confidence artists (“con artists”) globally, i.e. relying upon intersubjectivity, empathy, and compassion to build trust. While practicing misdirection, a good researcher does their utmost never to react to the other person. Truthfully, I occasionally flounder in that area. But remaining in the driver’s seat, as much as possible, is vital. Do not show off. Instead, discard your ego, and play ignorant. Allow the subject to underestimate you and your capabilities. Initially, I studied ꪑȡ, beginning at 6–8 years old, by practicing the performing art of ventriloquism.
      Based upon the foregoing comments, here is the essence of my Antifa Manifesto (ᕱՈᎥԲ૯𖠡): I shall go on with my life. Nevertheless, I remain a Maoist–Third Worldist. On one level, I am oddly grateful for my ouster from the supposed Maoist–Third Worldist group. Availing myself of the opportunity to write the Manifesto, of which this text is a modest expansion, has renewed a revolutionary and transformational spirit within me. I have, over the decades, engaged in Marxian self–crit or “self–critique” (𝕊). How am I a revolutionary? Thankfully, my question has been answered. Now I know.
      As to the motivations of the person whom I have named a fascist: If he is not a spook, I honestly have no idea, aside from self–aggrandizement, of his true intentions. I am not a telepath or clairvoyant. Nevertheless, members of my bygone group can rest assured: I am, however, a careful and trained observer and have since joined a genuine Maoist–Third Worldist organization. Unless I am harassed, in any form, by the group’s members or one–time members, I will never publicly divulge anyone’s names or release other information. But given that I did not witness specific planning for illicit activities, I have nothing to report to the so–called authorities. In any event, I did not disagree with the group. I only disagreed with the fascist’s on–the–spot insurrection proposal. Rather than speaking with me directly, the group held a meeting, without my presence, and voted to expel me. Because I was not invited, the election was illegitimate.
      If anyone wishes to deny my words, they are certainly free to do so, but I kept the MP3s and will post them, albeit reluctantly, if challenged. Playing games is for children. I am an old man. Furthermore, after the initial shock of excommunication, it honestly became fine with me. I will not be a part of a terrorist cell. Hopefully, no one will be treated as poorly as myself. We are all worthy of human dignity. It is just too bad that the group’s leader particular—a woman whom I genuinely liked, trusted, and respected—turned out to be duplicitous and a liar to boot:
      1. The duplicity: Repeatedly, the leader said, in our private discussions, that she was looking forward to working with me. She only needed to complete her then current project.
      2. The lying: Contrary to the leader’s claims, neither I nor anyone else ever agreed to play follow the leader. (Perhaps she had the insurrection in mind.) She falsely accused me of violating a promise of conformity. Yet, such an oath I never made nor would ever make. Since I, along with most others, left one of their former projects for refusing to obey an order, in violation of my own agency, they knew, or should have known, better. The leader also assured me that diverse perspectives were accepted. Apparently my nonviolence was an exception. And I signed up for imperialist resistance, not for insurrections. Claiming to be tolerant is easy. However, tolerating other conformists is a relatively simple matter. But we sociologists are, by dint of our academic subculture, more frequently disruptors and non–conformists. As such, our presence may expose the measure of tolerance.
      Therefore, for me to say that I am deeply disgruntled with the leader would be an understatement. As, however, is evident from her mannerisms on YouTube, she was manipulated by the fascist. But I am, first and foremost, disappointed in myself for being a poor judge of character. Nevertheless, given the circumstances, her group’s failure in praxis is now, to my eyes, virtually assured. Since Maoism–Third Worldism is precisely the tendency we need at this hour, such a disintegration would indeed be a tragedy. Either way, the dialectic is a real force or causal mechanism of nature.
      As to the moral of the story, malevolent behavior can, from personal experience, destroy entire communities and organizations. People relocate or, online, simply drift away. Once the adhesive and symbiotic power of Phenomenological Copresence is removed, Demireality (𞓤) emerges to permeate the gaps in human sociation (∫ꝊƇłልፕᛨи). Why has the Left remained so stagnant? That’s why. Nevertheless, as I believeʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, the blessed One, taught me in a dream, my expulsion was a warning about the imminent dissolution of the old world order, i.e. the capitalist world–system.
      However, after my bout with futility, I will consciously proceed with the business of conducting my affairs on my own terms. But I am forced to conclude that my former group has, as a whole but not necessarily individually, simply abandoned Maoism–Third Worldism. My eviction was an indicant of that abdication. Comrades do not abuse Comrades the way in which I was emotionally abused. And, frankly, I am a pretty decent guy. If the fascist truly is an agent, he was successful. Nevertheless, in exposing and denouncing the behavior of the fascist, including his well–developed praxis of manipulation. I am also engaging in my Antifa Dialectical metaRealism (ԹƉɱⱤ), i.e. attempting to protect other Autistics by fighting fascism (ʄ🕸). Likewise, I am enacting my policy, a non–militaristic reinterpretation of the words of U.S. President Theodore “Teddy” Roosevelt Jr. (1858–1919): “Speak softly, and carry a big stick.”
      From my perspective, this situation was a tragedy from the very beginning. Beginning today, however, on December 30ᵗʰ, 2025, there are a updates:
      1. The leader’s YouTube channel has been taken down by YouTube (parent company, Alphabet) based upon the following pretext:
        Content that intends to praise, promote, or aid violent extremist or criminal organizations isn’t allowed on YouTube.
      2. I assume, but do not know, that the action resulted from her advocacy for violence. She is now using her backup channel. But her defense of violent activism has continued.
      3. Her Facebook (parent company, Meta) page is also offline. She later started a new one. Bless her, and good luck with it.
      4. Additionally, her X (formerly, Twitter) account was suspended for violating its terms of service.
        Given my administrative experience with two former comprehensive online services (a leader of multiple sections on CompuServe and a forum manager on AOL), I have frequently been able to resolve such matters. But, given the estrangement, I cannot be of assistance. Let me say: I sincerely hope that the leader’s YouTube, Facebook, and X accounts were not terminated because of the Manifesto. Personally, I doubt it. And that was certainly not my intention. But the thought did cross my mind.
      5. Meanwhile, the fascist at first appeared to be actively trying to salvage his reputation on YouTube. He has now seemingly disappeared from the platform.
      I will add two thoughts which came to me on March 25ᵗʰ, 2026: First, the leader is a Trans woman. But she speaks, acts, and even looks like a macho man—and an angry one at that. Am I questioning the leader’s gender identity? No. Since I am not a mind reader, I only have a right to report my observations, not to draw conclusions. But I have never seen nor her partner, or anyone else for that matter, in the videos. Second, in an ad hominem of ad hominems from one of the videos, the leader accused me, a guy from an Ashkenazi Jewish family with a bar mitzvah and a bris, of being an antisemite.
      In reality, the leader denounced me as a court Jew or a self–hating Jew. She thereby negated her previous Maoism–Third Worldism. The leader has become a fascist … or worse. In her twisted logic, I attacked a man who calls himself a revolutionary Orthodox Jew, the fascist. The reverse is true. He is the one who attacked me. In fact, as the leader knows, since she was present in the chat room, he verbally abused me repeatedly. On April 9ᵗʰ, 2026, I sent this message, through Facebook Messenger, to the founder of the tendency:
      I went back and watched part of the video by [the leader]. It is no longer online, but I saved it. Somehow I missed [the leader’s] comment the first time, but what kind of bastard [the leader] calls a guy born of two Jewish parents—and with a bar mitzvah and a bris—an antisemite? What a piece of s🞻🞻t. And why? Because I was angry at [the fascist]. I mean, [the leader] was in the room. She heard him attack me. And yet she accused me of attacking him. That person, whatever she is, has no character. I hope her group falls into some swamp where it belongs.
      Well, as has been commonplace throughout this Autistic’s life, I somehow managed to find a place where I do not belong. So I shall, if necessary, take up the path of a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist largely by myself. From past experience, though I obviously cannot predict the future, I have no expectations that anyone will follow in my footsteps. God alone can judge me, not persons residing either in this world or the world to come. Now, at least for the time being, I will end my discussion of the convoluted Maoist–Third Worldist group. Hopefully, my points were sufficiently clear. I, ℳ𝒶𝓇𝓀, remain in solidarity with the victims of Empire (𑼳𑼆).
      As I am writing, during the very early morning hours of New Years Day on 2026, from my own qualitative observations as a sociologist coupled with my inner vision, perhaps from ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, is that we now lie at the very cusp of the end of the imperialist capitalist world–system (ꀯꁁꌗ) and the beginning, the dawn, of post–civilization. Somehow, as a species, we must to recover our lost humanity. But soon we shall witness, I believe, great sorrows—considerably more trying than those I can currently observe. And the process of rehabilitation from the catastrophe of capitalism will not be immediate. Indeed, the unfolding make take centuries upon centuries. Not even the the remnant, blessed or perhaps cursed by the causal mechanisms of the dialectic, but only their descendants shall witness the emergence of a new global society.
      Please bear in mind that my statements are intuitive, not scientific. I would, as a serious social scientist, never conflate my subjective views with empirical knowledge. That being said, physical, spiritual, and emotional health, according to my new insights, is based, not on energy, on balance. There may, therefore, be a dialectic between balance and imbalance. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ has started to restore that balance. The concussion itself was a result of my dosage levels of two medications. They were reduced by a neurologist. But, oddly, that concussion somehow placed my entire being into a state of imbalance, which included the sudden dramatic weight loss and the similarly abrupt return to precisely my previous weight of 168 lbs. (76 kilos or 12 st).
      With the passage of several months, a restoration in the state of balance was initiated in early November of 2025. However, the physical reconstitution appears to have required some painful readjustments or reparations. I was also guided, I believe, to restore my emotional and spiritual balance by writing the Manifesto. At this point, the multifaceted process appears to have neared completion. The ontological void of Demireality has, for the most part, been replaced with the ontological dominion of Phenomenological Copresence. A complex of miracles? To me, yes. Thank you my dear one, beloved Ḥūriyyaẗ.
      Considered on a larger scale, because of the fact that Demireality (𞓤) appears to be increasing almost by the minute, Bhaskar was rather pessimistic regarding the future of humanity. That pessimism was, in my view, justified but should, instead, have focused upon the ruling nation–states of the capitalist world–system in the First World. The left libertarianism in critical realism is demonstrated in its repudiation of the capitalist world–system—as observed in various expressions of Demireality or disunity: racism, sexism, ageism, ableism (British Commonwealth English, disablism), heterosexism (homomisia), Transsexism (Transmisia), and all other absences of true freedom.
      Critical realism aims to absent, or negate, those demireal absences with associated types of Phenomenological Copresence, our shared, and singular, higher nature or virtuousness. As the inverse of Phenomenological Copresence, the realm of Demireality is, likewise, our shared, not individual, lower nature—a condition of dialectical absence. There is only one lower nature, not multiple ones. It contains our spiritual faults. That is to say, whereas Phenomenological Copresence reaches its culmination in communism, Demireality is culminated in capitalism. Any genuine revolution produces a rapid, not a gradualist, transformation of the world–system from capitalism into communism. The latter can never be reduced to mere reformism.
      … in a broad general sense, caste systems have their root and origin in the gospel itself, and when they operate according to the divine decree, the resultant restrictions and segregation are right and proper and have the approval of the Lord. To illustrate: Cain, Ham, and the whole negro race have been cursed with a black skin, the mark of Cain, so they can be identified as a caste apart, a people with whom the other descendants of Adam should not intermarry. (Gen. 4; Moses 5.) The whole house of Israel was chosen as a peculiar people, one set apart from all other nations (Ex. 19:5-6; Deut. 7:6; 14:2); and they were forbidden to marry outside their own caste. (Ex. 34:10–17; Deut. 7:1–5.) In effect the Lamanites belonged to one caste and the Nephites to another, and a mark was put upon the Lamanites to keep the Nephites from intermixing with and marrying them. (Alma 3:6–11.)
      All this is not to say that any race, creed, or caste should be denied any inalienable rights. But it is to say that Deity in his infinite wisdom, to carry out his inscrutable purposes, has a caste system of his own, a system of segregation of races and peoples. The justice of such a system is evident when life is considered in its true eternal perspective. It is only by a knowledge of pre–existence that it can be known why some persons are born in one race or caste and some in another.
      Segregation and caste systems will continue on in a future eternity; the righteous will go to paradise and the wicked to hell; and finally all men will be segregated into kingdoms—each separate from the others—according as their works have been.
      〜 Bruce McConkie of the First Council of the Seventy, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter–Day Saints. Mormon Doctrine. Salt Lake City, Utah: Bookcraft, Inc. 1958. Pages 107–108.
      For those of us who have no conscious memory of the LDS Church’s [Church of Jesus Christ of Latter–Day Saints’] ban on priesthood ordination and full temple access for members of Black African descent or its end in 1978, it is tempting to imagine the ban as a reflection of the prejudices of a few influential past leaders, or a consequence of Mormonism’s historic whiteness: a regretful and egregious but marginal error. But this is not so. …
      White supremacy in Mormonism took shape unevenly and over the course of many years. Positions held privately by various early Mormon leaders—from pro-slavery to gradualist emancipation—theological speculation, human conflict, personal ambition, and political pressures on Mormon settlements in border and frontier states all played a role in its formation. We can see these intersecting influences compete and resolve at key pressure nodes in Mormon history.
      〜 Joanna Brooks, “The Possessive Investment in Rightness: White Supremacy and the Mormon Movement.” Dialogue. Volume 51, number 3, fall 2018. Pages 45–81.
      Mormonism is a religion that creates the privileging of white people’s significance in the universe, but simultaneously withholds that same affirmation of black Mormons’ significance in the faith. A number of blacks that continue to worship within the LDS Church [Church of Jesus Christ of Latter–Day Saints] have acquiesced to their white leaders on matters of race, instead downplaying the racial history and mythology or ignoring it altogether. For those black members who remain active within the Church and against the overwhelming whiteness of Mormonism, they typically find ways to augment their practice by seeking outside spiritual fulfillment and engagement with what Stephen Finley refers to as an “expanded ecclesiology,” which is a desire to maintain cultural ties with the black community. Regardless of their religious position on race, members that observe and obey the LDS canon ultimately subject themselves to repeated abuse. It then becomes clear how white racial aggressions, which diminish, demean, erase, and/or marginalize blacks, are so profoundly deadly for black Americans today.…
      The LDS Church is an authoritarian organization of top–down leadership consisting entirely of men, more than 90 percent white and less than 2.5 percent black. Authoritarianism is expressly anti–black. The expectations are that blacks subscribe to norms and beliefs of the Church that certainly marginalize. Whereas religion is supposed to liberate them, the politics of the church oppresses, punishes, and penalizes black people simply for being black, even when—and arguably because—they are devout. Part of Mormon anger involves embracing Republican political views of the world and conflating them with the sacred. Although antithetical to Christ’s mission and the LDS tenets of brotherhood, unity, peace, harmony, and love, the white resentment and rage inflicts deep wounds on the spirits of those individuals and groups perceived as the racial Other.
      Although various white Christian denominations began to distance themselves from the racist rhetoric and teachings of their faith, the LDS Church nevertheless persisted teaching its members through white racist frames well beyond the Civil Rights era.…
      … the LDS Church has made little progress with respect to proselytizing and retaining black people. Blacks in the Mormon faith incessantly endure passive-aggressive white rage while pledging fealty to white male ecclesiastic authority. That rage manifests through automatic or implicit assumptions of black inferiority and defi ciency, which then triggers acts of violence upon the black psyche and body within a house of worship and elsewhere. Some of the more common interactions involve hair touching, second-guessing someone’s ability to perform a task or role at church, or invoking narratives about the cursing of blacks as descendants of Noah’s errant son, Ham.
      〜 Darron T. Smith, Brenda G. Harris, and Melissa Flores, “Black People and White Mormon Rage: Examining Race, Religion, and Politics in Zion.” The Religion of White Rage: White Workers, Religious Fervor, and the Myth of Black Racial Progress. Stephen C. Finley, Biko Mandela Gray, and Lori Latrice Martin, editors. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 2020. Pages 135–148.
    The infrastructure, the bedrock, of ƉɱⱤ, when distributed along a qualitative scale, ranges between, on the one hand, the endless and ineffable virtues and gradations of Nonduality, unity in diversity, dialectical emancipation (Sanskrit, मोक्ष [MP3], mokṣa; मुक्ति [MP3], mukti; or निर्वाण [MP3], nirvāṇa, “emancipation or liberation”), synchronicity, or libertarian Marxist communism and, on the other, profane imperfections or degrees of Demireality, disunity in diversity, dialectical absence, asynchronicity, or the variegated intersectional contradictions of capitalism. It must be noted that for women and minorities in particular, this demireal world can be exceedingly hazardous. Given the scourge of gender–based violence, women and girls in danger are advised to utilize the Signal for Help. Please. Do not remain silent. Ask. As a Maoist–Third Worldist, indeed as a human being, undermine and resist any dangerous authoritarians. Obviously, avoid succumbing to paranoia, but bear in mind that malevolent individuals might, on occasion, be lurking around us.
    Common–sense solutions for circumventing a multifaceted Demireality have continued to elude us. As should be obvious from the devastating and frightening course of current affairs, the world would be far better off without the U.S. Americans would certainly be better off without it, too. Even the most socially democratic U.S. Empire (𑼳𑼆) imaginable would be deadly. Certain progressives claim, possibly innocently, to be socialists or, more tragically, communists. Since, in reality, progressives are faux Leftists, exercising one’s due diligence must always be advised. These saboteurs, as I am writing, pose an immediate danger to global security. And that is by no means an exaggeration. To errroneously claim to be a Leftist, while, simultaneously, supporting capitalism and 𑼳𑼆, places everyone at risk. A supposed friend is actually an individual who cannot be trusted. Indeed, the advocacy of so–called progressive social polices does not situate someone on the Left. And ⫯uẖ°tī (Arabic, أُخْتِي, “my sister”) or ⫯aẖī (Arabic, أَخِي, “my brother”), a genuine Leftism is sorely needed at the present time. However, that Leftism has, in Demireality or dialectical absention, been sadly mischaracterized and distorted.
    ƗᏨ and the Gramscian hegemony of the U.S. Empire (𑼳𑼆) must, once and for all, be shattered and swiftly supplanted by many communist societies. That 𑼳𑼆 might frequently involves minimizing, denying, or even turning one’s back on the cries of the oppressed. 𑼳𑼆 can also be observed in men attempting to regulate the reproductive systems of women. A purposive, judgmental, or intentional sample of ƉɱⱤ’s roadmap—or, more formally, topographical depiction—to the evils of intersectional capitalism will be presented below. The multiple contradictions of U.S. capitalism produce a form of imperialism (𖣇). Needless to say, the dangers posed by Demireality go well beyond the rapid corrosion of 𑼳𑼆 itself. Oppose colonialism and 𖣇. Only support the Proletariat and the Subaltern. I live in a place of Demireality, of splitting as Bhaskar often called it, between the Mexican and U.S. sides of the Rio Grande Valley. The corruption on the much poorer Mexican side has spilled over to the U.S. side. ƉɱⱤ may offer the solutions. México, arguably Indigenous, can only be emancipated after First World 𖣇 has, through the dialectical energies of revolution, been eradicated in its present–day form.
    But corruption knows no borders. On February 7ᵗʰ, 2026, M. “Kolohe” Talon posted this excellent Left critique on the wonderful social media platform, CounterSocial:
    [Jeffrey] Epstein [1953–2019] wasn’t selling girls’ bodies, he was selling the experience of impunity. The end product was not the sexual act, but the assurance that there would be no consequences. That’s the supreme commodity in capitalism. The right to transgress without punishment.
    I use the term imperialism (𖣇) entirely on face value, viz. empire (𑼳𑼆) building. The multiple contradictions related to U.S. capitalism constitute one strain of imperialism (𖣇). Imperialism and its abhorrent offspring of colonialism are the veins and arteries through which the blood of capital flow. Needless to say, the socially corrosive perils presented by Demireality transcend the ubiquitous disintegration of Empire (𑼳𑼆). Sometimes 𖣇 is successful (as with NATO and the former Soviet Union). Other times it is not (as with Scotland in New Caledonia in times past). First World imperialisms can likewise be seen, on a microsociological level, in small groups. Based upon many personal reflections, my family of orientation or origin is, also on the microsociological level, a befitting case in point. By applying ƉɱⱤ to my Autism, I assume responsibility, as an Autistic with obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD), for most of our problems. My father and fellow diagnosed Autistic, but with no OCD diagnosis, comes in second place. Perhaps so–called high–functioning Autistics should be distinguished based upon the debilitating comorbidity of OCD. But, admittedly, my layman’s view might well be heterodox or even unorthodox.
    Someone asked, “Why do some people think Putin is a communist?” I have no idea. He is a Putinist. When it was convenient, he accepted the authority of Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ). Now since ㅆㅡㄴ is pretty much out of the picture, he is a devoted member of the Russian Orthodox Church, a branch of Eastern Orthodoxy. I gratefully cannot read minds, but I doubt he truly cares about Russian Orthodoxy. He goes through the motions. However, I would contend that Putin is a Russian nationalist. That has been clearly demonstrated by him time and time again. Putin is trying to re–establish, ideally lead, a new Russian Empire, not, as he himself has acknowledged, the Soviet Union. As we shall discuss later, the die may well be cast by his success or failure to win his war against Ukraine. He is also an egoist and knows how to protect himself. Beyond nationalism and egoism, my cynicism comes into play. To respond to that question more directly, I will pose another question: Why do people believe in anything? The causal mechanism of suggestibility (advertising, public relations, propaganda, hypnosis, peer pressure, etc.) is much more powerful than usually recognized.
    Therefore, Putin is not a Marxist–Leninist. Many, but not all, Marxist–Leninists support Russia because, to them, there is only one center of imperialism (𖣇): NATO as directed by the U.S. Therefore, Russia, China, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and no other country or alliance is considered by them to be imperialist. Ostensibly, however, one only needs to open one’s eyes to see that there is a considerable array of discrete imperialisms. When considering that the Marxist theory and methodologies of scientific socialism (German, wissenschaftlicher Sozialismus) must begin with empiricism, these pseudo–Marxist–Leninists have unfortunately repudiated scientific socialism (𐠿𐌔§𐌔𐠿). Importantly, “scientific” should here be appreciated in the broad, global sense, not with its narrow American usage. Both “science” and the German word for science, “Wissen,” are etymologically knowledge, plain and simple. That knowledge broadly incorporates the natural, physical, human, and social sciences and more. It is scientific socialism, as introduced by the astute scholar Friedrich Engels, which is required to understand the world, sociologically, in its manifold complexities.
    To delve more deeply into this topic, in the UK, the human sciences include, not only the social sciences, but many of the humanities. The German word for science is Wissenschaft. Wissen, taken again as knowledge, is a cognate of the English–language wise. Furthermore, –schaft is a cognate of –ship. Although Wissenschaft literally translates as knowledge–ship, science is a more practical translation. In German, any form of scholarship is a science. The Arabic ʿil°m (عِلْم) can be translated either as science or knowledge. The word science itself comes from the Latin sciēns (knowing). Sociology (߆𖣵), including Marxist sociology, is a social science but should not be confused with the biological or physical sciences. Contrary to popular understandings, there is no single scientific method. Science, as a term for research designs, may, in a sense, be more a verb than a noun. There are numerous methods for engaging with scientific research. In my own field of sociology alone, an abundance of scientific methods are utilized. Simply a cursory enumeration of those methodologies would include: survey research, participant observation or ethnography, experimental designs, and content analysis.
    There is a faux anti–war movement concerning the war on Ukraine. It is not just pseudo–Marxist–Leninists who are a part of it. The movement also includes, for instance, adherents of the radical individualist philosophy of pacifism as well as those who simply do not wish to continue funding the war. In other words, the anti–war movement is a coalition formed by individuals with a variety of ideologies. They may only agree on this one issue. However, ultimately, all of them are supporting Russian colonialism in Ukraine. As the war drags on, I suspect that the movement will become increasingly larger. Because of the assistance of NATO and of non–NATO countries, resources have thus far been on Ukraine’s side. Time, on the other hand, is on Putin’s side. As a smart man, he undoubtedly knows it. Even though the future is never written in stone, the ultimate victor is of no enduring consequence. Only the annihilation of the capitalist world–system and, with it, the end of the First World can now matter. Under the domination of that world–system, communism or revolutionary socialism, even in the Third World, has repeatedly proven itself to be unsustainable.
    This writer’s proposition is that revolutions have, at least in part, continued to be forestalled, first, by an overwhelming preponderance of false–conscious lumpenproletarians the world over and, second, by the obvious dominance of First World imperialism (𖣇) and colonialism in the Third World and Fourth World Indigeneity. Additional factors were introduced by Antonio Gramsci’s (1891–1937) theory of cultural hegemony. According to his framework, revolution was inhibited due to a cultural appropriation of the Proletariat and the Subaltern by the bourgeosie.
    One of the frequently repeated, but rarely acknowledged, logical fallacies is found in the statement, “History never repeats itself.” Some people will then qualify it using an apocryphal statement by the magnificent wordsmith Mark Twain (né Samuel Langhorne Clemens, 1835–1910), perhaps inspired by his The Guilded Age: A Tale of To–Day, “History does not repeat itself, but it rhymes.” Notwithstanding the bona fidēs of the alleged versifier, and the comment is admittedly fairly on target, the poetry of capitalism and hardship is a bit too frequent to ignore. Although the qualification is fine, it is unnecessary. The original assertion also contradicts another well–known adage, “One should learn from history.” How can one learn from a history which cannot be repeated? The resolution is, or should be, obvious: “Of course, histories, our mirrors on the past, repeat themselves—but not precisely.” Events on the ground, and their human agents, are never exactly the same from day to day. Imperialism, unfortunately, has been repeated all too many times. And recent history has supported the brilliance of Gramsci’s explanations. As he wrote:
    The intellectuals have a function in the “hegemony” that is exercised throughout society by the dominant group and in the “domination” over society that is embodied by the state, and this function is precisely “organizational” or connective. The intellectuals have the function of organizing the social hegemony of a group and that group’s domination of the state; in other words, they have the function of organizing the consent that comes from the prestige attached to the function in the world of production and the apparatus of coercion for those groups who do not ”consent“ either actively or passively or for those moments of crisis of command and leadership when spontaneous consent undergoes a crisis. As a result of this analysis, the concept of intellectuals is broadened very extensively, but this seems to me the only possible way to arrive at a concrete approximation of reality.
    〜 Antonio Gramsci. Prison Notebooks. Volume I. Joseph A. Buttigieg and Antonio Callari, translators. New York: Columbia University Press. 1996. Pages 179.
    It is precisely up to the sixteenth century that Florence exerts a cultural hegemony, because it exerts an economic hegemony (Pope Boniface VIII said that the Florentines were the fifth element of the world) and there is a development from below, from the people to the cultured class. After the decline of Florence, Italian is the language of an exclusive caste which has no contact with a historical spoken language. Is this not, perhaps, the question of returning to the Florentine hegemony that was posed by Manzoni and refuted by Ascoli who, being a historicist, does not believe in linguistic hegemonies decreed by law without an economic–cultural structure?
    〜 Antonio Gramsci. Prison Notebooks. Volume II. Joseph A. Buttigieg, translator and editor. New York: Columbia University Press. 1996. Pages 20–201.
    Marx predicted revolutions in Europe for the late 19ᵗʰ century. Antonio Gramsci, in his theory of cultural hegemony argued that they failed to materialize because the bourgeoisie control the culture. There are other reasons, too, but I also accept Gramsci’s explanation. The mainstream media and Internet 2.0 are dominated by the corporatocracy or bourgeoisie. They use the media to benefit their own class interests. And popular culture is shaped by the media. Since the bourgeoisie own the mainstream media, the class consciousness of workers has been subverted. Accordingly, most First World workers are not class–consciousness Proletarians but false–conscious or class–unconscious lumpenproletarians (lumpens). When the big foot of capitalism steps on them, they say, Push harder! The relative incompetence of any other contenders aside, a failed capitalist, Donald Trump, was twice elected U.S. president. As is obvious to any class–conscious worker, Trump could not care less about the working class. Yet, he became a working class hero. He was reelected, after a four–year hiatus, despite, or perhaps even due to, his two impeachments and multiple felony convictions. So there we have it: Gramscian cultural hegemony in action.
    Demireality, a collective term for dialectical absences, is the home to intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒) as ᓰ爪 and to intersectional capitalism. Donald Trump, a failed capitalist with many dialectical absences, is a personification of Demireality. I am exactly 10 years younger than Trump, but we both lived in Queens at the same time. He was a bit smoother when he was younger. However, but he has always been like a child looking for attention. He runs off of his emotions. When he feels as though too many people are ignoring him, he will do one more outrageous act. Then people, he appears to hope, will look at him again. In that sense, Trump is uncomplicated. He lacks virtually any curiosity concerning the world around him. I doubt he even cares about his convictions and impeachments, as long as people go back to watching him one more time. He lives only in the moment. I also conclude that a now former friend repeatedly lied to me. They told me, clearly attempting a provocation, that two, though switching to three once or twice, Universal House of Justice members are zionists. Why? I am not financially helping their friend. That aside, it is none of my business whether this or that person is a zionist or, for that matter, a Bundist.
    Here are examples of capitalist contradictions:
    A while back, this writer was asked to debate Marxism. My response, perhaps unwise in hindsight, was that communism can only be established by a struggle against the capitalist world–system, not by words or conversations. He countered that rational arguments are required for social change. Because there was nothing further to add, our brief conversation just ended. To be completely honest, I wish that I could go back and re–do the discussion. But all too often, communists become the punching bags for the right. Sometimes the writer becomes exasperated over the predictable personal attacks. So many right wingers actually believe that communists are in hiding. Those same right wingers are immediately startled when I admit to being one. Other right wingers presume that progressives and communists are identical. In fact, most agree on little if anything at all. It is really quite odd … and definitely annoying. I should, to be frank, be acclimatized to that constant conflation by now, but I am not. While communists focus on class, progressives generally do not or, if otherwise, will situate class on the same rank as race and gender.
    Class struggles can only be eradicated through the establishment of classless communist or socialist societies. Although the Proletariat and the Subaltern currently have relatively few means to fight back, the class struggle nevertheless continues. But most people are so accustomed to class struggles, they do not even notice them. Actually, they are all around us. There is no escape. The fact that the wealthy pay a much smaller proportion of their incomes through taxes than the poor, in the U.S. and some other societies, is a demonstration of class struggle. Ditto for the prison–industrial complex. In the U.S., in particular, the poor are placed into penitentiaries and, frequently for arguably worse crimes, the wealthy are given probation. Police will often conduct raids in poor neighborhoods, but they largely ignore the fancier neighborhoods populated by the middle and upper classes. It is, therefore, not an accident that prisons disproportionately house the poor. To coin an expression, the judicial system is gentrified.
    To summarize an old lecture as a professor 👨‍🏫, I distinguish between social class and class. The first was Max Weber’s (1864–1920) multidimensional construct of life chances. The second was used by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels to examine the relations of production. Those relations are now in capitalism. Marx and Engels were dialectical materialists, historical materialists, and ontological realists. They focused on the real, material substructure for the study of history. As realists, they critiqued the long tradition of German idealism—returning to the founder of modern Western philosophy Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) and his transcendental idealism. Weber, influenced by German idealism and by realism, formulated a sociology which was not strictly materialistic. For example, in The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (German, Die protestantische Ethik und der Geist des Kapitalismus), Weber explained the origins of capitalism in the Calvinist theological T.U.L.I.P doctrines of unconditional double election and irresistible grace. Since ethics are idealistic, not materialistic, class differed from social class. Many sociologists are Marxists. Some are Weberians. A number are Marxian–Weberian syncretists or fall under a broad spectrum of other categories.
    As a practical application of intersectional Demireality, within the theoretical framework of ƉɱⱤ, directly below is the writer’s personal diagram of the 21ˢᵗ–century global intersectional system of social class or social stratification. Stratification through intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ) is a causal mechanism, or an animating principle, of Demireality. On the other hand, ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒 is, when taken on its own, a conceptual framework of social stratification in society and, therefore, in sociation (∫ꝊƇłልፕᛨи). ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒 as intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ) is regarded in ƉɱⱤ as an elaboration of class or social stratification. All stratification systems, the manifestations of Demireality in societies, are discernible structural barriers to upward social mobility. Classes should not, however, be conceptualized as rigid or as inflexible. Instead, there are gradations within them and overlaps between them. Please also note that the model of spiritual evolution previously referenced in the book—which begins with Actuality and culminates in the transcendent, ethereal, and innermost Quiddity or Unity of all beings and things—does not apply to my diagram of class.
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    Class struggle, or class warfare, is the result of the dialectical contradictions in the capitalist system. Those contradictions are causal mechanisms. To be overly simplistic, the bourgeoisie (capitalists) own the means of production. The workers are a part of that means of production. Therefore, the capitalists, in effect, own the workers. Living in a world of contradictions results in the alienation of the workers. Those workers who become class conscious are the Proletariat. Those who do not, and instead support the capitalist system which is stepping on their feet, are the false–conscious lumpenproletariat. To Marx, the Proletarians, not the lumpenproletarians (aka lumpens), may at some point arise to overturn the capitalist world–system.
    As a Maoist–Third Worldist, I believe that socialism or communism, 𝓼𝓱𝓸𝓾𝓵𝓭 it develop, will 𝓫𝓮𝓰𝓲𝓷 in the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity. There, if the First World is wiped off the map, revolutionary transformation might also 𝓮𝓷𝓭. That tentative proposition is a consequence of my post–civilization–mutual aid turn. In alignment with the vital importance of mutual aid, many of the positions taken within Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ) approximate those of Neozapatismo taken by the Zapatistas in Mexico. While not always in agreement with their praxes, they are my Comrades.
    The model below examines institutionalized inequality or social stratification: Bear in mind, I would suggest that class consciousness is not idealistic, a subjective state of mind, or a mental construct. It is, rather, a realist faculty of embodied sentience built into our own collective human nature. False consciousness is the dialectical absence, or the underdevelopment, of that same singular faculty and nature in one person or another. But no one, truly, lies beyond the hope of redemption. Each of us is deserving of emancipation from the capitalist world–system. The first set of five major classes demonstrates at least some degree of class consciousness:
    1. Bourgeosie (MP3): These capitalists—as a plutocracy and an oligarchy—have socially, politically, and culturally dominated the international capitalist world–system of intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒) or the class system. These class–conscious capitalists have incorporated, within the U.S., some, but not all, members of the upper lower class (old money) and some, but not all, members of the lower upper class (new money or nouveaux riches [MP3]). Other members of both upper classes can be found in the lumpenbourgeosie, the Proletariat, and the lumpenproletariat (which is discussed below). A distinction should be made between personal property and private property. The first, to which no one should raise any objection, would consist of my home and other personal assets. The second is capital, including human capital. In the U.S. and the West in general, the capitalist world–system, which includes political leaders and high–ranked military officials, effectively uses causal mechanisms for crushing dissent. The Occupy movement, an offshoot from Occupy Wall Street, was largely peaceful. There have also been a few somewhat violent left anarchists here and there. Nothing has come of any of them. The bourgeosie are generally well–protected. 😏
    2. Patriciate (MP3): The patricians (MP3) are independently wealthy non–capitalists. Rich, non–working aristocrats, in countries which still have monarchies and royal families, would be placed under this social class. Patricians also include, in the U.S., some of the upper upper and lower upper classes.
    3. Petite–Bourgeosie (MP3): This class consist of small business owners or merchants.
    4. Proletariat (MP3): In the 19ᵗʰ century, “Proletariat” was owned, rescued, or emancipated by Marx from the Latin “prōlētārius” (MP3), “having offspring” or, loosely, “baby factories.” Prōlētārius was originally a pejorative utilized by certain snobbish plutocrats within the Roman Empire. Proletarians (MP3) can transform the planet. For at least one possible reason, addressed later in the present discussion, that class–conscious or, alternatively, left–revolutionary class includes a negligible and scattered minority of class–conscious and non–capitalist workers in the First World. Furthermore, due to the domination of the capitalist world–system and the First World, communist revolutions have, up to the present, been either unsuccessful or transitory.
      Since Proletarians oppose intersectional capitalism and its oppressive class system, they can be armed. However, an absence of First World Proletarians, a prospect not anticipated by Marx, has negated all prospects of revolution for now and made gun ownership largely irrelevant at the present time. Nevertheless, on a broad scale, the Third Worle and the Fourth World of Indigeneity are, metaphorically, the Proletariat to the First World as the bourgeosie. Goods and such services as telephone customer service have increasingly been transplanted into the Third World. And then this neocolonial trend accelerated, if you are old enough to remember, in the 1980s. “The Price is Right” was hosted by the popular Bob Barker (1923–2023). But now, in reference to Barker’s previous game show, I demand, “Truth or Consequences.” For a brief period, new episodes of both shows were broadcast concurrently. I remember.
      Proletarians may be Marxists. Others might be anarchists or poststructuralists. But still others can, given their geographic isolation or their youth, be thoroughly unfamiliar with any of these bodies of critical theory. Nevertheless, all Proletarians are, whether presently or perhaps only potentially, communist revolutionaries against ƗᏨ. The Proletariat is, accordingly, the modern–day hydrarchy. Eventually, regional workers’ councils will hopefully supercede the governments of nation–states in the Third World, the Fourth World of Indigeneity, and, possibly then in the remote future, the First World, as well. The Proletariat, whether working or retired, should, of course, reject fascistic calls for ultranationalism, and a malignant tribalism, and only support their own class interests, namely 𝓒𝓸𝓹𝓻𝓮𝓼𝓮𝓷𝓬𝓮.
      1. Wealthy Non–Capitalist Workers: Top celebrities, sports stars, affluent nonworking people, some members of the upper and lower upper classes in the U.S., etc. are included in this class. They need to work for a living. Since these people are not independently wealthy, they are not patricians. The writer is a retired member of this class.
      2. Intelligentsia (MP3): It is the professional class of those with an advanced education and, usually, an earned, not an honorary, doctoral degree. Members of this class include: professional intellectuals (such as professors and journalists), the cognitariat, physicians, attorneys, and others or, in the U.S. and some other countries, the upper middle class. Teaching assistants (TAs) are the underclass within the intelligentia. 🧐
      3. Managerial Class: This class of executives and bosses can be called white collar or, in the U.S., the middle class or the lower middle class. However, it also includes certain members of the upper classes. These managers do not abuse their power. 👔
      4. Working Class: Blue–collar factory workers, working peasants, police officers, construction workers, fire fighters, the upper lower class in the U.S., etc. make up this social class. A living wage is a capitalist concept. U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders’ (né 1941) advocacy of it demonstrates why he is not a socialist. Wages need to be replaced by workers’ collectives.
    5. Subalternity (MP3): This destitute social class, or more precisely underclass, of pauperdom (MP3) includes both working and nonworking poor. Many Subalternians move back and forth between work and unemployment. Some are permanently unemployed. Other members of this impoverished class work full time, sometimes even in multiple jobs, but continue to experience absolute or relative poverty. The Subalternians are, in other words, othered or marginalized individuals. In certain societies, they may be subsistence farmers or migrant laborers. Many of them might be classified as peasants, such as the revolutionary peasants of Mao’s China. Subalternity belongs to the Precariat. After the collapse of the capitalist world–system, the Subaltern, itself a creation of capitalism, may be incorporated into the Proletariat.
      In the U.S., some Subalternians refer to themselves as rednecks. However, as with the revolutionary peasants in Mao’s China, they are also class conscious. As a rule, the Subaltern remain focused on meeting basic necessities, They may or may not receive wages or a salary. By the same token, since the Subaltern do possess class consciousness, they are not, in our model, lumpensubaltern. Globally, there are numerous variations of Subalternity. That notwithstanding, since the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity have an absence of imperialism, they possess the greatest dialectical or revolutionary potential. Considering whether some revolutions will be started by the Subaltern is guesswork.
    The five major “lumpen” classes below showcase, comparatively, a dialectical absence of class consciousness. However, the following terms, except for the lumpenproletariat, are, to my knowledge, original to this volume:
    1. Lumpenbourgeosie (MP3), unlike the bourgeosie themselves, have an absence of class consciousness.
    2. Lumpenpatriciate, unlike the patriciate, have an absence of class consciousness.
    3. Lumpenpetite–Bourgeosie, unlike the Petite Bourgeosie, have an absence of class consciousnes.
    4. Lumpenproletariat (MP3): This German term, often abbreviated as lumpen, can be translated as the shabby Proletariat. Marx considered them to be “lowlifes.” The global lumpenproletariat—a “pre–Proletariat” of sorts—refers to non–capitalist workers possessing false consciousness (an absence of class consciousness). These workers showcase a dialectical absence of emancipation or liberation, class consciousness, and revolutionary potential. There are, of course, retired and temporarily unemployed lumpenproletarians, as well. To be clear, this writer has only compassion, not contempt, for the lumpenproletarians. Lying within the heart of ƉɱⱤ, and of critical realism more broadly, is the emancipation of all beings and things.
      Regrettably, lumpenproletarians, as a debased false–conscious class, are unwilling, or perhaps unable, to be liberated from capitalism’s intersecting oppressions. This class includes workers who should be Proletarians. The lumpenproletariat is partially sustained by labor aristocracy—a term referring to the benefits which First World workers derive from Third World dependency and exploitation. First World workers thus receive significantly higher wages than their counterparts in the underdeveloped or Third World. Needless to say, the problem begins with the capitalists, not the workers in their struggle to make a living.
      The Western world has, for the most part, been moving to the right since the time of Ronald Reagan, in the U.S., and Margaret Thatcher (1925–2013), in the UK. Both Reaganomics and Thatcher’s TINA, an acronym for there is no alternative, were confirmations of the rebirth, to some extent, of classical economic liberalism (which many inaccurately term economic conservatism) or free–market capitalism instantiated as neoliberalism. Bhaskar placed TINA into Demireality.
      In the U.S., since late in President Jimmy Carter’s (1924–2024) single term in office but brought to fruition by Reagan, every president, without exception, has largely endorsed neoliberalism and participated in the erosion of a Keynesian economics which was applied in: the New Deal of Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1882–1945), or FDR, and Lyndon Baynes Johnson’s (L.B.J.’s Great Society and Affirmative Action. Through this wide–ranging neoliberal move to the right, the beneficiaries have been the metaphorical 1%, the bourgeoisie. The 99%—the Proletariat, the Subaltern, the lumpenproletariat, the lumpensubalterm, and so forth—have been disadvantaged. To me, and hopefully to most, those outcomes for the 21ˢᵗ–century are a dire tragedy. But I see no way out, no remedy, in the context of our capitalist world–system. We shall explore ᓰ爪, perhaps my original version of it, in the next chapter.
      Significantly, the New Deal was promoted by FDR in order to avoid socialism. FDR was a capitalist—a Keynesian capitalist, to be sure, but still a capitalist. Liberal economic policies failed stunningly in the U.S. and throughout much of the world. Economic liberalism supported free–market capitalism with little–to–no regulation. There was an active movement at that time which, during the Great Depression, demanded socialism. So, FDR was, as a concession, willing to make certain socially democratic modifications to capitalism. He was unwilling to pursue socialism. These days, social democracy is commonly called, especially in the U.S., progressivism. U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders might as well, moreover, be the reincarnation of FDR. Margaret Thatcher with her TINA (there is no alternative), in the UK, and Ronald Reagan with his Reaganomics, in the U.S., introduced economic systems which were closer to economic liberalism (or classical capitalism) than to Keynesian. Currently, we refer to the elimination of key elements of Keynesian capitalism as neoliberalism.
      For the most part, the current U.S. socialist movement, centered on individuals like Sen. Bernie Sanders and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio–Cortez, is really a mobilization for social democracy, i.e. reviving the New Deal and the Great Society. They are, in my opinion, smiling at a cobra. It is not democratic socialist as that term has been used throughout most of the last 100 years. Sanders and Ocasio–Cortez claim that they want to make capitalism better. I am not what that means, but it is not democratic socialism. Such an enterprise would actually entail a workers’ struggle to replace capitalism with socialism. On the other hand, as a Maoist–Third Worldist communist, perhaps I have no business speaking for those outside of my fold.
      At 70, I am a pretty old guy. I was a part of the U.S. New Left in the late 1960s. No one I knew personally claimed to be a socialist or a communist. On the other hand, there were some New Leftists in higher education and elsewhere who were legitimately socialists and communists. For instance, the original Black Panthers, a part of the New Left, were Maoists. I, on the other hand, was only in the 7ᵗʰ grade. I do consider myself to have been an embryonic Third World communist in the New Left. Most of our group’s activities concerned the Third World. And as I said, I did ultimately become a full–fledged communist. I certainly might be mistaken, but, to my knowledge, I was the only one in my group who did so. In the 8ᵗʰ grade, all of my former comrades at Wisdom Lane Junior High School (now Middle School), including Stephie our president (last name withheld to protect her privacy), were nowhere to be found.
      The comparatively small First World Proletariat may be attributed to the internalized labor aristocracy of pro–capitalist workers. Since my Ph.D. is in sociology and history, I will address the present subject as a critical historian. Much of the blame must be laid at the feet of the rabidly anti–communist President Ronald Reagan (1911–2004). In his steadfast determination to stop a fanciful communist domino effect dead in its tracks, he remunerated companies which agreed to relocate to Latin America. With the Reagan administration as financier, companies moved to Latin America, leaving their workers behind, in order to combat a supposed communist invasion with the power of U.S. capitalism. Billy Joel’s (né 1949) song (MP3) on Allentown, Pennsylvania, melodically testified to the real–world implications of the Reaganomics of the rust belt. We were, as crooned by Joel, living together in Allentown. And the focus was on Third World Nicaragua. That country never posed a threat to the U.S. or its allies. I mean, seriously, Nicaragua? What deluded fools! 😠
      However you cut it, Nicaragua was neither communist nor socialist. I am only a psythotherapeutic hobbiest. But Reagan was, on the face of it, paranoid. The spread of communism in the Americas was fanciful. He was, however, willing to do anything in his power to stop an invasion. So he sent CIA, not FBI, agents to south central Los Angeles to deal crack cocaine to Black Americans. Reagan was raising money to fund the Contras, the opponents of the Nicaraguan Sandinista government. He was never prosecuted or even impeached. I am ashamed to say that I despised him, but I was the odd man out. Members of the U.S. Congress were justifiably afraid of angering Reagan’s supporters. Many agents publicly confessed on television and expected to be criminally charged. So they said, but it never happened. Then the U.S. and some other countries experienced the Great Recession (2007–2009).
      As novel as my views might be, I believe that the election of the faux populist Donald Trump—a multiple–convicted felon in his second term—was largely the aftermath of Reagan’s massively failed policies. They are, unfortunately, rarely discussed in the public sphere. In my opinion, Reagan was, bar none, the worst, and the most degenerate, president in U.S. history. Perhaps just a few more guns for the lumpens will make the pain go away:
      • The Second Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, irrespective of the rulings of the U.S. Supreme Court (SCOTUS), was invalidated by the establishment of a standing army. The Founding Fathers, who did not approve of armies, left it to local marshals to establish temporary militias which would protect the government. Consequently, the common view held by of the American gun culture, that guns were intended for the public to protect themselves from the government, is an institutionalized fairy tale.
      • Only class–conscious workers (the Proletariat) should possess guns. False–conscious workers (the lumpenproletariat) must not. The latter would include modern police departments. They are, indeed, dangers to society, especially to people of color, and should not even exist in their present forms. Moreover, since there is no revolution at this time, the proliferation of weapons causes more problems than it solves. For hunting, guns could be temporarily leased to licensed individuals and stored in safes.
      • Without guns, whether operated by police or civilians, the regular massacres, particularly in the U.S., may eventually become antiquated. Will, however, the possession of guns and the like ever be outlawed? Honestly, I doubt it. Although I sometimes try to be an optimist, I have, by disposition, been a lifelong pessimist.
      • The Constitution is a late–Enlightenment document. Its numerous flaws have been repeatedly corrected (Amendments). The U.S., the mass–murder capital of the world, desperately needs a new Constitution, not an  υ է  𝔞 Ե ε ժ relic of slave owners preserved from the distant past.
      • Because, at the present time, most First World workers are lumpenproletarians, the emancipatory efficacy of ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ may be significantly constrained. By the same token, assuming that, after the ultimate unraveling and dissolution of ƗᏨ, Proletarians are on the ascendant, communization—the formation of international communism through instances of radical agency in everyday life—might somehow become feasible. Under present–day circumstances, however, communization continues to elude us. The Proletarian vanguard, a massive collective of class–conscious workers, may, at a point in time now unknown, replace the counterrevolutionary lumpenproletarians. Such lumpenproletarians might then be incorporated into the Proletariat. By default, I shall always consider workers as lumpenproletarians, not as Proletarians, unless I am shown otherwise. The lumpenproletariat has, by definition, false consciousness, a dialectical absence of class consciousness.
      1. Lumpenwealthy Non–Capitalist Workers: Top celebrities, sports stars, affluent nonworking people, some members of the upper and lower upper classes in the U.S., etc. are included in this class. They lack class consciousness and need to work for a living. Since these people are not independently wealthy, they are not patricians. The writer is a retired member of this class.
      2. Lumpenintelligentsia: This is the professional class of individuals with an advanced education and, customarily, an earned, not an honorary, doctoral degree. Members of this class include: intellectuals (including professors and journalists), the cognitariat, physicians, attorneys, and others or, in the U.S. and some other countries, the upper middle class. Teaching assistants (TAs) have become an underclass to the lumpenintelligentia.
      3. Lumpenmanagerial Class: This class of executives and bosses can be called white collar or, in the U.S., the middle class or the lower middle class. However, it also includes certain members of the upper classes. As class traitors, they are tyrannical managers who have become aristocratic through their pro–capitalist social activity (instrumentality or agency).
      4. Lumpenworking Class: Blue–collar factory workers, police officers, construction workers, fire fighters, the upper lower class in the U.S., etc. constitute this social class. In the U.S., many refer to themselves as rednecks or MAGA (the Make American Great Again movement associated with Donald Trump). The practically daily spectacle of U.S. mass murders may urgently necessitate that this subclass of the lumpenproletariat, which incorporates the U.S. gun culture, be disarmed—an action which would provoke significant opposition. But in the event of an unforeseeable communist revolution, only the Proletariat and Subalternity of Nonduality, not the lumpenproletariat and lumpensubalternity of Demireality, would carry weapons—open or closed. The practically daily spectacle of U.S. mass murders must, at some point, be resolved. As the dē factō supporters of social stratification (social class) and the sworn enemies of communism, the latter are true collaborators in their own victimization. The literally oppose emancipation.
    5. Lumpensubalternity (MP3): This term refers to nonworking marginalized or othered people with an absence of class consciousness. Members of the lumpensubaltern must rely upon such means as: public assistance or mendicancy (begging). This destitute social class, or more precisely underclass, of pauperdom (MP3) includes both working and nonworking poor. By definition, lumpensubalternity is false conscious, i.e. lacks class consciousness. Many Lumpensubalternains move back and forth between work and unemployment. Some are permanently unemployed. Other members of this impoverished class work full time, sometimes even in multiple jobs, but continue to experience absolute or relative poverty. In certain societies, they may be subsistence farmers or migrant laborers. Many of them might be classified as peasants. The Subalternians are, in other words, othered or marginalized individuals. As a rule, the Lumpensubaltern remain focused on meeting basic necessities. They may or may not receive wages or a salary. Globally, there are numerous variations of lumpensubalternity. Lumpensubalternity belongs to the Precariat.
      In the U.S., many lumpensubalternians refer to themselves as rednecks or MAGA (the Make American Great Again movement associated with Donald Trump). The practically daily spectacle of U.S. mass murders may necessitate that this subclass of the lumpenproletariat, which incorporates the U.S. gun culture, be disarmed—a measure which would produce substantial opposition. In the event of an unforeseeable communist revolution, it is only the Proletariat and Subalternity of Nonduality, not the lumpenproletariat and lumpenproletariat of Demireality, who will carry weapons—open or closed. As the dē factō supporters of social stratification (social class) and the sworn enemies of communism, the latter are collaborators in their own victimization. They unwittinglly oppose their own emancipation.
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    I have wondered why certain religious bodies—notably, for me, those of my religion—are not condemning atrocities performed by this or that country. At once, I come down to Earth. Last night, on November 15ᵗʰ, 2024, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ addressed me, I believe, that the catastrophic events, occurring in certain places, are about to be universalized. They may assume many forms. Horror is justified. Still, centering upon a single disaster is a waste of time. That realization is itself simultaneously terrifying and reassuring. This old world as we know it, with the U.S. at the helm, is about to crumble into tiny localized pieces. Nothing can protect us. It is just too late. Evils will imminently multiply. We must dialectically suffer the consequences of our consistent misbehavior. The Calamity or perhaps a sequence of calamities, beyond anyone’s imagination, have recently risen over the horizon. Considering that we have not been provided with crystal balls, our primary preparations must be spiritual, in our prayers and meditations, not physical. The one factor which saddens me the most is that the vast majority of us shall likely be taken completely by surprise. As to myself, I only wish to survive the onslaught if I can serve others.
    Terror appears to be on the ascendent. But this account might reflect only my imagination. If you like, take it with a grain of salt or forget about it. Perhaps selecting one of those options would be for the best. The experience was, after all, mine and not yours. Nevertheless, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe, told me a dream on the morning of October 18ᵗʰ, 2024. She thereupon abruptly woke me up. I was in a state of extreme panic. Those experiences are, for me, quite rare. Right now, I am unable to go back to sleep. After a few deep breathing exercises, I might try again. The thoughts which entered my mind were, I must say, disturbing. I will transcribe the dream (MP3) as best I can: “Courtesy of a fellow traveler, in light of the approaching storm, please disregard all the distractions around us. Far more important issues must concern us at this moment. Watch closely, and resist, if you can, the understandable temptations to look away. If, unlike me, you have a family, keep your loved ones close.” Just now, I posted what I typed, or at least the gist of it, on multiple social media platforms. I hope that each one of us is protected. But protected from … perhaps a Great Unraveling? I wish I knew. It may not be pleasant.
    Possibly the most effective means to resolve the intractable problems of life is to suddenly bring them to a head. Without attacking anyone, dialogically compel people to make a firm decision on the spot. At that point, one should know whether merely exiting a dangerous situation is the most feasible option available. Never allow Demireality to fester for days, weeks, months, years, or even decades. But in concluding this discussion of Demireality, this writer’s critique of the Industrial Workers of the World (the Wobblies or IWW), as champions of revolutionary industrial unionism, will be offered for consideration. A critique of that social movement organization (SMO) could be broadened, with obvious discretion, to encompass syndicalism in general. Their demireal counterassertion and dialectical contradiction to Nonduality is simply stated in the following well–known, but unfortunate, precept:
    The working class and the employing class have nothing in common.
    〜 Industrial Workers of the World in Paul F. Brissenden, “The Launching of the Industrial Workers of the World.” University of California Publications in Economics. Volume 4, number 1, November 1913. Pages 1–82.
    A dislike of syndicalism among many Marxists, for denying our common humanity, is understandable—even necessary. When all is said and done, and gender inequality and social inequities are hopefully demolished, we will need to learn the difficult lesson of living with, and loving, one another. One could bemoan the absence of a 21ˢᵗ–century John Wesley or Martin Luther King, Jr. But that would hardly be justified. It is evident that many exceptional souls are in our midst. The problem, writing as a U.S. citizen, is the current political climate. It is virtually impossible to dissociate them from the hyperpartisanship, the Demireality, of ingroups and outgroups. Accordingly, capitalism, patriarchy, ageism, and ableism (British Commonwealth English, disablism) are shared crises. Workers, women, senior citizens, and the disabled are simply human beings, not abstract categories. Emancipation from Demireality into Phenomenological Copresence must be a collective project. An alternative future, one which any sane person would undoubtably desire to avoid, might even witness the unmitigated extinction, in tōtō, of homo sapiens sapiens. That frightening alternative future appears to be sneaking up upon us day by day.
  • bulletActuality (Sanskrit, सत्ता [MP3], sattā; or Arabic, , “actuality”) refers to all of the events which can be facilitated by the causal mechanisms or animating principles of Duality. The most far–reaching phenomena of Actuality may be life–changing instances of human agency or instrumentality (action, power, and influence). Goals have no value if they are just bits and bytes on a hard drive or strokes of the pen. The economy is one dimension of Actuality.
    Only revolutions by the Proletariat and the Subaltern—along with anti–colonial and other liberation movements—could eviscerate all intersectional dominations from this dying world. Demireality—as in in the dialectical absence, the contradiction, or the intersection of sexism—must be demolished. Heartfully and mindfully one can embrace the midpoint of creation, the glorious plane of Nonduality. Thus, in the spirit of libertarian Marxist communism, sociologically absent the absences of Demireality—as the culmination of ᙖᙍⴽ’s ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ. Methodically struggle against all of the varieties of tyranny and their capitalist substructure. Both individually and collectively, passionately absent all the absences or thoroughfares within ƗᏨ. Nevertheless, if we bracket the claim that the dialectic (Ancient Greek, διαλεκτική, dialektikḗ), is a causal mechanism of transformation, we can turn our focus to particular cases. Racism is one such case. It must be immediately absented or negated by anti–racism. Someone may, in principle, live a blissful–cum–painful life of absenting absences in the capitalist world–system. If so desired, though not by the present writer, the metaphysics of the Bhaskarian dialectic (ɮɖ) would be thoroughly set off to the side.
    Karl Marx only referred to the dialectical formula once in in his writings. He did so in order to critique the alleged Hegelianism of his adversary, the French anarchist Pierre–Joseph Proudhon, not necessarily in support of that formula. There is, in fact, no indication that Marx ever accepted any three–part formula of the dialectic. The title of his volume, quoted from below, is a parody of a similarly subtitled work by Proudhon.
    Marx is mistaken, however, in asserting, or seeming to assert, that Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831) used the formula of thesis → antithesis → synthesis. He did not. The Hegelian master/lord → slave/bondsman → mutual recognition dialectic is referenced elsewhere in the book. But given that Marx began his career as a Young Hegelian (German, Junghegelianer; or Yiddish, יוּנְגְּע־הֵעגֶּעלִיאַנעְר, Yūnəgəʿ–Hēʿgẹʿliyʾạnʿər), he likely knew better. Perhaps he was writing in more general terms. Either way, Marx ultimately rejected Hegel’s system of absolute idealism. Marx wrote:
    If we had the intrepidity of M. [Monsieur Pierre–Joseph] Proudhon in this Hegelianism we should say: Reason is distinguished in itself from itself. What does this expression mean? Impersonal reason having outside of itself neither ground upon which to stand, nor object to which it can be opposed, nor subject with which it can be composed, finds itself forced to make a somersault in posing, opposing and composing itself—position, opposition, composition. To speak Greek, we have the thesis, the antithesis. and the synthesis. and the synthesis. As to those who are not acquainted with Hegelian language, we would say to them in the sacramental formula, affirmation, negation, and negation of the negation. That is what it means to speak in this way. It is certainly not Hebrew, so as not to displease M. Proudhon; but it is the language of this reason so pure, separated from the individual. Instead of the ordinary individual, with his ordinary manner of speaking and thinking, we have nothing but this ordinary manner pure and simple, minus the individual.
    〜 Karl Marx. The Poverty of Philosophy. H. Queich, translator. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company. 1913. Pages 114–115.
    Johann Gottlieb Fichte (1762–1814), in The Science of Knowledge, originated the thesis ➔ antithesis ➔ synthesis formula. But his representation of the dialectic is, like the Hegelian dialectic, grounded in idealism. Immanuel Kant’s transcendental dialectic, discussed in Critique of Pure Reason, is also “purely,” if you will pardon the pun, idealistic.
    Through Lockean underlaboring, the dialectic has been wonderfully renewed and refurbished by Roy Bhaskar. ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ, or the Bhaskarian dialectic (ɮɖ) as I often refer to it, was liberated from philosophical idealism. That dialectic was then reborn, in effect, as an ontologically realist, and a scientifically socialist, methodology. Bhaskar’s model, illustrated as a stratified diagram, displays that dialectic:
    In other words, Bhaskar took the classical Fichtean formula:
    • German and Pennsylvania Dutch or Deutsch (Germanic with capitalized nouns), These → Antithese → Synthese Dialektismus, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Luxembourgish (Germanic and identical to German and Pennsylvania Dutch but without the requisite capitalizations), these → antithese → synthese dialektismus, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Dutch (Germanic), these → antithese → synthese dialecticisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Afrikaans (Germanic), tesis → antithese → sintese dialektisisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Limburgish (Germanic), thesis → antithese → synthese dialectisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Swedish (Germanic), tes → antites → syntes dialektism, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Norwegian (Germanic), tese → antitese → syntese dialektisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Danish (Germanic), tese → antitese → syntese dialekticisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Frisian (Germanic), teze → antyteze → synteze dialektisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Lombard (extinct Germanic), tesi → antitesi → sintesi dialetticismo, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Yiddish (Germanic), טֵעזִיס אַנְטִיטעְזִיס סִינְטעֵז דִּיאַלעֶקְטִיזְם, ṭēʿziys → ʾạnəṭēʿziys → siynəṭēʿz diyʾạlʿẹqəṭiyzəm, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Hebrew (South Canaanite Semitic), הַדִּיאָלֶקְטִיוֹת שֶׁל הַתֶּזָה הַאַנְטִיתֶּזָה הַסִינְתֶּזָה, hạ•diyʾālẹqəṭiyôṯ šẹl hạ•tẹzāh → hạ•ʾạnəṭiytẹzāh → hạ•siynətẹzāh → hạ•siynətẹzāh, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Maltese (Siculo–Arabic Semitic), teżi → antiteżi → sinteżi djalettiċiżmu, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Amharic (Ethio–Semitic), የተሲስ → የአንቲቴሲስ → የሲንተሲስ የዲያሌክቲሲዝም, yä•täsisə → yä•ʾänətitesisə → yä•sinətäsisə yä•diyalekətisizəmə, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Tigrinya (Ethio–Semitic), ቴሲስ → ኣንቲ–ቴሲስ → ስንቴሲስ ዲያሌክቲክስ, tesisə → ʾanəti–tesisə → sənətesisə diyalekətikəsə, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • This Creative Commons article discussses hyphenation (sometimes used “with a great deal of insistency”) in Tigrinya.
    • Arabic (Semitic), الجَدَلِيَّة لِلأُطْرُوحَة النَقِيض التَوْلِيف, ʾal•ǧadaliyyaẗ lil•⫯uṭ°rūḥaẗ → ʾal•naqīḍ → ʾal•taw°līf, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Sanskrit (Indo–Iranian), वाद → विरोध → संयोजन द्वन्द्ववाद, vāda → virōdha → saṁyōjana dvandvavāda, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Persian (Indo–Iranian), دَیَالِکتِیکْگْرَایِیِ تِز آنْتِیتِز سِنْتِز, daýāliḱ°tíḱ°garāýí•i tiz → ʾân°títiz → sin°tiz, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Tajik (Indo–Iranian), диалектикгароӣи тезис → антитезис → синтез, dialektikgaroī•i tezis → antitezis → sintez, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Pashto (Indo–Iranian), جَدْلِیَّت دَ تېز انتِي تېز سِينْتېز, ǧad°liyat da tez → ʾan°tī tez → sīn°tez “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Sindhi (Indo–Iranian), ٿِيسِزَ ايْنٽي ٿِيسِزَ سِنْٿِيسِزَ جَدْلِيَتَ جو, tʰīsisa → ʾay°n°tī tʰīsisa → sin°tʰīsisa ǧad°liyata ǧō, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Urdu (Indo–Iranian), تْھِیسِسَ اینْٹِی تْھِیسِسَ سِیْنْتْھِیسِسَ کَا جَدْلِیَّتَ, t°hísisa → ʾēn°ṭí t°hísisa → sín°t°hísisa ḱā ǧad°liýýata, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Hindi (Indo–Iranian), थीसिस → एंटीथीसिस → सिंथेसिस का द्वंद्ववाद, thīsisa → eṁṭīthīsisa → siṁthesisa kā dvaṁdvavāda, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Shahmukhi Punjabi (Indo–Iranian), تْھِیسِسَ اینْٹِی تْھِیسِسَ سِنتْھِیسِسَ دَا دَوَندَوَادَ, t°hísisa → ʾēn°ṭít°hísisa → sín°t°hísisa dā davadavāda, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Gurmukhi Punjabi (Indo–Iranian), ਥੀਸਿਸ → ਐਂਟੀਥੀਸਿਸ → ਸਿੰਥੇਸਿਸ ਦਾ ਦਵੰਦਵਾਦ, thīsisa → aiṇṭīthīsisa → sithēsisa dā davadavāda, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Bengali (Indo–Iranian), থিসিস → অ্যান্টিথিসিস → সংশ্লেষণ এর দ্বান্দ্বিকতা, thisisa → ayānṭithisisa → sanślēṣaṇa ēra dbāndbikatā, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Assamese (Indo–Iranian), থিছিছ → এণ্টিথিছিছ → সংশ্লেষণ ৰ ডায়েলেক্টিচিজম, thichicha → ēṇṭithichicha → sanślēṣaṇa ra ḍāẏēlēkṭicijama
    • Turkish (Turkic), tez → antitez → sentez diyalektikçilik, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Turkmen (Turkic), tezis → antitezis → sintez dialektikasy, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Azerbaijani (Turkic), tezis → antitezis → sintez dialektikası, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Uzbek (Turkic), tezis → antitezis → sintez dialektikasi, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Uyghur (Turkic), تېزِىس ئَانْتىتېزَا سىنْتېز دِىئَالېكْتِىزْم, teziỳs → ⫯ãn°tiỳtezā → siỳn°tez diỳ⫯yālek°tiỳz°m, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Kazakh and Kyrgyz (Turkic), тезис → антитеза → синтез диалектика, tezis → antiteza → sintez dialektika, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Bashkir (Turkic), тезис → антитеза → синтез диалектикаһы, tezis → antiteza → sintez dialektikaḫy, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Tatar (Turkic), тезис → антитеза → синтез диалектизмы, tezis → antiteza → sintez dialektizmy, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Tuvan (Turkic), тезис, антитеза, синтез диалектиказы, tezis, antiteza, sintez dialektikazy
    • Kurmanjî Kurdish (Turkic), tez → antîtez → sentez diyalektîzm, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Soranî Kurdish (Turkic), تێز ئەنْتِیتێز سِینْتێز دِیَالێکْتِیکیزْمِی, tez → ⫯ẽn°títez → sín°tez diýāleḱ°tíz°mí, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Filipino (Malayo–Polynesian), tesis → antitesis → sintesis diyalektisismo, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Malay in Jawi script (Malayo–Polynesian), تَيْسِيس انتِيتَيْسِيس سِينتَيْسِيس دَيَالِيكِيكِيسْمَى, tay°sīs → ạntītay°sīs → sīntay°sīs dayālīkīkīs°maỳ, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Malay in Roman script and Javanesse (Malayo–Polynesian), tesis → antitesis → sintesis dialektisisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Chuukese (Malayo–Polynesian), tesis → antitesis → sintesis dialektism, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Iban (Malayo–Polynesian), tesis → antitesis → sintesis dialektisme, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Ilocano (Malayo–Polynesian), tesis → antitesis → sintesis dialektikalisim, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Indonesian (Malayo–Polynesian), tesis → antitesis → sintesis dialektika, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Finnish (Uralic), teesi → antiteesi → synteesi, dialektismi, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Hungarian (Uralic), tézis → antitézis → szintézis dialekticizmus, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Estonian (Uralic), tees → antitees → süntees dialektika, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Russian (East Slavic), тезис → антитезис → синтез диалектизм, tezis → antitezis → sintez dialektizm, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Ukranian (East Slavic), теза → антитеза → синтез діалектика, teza → antiteza → sintez díalektika, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Belarusian (East Slavic), тэза → антытэза → сінтэз дыялектызм, téza → antytéza → síntéz dyâlektyzm, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Japanese (Japonic), テーゼ → アンチテーゼ → ジンテーゼ弁証法, tēze → anchitēze → jintēze benshōhō, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • Modern Greek (Hellenic), θέση → αντίθεση → αντίθεση διαλεκτισμός, thésē → antíthesē → sýnthesē dialektismós, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialecticism
    • originally Ancient Greek (Hellenic), θέσις → ἀντίθέσις → σύνθέσις διαλεκτική μέθοδος, thésis → ’antíthésis → sýnthésis dialektikḗ méthodos, “thesis → antithesis → synthesis dialectical method
    or the Hegelian version: lord/master (literally, lordship or domination) → slave/bondsman (literally, servitude or bondage) → mutual recognition/reciprocal appreciation dialecticism (German, Herrschaft → Knechtschaft → gegenseitige Anerkennung Dialektismus)
    and restructured the dialectic (German and Pennsylvania Dutch, die Dialektik; Luxembourgish, d’dialektik; Dutch and Limburgish, de dialectiek; Afrikaans, die dialektiek; Swedish, det dialektiska; Norwegian and Danish, det dialektiske; Frisian, it dialektyske; Yiddish, דִּי דִּיאַלעֶקְטִיק, diy diyʾạlʿẹqəṭiyq; Hebrew, הַדִּיאָלֶקְטִיקָה, hạ•diyʾālẹqəṭiyqāh; Siculo–Arabic Maltese, id–djalettika; Amharic, የዲያሌክቲክ, yä•diyalekətikə; Tigrinya, እቲዲያለክቲክ, ʾəti•diyaläkətikə; Persian, دَیَالِکْتِیک رَا, daýāliḱ°tíḱ rā; Tajik, диалектик ро, dialektik ro; or originally Ancient Greek, ἡ διαλεκτική, hē dialektikḗ) into:
    absence ➔ absenting the absence ➔ transformation
    Here are several suggested applications of the Bhaskarian dialectic (ɮɖ). Each of them negates Demireality and its dialectical absence(s) with Phenomenological Copresence:
    We are born into a world with its preexisting social structure. But each of us has agency. The relationship between structure and agency has been an ongoing theme of my own field of sociology and in other disciplines as well. According to Roy Bhaskar, although we are the products of the causal mechanisms embedded within social structure, we can work with one another to modify that structure. He called that perspective ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ or restructuration (尺丂). I often refer to it as the Bhaskarian dialectic (ɮɖ) or, more broadly, as Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ. And contrary to the counterrevolutionary program of the twelve–step movement, originally outlined in the Multilith, no Proletarian is powerless. A recognition of powerlessness is surrendering to the Will of God, as an act of free will, not the loss of one’s personal agency.
    One may live in a community, a society, or a world–system which one despises. If, however, one is willing to struggle with like–minded class–conscious workers, individual and collective transformation, while not inevitable, is possible. Throughⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ, Bhaskar elucidated a dialectical methodology of revolution. Nevertheless, a true global renovation must await the collapse of Empire (𑼳𑼆) and the empowerment of the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity. For now, we resist the capitalist world–system and become the loving caretakers of the innocent. That, to me, is the open heart logologo of Maoism–Third Worldism.
    More precisely, the examination and application of human agency, in both ƉɱⱤ and ᙖᙍⴽ, is usually referred to as ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ. Agency alone is restructuration or 尺丂 (Sanskrit, परिवर्तन, parivartana; or Arabic, إِعَادَة الهَيْكَلَة, ⫰iʿādaẗ ʾal•hay°kalaẗ). Restructurize is the verb. Those designations were Roy Bhaskar’s modifications to the terminology of the well–known English sociologist and member of the British House of Lords Anthony Giddens (né 1938) in his structuration theory. Bhaskar was at one time a Marxian structuration theorist of sorts. Margaret Archer (1943–2023) pointed out to Bhaskar that he differed with Giddens on the interrelations between structure and agency. And so critical realism was born. To Bhaskar, agency is always precedented in structure. Indeed, agency can never be unprecedented. But Giddens subsequently left his structuration theory behind. It is no longer the primary subject of his academic work. Two of his projects, as one of the founding theorists of Third Way thought, are critical theory without guarantees, an apparent allusion to the cultural studies scholar Stuart Hall’s Marxism without guarantees, and utopian realism.
    Bhaskar, in implementing his ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ or my Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ, also elaborated upon some of the defining characteristics of transformation:
    • ecological relations with nature
    • relations with society at large
    • human interactions
    • the cultivation of a rich inner life
    I feel obliged to offer a well–deserved tribute. I do not worship medical practitioners or even necessarily defer to their claims and assertions. Anything otherwise would run completely counter to my Marxist sociology and revolutionary communism. They, like you and I, are ordinary women and men. Frequently, the multitude of medical doctors and osteopathic physicians differ strongly with one another to boot. I have, time and again, witnessed such disagreements first hand. My own personal agency shall always remain supreme. And yet, by the same token, I believe it is important to commend people, whatever their occupations or their personal belief systems, for the spiritual virtues which they display to others.
    This discussion of my former Punjabi American primary care physician (PCP), Qurrat–Ul–Ain Elahi, M.D., begins with these admittedly inadequate attempts to produce multilingual renderings of her name. They are frequently transliterations, not translations, or composites of both. Note that, in some transliterations (Arabo–Persian scripts, Hebrew, Yiddish, Amharic, Tigrinya, and Cyrillic) throughout the book, I generally replace the Roman letter “I” with its Ɪ Unicode allograph (either Ɪ or Ɪ). Unfortunately, the upper–case Roman I is often nearly indistinguishable (particularly in sans serif font families) from the lower–case letter “l.” But the regular capital I can also be used. On the other hand, since the International Alphabet of Sanskrit transliteration (IAST) has been standarized for various South Asian scripts, I do not, in those cases, change the letter from I to Ɪ.
    My translation of the physician’s name, from the original Arabic, is: delight to the “inner” eye, Almightly:
    Elahi’s ethical practice illumines the darkness of institutionalized corruption (Arabic, فَسَاد المُؤَسَّسِيّ, fasād ʾal•mū⫯assasiyy) by drug cartels and their members. Sadly, I have even met a few. Most, I assume, remain clueless concerning their likely fates on the other side. We are in this world for only a moment. The world beyond, not this one, is eternity for all of us. Many cartel members live and work, with immense wealth, on both the Mexican and the U.S. sides of the Rio Grande River. They migrate to and fro with ease even as poor Mexicans are rounded up and deported. Truly, it is an unending tragedy for everyone, including those who care about our fellows in the human community, i.e. the human spirit, rational faculty, common faculty, or rational soul.
    Turning to issues more mundane, I live in the McAllen–Mission–Edinburg–Pharr area of Hidalgo County, Texas. It is the 64ᵗʰ–largest metropolitan area in the U.S. Construction here, as in many parts of the state, is ubiquitous. As I discovered on December 10ᵗʰ, 2025, 3½ years after moving here, aside from lowland Hawaiʿi and extreme South Florida (to the south of Fort Lauderdale), only Hidalgo County in Texas, at the same latitude as metropolitan Miami, is placed in tropical Climate Zone 1A, the warmest in the 50 U.S. states. All the rest of the state is classified under a subtropical climate Zone: 2, 3, or 4. Although neither extreme South Florida nor Hidalgo County lie south of the Tropic of Cancer, both, nevertheless, have tropical climates. Some parts of Hawaiʿi lie below and other parts above the Tropic of Cancer. Portions of the Andes Mountains, to the south of the Tropic of Cancer, have frigid, not tropical, climates. From the time I was a child watching Flipper, I always wanted to live in the tropics. That you for that gift beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ.
    My condominium, in the rapidly growing city of Mission, Texas, lies 4 miles or 6.4 kilometers (klicks or clicks), just up Bryan Road, which becomes a short rural highway, from the international crossing to Fourth World of Indigeneity and Third World México. There are many such bridges in the area. With the collapse of the capitalist world–system, the centerpiece of Demireality, lives, on both sides of the border, are in tatters. They must be rescued. And, for individuals with an insufficient moral grounding, no U.S. government agency can match the bribes from cartels to look the other way. Corruption, as a spillover effect, migrates from México to the U.S. Poor Mexicans and Mexican Americans suffer most from the corruption, but I also confront it. I was the victim of sexual assault, robbery, attempted robbery, and even a threat of strangulation from one of my fellow religionists. As Antifa, I have taken the responsibility to fight corruption in the Rio Grande Valley, including from the state–sponsored Cartels, seriously. If you should be so inclined, perhaps you can do likewise.
    After leaving the New York City area, but before moving to Mission, I lived in: Athens, Georgia; Starkville, Mississippi; Wise, Virginia (in Southern Appalachia); Macon, Georgia (in Middle Georgia); and, for 30 years, Olathe, Kansas. Mission, however, adjoins the Reynosa metropolis of Mexico and, like the surrounding area, is a world of its own. The family residing in the condo across the path from me are billionaires. They live in Mission, as well as on their sprawling estate in México. The only way they could be mega–wealthy is through affiliation with a drug cartel. And yet, they are, to all outward appearances, polite and proper people. They also speak fluent American English and fluent Mexican Spanish.
    Upon arriving here in Deep South Texas, but before I discovered the games people play, I questioned one of those apparent cartel members, borne out of genuine concern, whether he was nervous about traveling to México. In fairness to myself, I did not, at the time, know he was a cartel member or, possibly, even a leader. Holding back his laugh, he said, “No, sir.” Such is life in the borderlands of the Texan and Tamaulipan Lower Rio Grande Valley. Deep South Texas, characterized by rampant corruption, is a cultural amalgamation of the First World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity.
    When I was 20 years old, my late friend Eddie, an optometrist, was playing with a frisbee in a park. The frisbee went off course, striking me in the nose. I had a deviated septum. The otolaryngologist (ENT or ear–nose–throat physician) noticed the classic Ashkenazi bump on my nose. He remarked that fixing it would be an extra cost. But I might want to have it adjusted one day. Fortunately, the otolaryngologist and I had a good rapport. During surgery, he hit my nose with some kind of mallet. The bump was gone. While taking a nap on the afternoon of November 16ᵗʰ, 2024, I believe that the blesssed One, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, said he was doing me a favor. I got a free nose job.
    To be honest, I could not, except as an act of self–defense, harm anyone at all. In 2023, a (male) nurse sexually assaulted me while inserting a damn catheter. He said words I never imagined: “How does it feel like to have your penis touched by a man?” After my sexual assault, I was in shock but silent. My reaction reminded me of getting beaten up, almost every school day of my childhood. As an Autistic, I never fought back. I sat or laid down gripped by fear and confusion. Meanwhile, my mother continuously encouraged me to go outside and play with my friends. Was she unaware that she was dispatching me to the battlefield? I had no friends. But because I could not read her mind, I do not know her intentions nor shall I speculate upon them. I did ignore her. In the emergency room, I cannot believe that I was my nurse the assailant’s first victim. Far too many people in the Texan Rio Grande Valley become passive. Corruption here is ubiquitous. Indeed, it is virtually a way of life. Beyond making the report, I did not pursue the matter. The nurse was, I was informed, placed on leave. My situation, with its dialectical absence of compassion, was an existential contradiction to Phenomenological Copresence.
    Growing up a little streetwise in New York City, I often feel like a guy watching a Broadway play from the balcony. I can see the actors and listen to their conversations. Sitting in the audience, I am an outsider. Throughout my life, I have endeavored to get along with everyone. During my graduate studies, I befriended professors who detested each other. I did not do that as a tactic. My inclusive method of relationality was spontaneous. For those so inclined, I recommend it. In the end, however, this method usually worked to my own benefit. I had no enemies. Time and again, my sociology, which educated me to be a mindful onlooker, compensated for my Autism.
    I scrutinize those around me carefully. Many people have, over the years, tried to take advantage of me. Even though they might observe the Autism in my outward being, they do not perceive the real Mark. Accordingly, as an adult but not as a child, those bullies, in numbers almost too large to count, have ultimately failed. But if they were more observant, and could see beyond outward appearances, hopefully they would hesitate before giving me a hard time. I do wish I could state that aspiration with some measure of conviction. I cannot. One bully threatened to strangle me in 2022.
    But life, since retirement, has also consisted of an ongoing series of personal trials. They included the aforementioned sexual assault by a nurse, a threat of strangulation, a robbery, and an attempted robbery. As the lifelong target of bullying campaigns, I am a broken man. And yet, in so many ways, I had considerably better emotional health while I was still a college professor in Kansas. Although I am an Autistic, I am among the fortunate ones. Because of the high unemployment rate for Autistics overall, they would, at best, be Subaltern, not Proletarian. The unemployment rate for Autistics unfortunately remains sky–high. On the positive side, my oppression radicalized me. I might not today be a Marxist and a communist, and also committed to nonviolence, were it not for my Autism and repeated victimizations.
    Nevertheless, in the lives of each of us, class remains in the driver’s seat. Disability, while frequently challenging and alienating, is just one thoroughfare among many on the map of ᓰ爪. As such, disability will inevitably be strapped into the back seat of the car. But everyone, including the passengers situated in the rear, should be economically protected. In my own country, the U.S., those protections are not, and perhaps will never be, guaranteed. The U.S., the command post of Empire, is perhaps the prototype of a morally unjust country.
  • bulletRelativity (Sanskrit, अनेकान्तवाद [MP3], anekāntavāda, “relativity/many–sidedness–ism”) or, more precisely, the fallibilist epistemological relativity (ᏋᎡ™) has been associated with the stratified perspectivist or standpoint epistemology systematized, by the writer, for ƉɱⱤ. But a strong epistempological relativity (𐌄Ʀ), based upon uninformed opinion, should be avoided. The critical methodology of Relativity encompasses a trio of particularized epistemological perspectives. They are each derived from Bhaskar’s own work: Transcendentality, Judgmental Rationality, and Empiricality.
    That triad of stances—forming a persuasively reciprocal and threefold epistemology of a critical postpositivism (ρ𖧒)—is both conceptually and experientially distinct. That notwithstanding, the three of them frequently overlap. Knowledge must be imparted (Sanskrit, विद्यादान, vidyādāna) so that the heavenly rain showers of ambrosia or nectar (Sanskrit, अमृतवर्ष, amṛtavarṣa) may fall upon all receptive souls. Please note that perception is, taking a ƉɱⱤ and a Bhaskarian critical realist standpoint, epistemologically relative. Similarly, certitude, a form of perception claimed by many religionists, is only possible to the limits of one’s capacity and no more. Muscular convictions of personal certitude can also be the product of simple suggestibility.
    … the modern challenge is how to live with uncertainty. The basic fault lines today are not between people with different beliefs but between people who hold these beliefs with an element of uncertainty and people who hold these beliefs with a pretense of certitude.
    〜 Peter Berger. Epistemological Modesty: An Interview with Peter Berger. Undated. Religion Online.
    There are different versions of perspectivism. Ontological perspectivism, which is incompatible with ᙖᙍⴽ and ƉɱⱤ, asserts that there are multiple, perhaps contradictory, realities of being or existence. Epistemological (or epistemic) perspectivism, which I accept, is the assertion that different people perceive reality through their own specific lenses. Epistemological perspectivism, unlike ontological perspectivism, does not make specific truth claims (alethiology). There is simply an assertion of the obvious: People look at worldly things in their own ways. In Jainism, an analogous concept has been conveyed by anēkāntavāda (Sanskrit, अनेकान्तवाद, “many–sidedness”). It is often illustrated by the parable of the blind men and the elephant. Feminist standpoint epistemology is also quite similar. Friedrich Nietzsche’s (1844–1900) perspectivism, as a construct of epistemological perspectivism, might, if is is positively promoted, become a worthwhile alternative to Leon Festinger’s (1919–1989) epistemology of cognitive dissonance. Ontological perspectivism is sometimes referred to as ontological relativism. Likewise, epistemological perspectivism is epistemological (or epistemic) relativism (ᏋᎡ).
    1. Transcendentality (Sanskrit, लोकोत्तर शुद्धसत्त्व वा [MP3], lokottara śuddhasattva vā, “transcendentality or transcendentality”), as a spiritual or a mystical epistemology, includes, in ƉɱⱤ, phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ) or phenomenological analysis. Practice, through ꚰꛗ, self–crit aka self–critique (𝕊). If, like me, you are a libertarian Marxist, please keep in mind that 𝕊 is not in invitation to criticism by others. The South Asian bhakti yoga (Sanskrit, भक्तियोगः [MP3], bhaktiyōgaḥ, “yoking through the bestowal of devotional attachment”) might be regarded as somewhat similar to ꚰꛗ. But love conveyed in any vocabulary is still love. Furthermore, Transcendentality is primarily focused upon Nonduality and Demireality—as two antithetical, ethereal poles (Arabic, أقْطَاب [MP3], ⫯aq°ṭāb) encircling Unity.
      Transcendentality is the gateway to the bliss of Nonduality (Arabic, عَالَم المَلَكُوت [MP3], ʿālam ʾal•malakūt, “realm of the kingdom”)—the imaginal realm (Arabic, عَالَم المِثَال [MP3], ʿālam ʾal•miṯāl, “realm of the image”) of the East. That Kingdom of celestial contentment is the multi–colored garden of resplendent insight. The phenomenology of Edmund Husserl (1859–1938), as a majestic gateway to Transcendentality, is the engaged praxis of love and the sublime portal to the intoxicating perceptions of inner vision.
      Phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ) is one of the more constructive approaches for acquiring knowledge of Nonduality. As an autoethnography, focus one’s inner vision or insight on some of the many social problems commonly observed in a given society or throughout the world at large. Here, one may select from the immense variety of dialectical contradictions, in tōtō, including all the multilayered threats they present. Consider the particular expression of Unity (such as anti–racism or South Asian communalism) which would contradict, or negate, a certain type of Demireality (such as racism or nativism). Remain as epistemically grounded as possible by creatively reflecting upon practical solutions to those problems. As to my own field, there was briefly an existential sociology. It died. Realistically, how many sociologists would enjoy the celebration of Angst? But phenomenological sociology is very much alive.
      The modality of phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ) has been more customarily designated, including by Roy Bhaskar, as phenomenological analysis. It should not, however, be confused with the more recent interpretive phenomenological analysis, a psychological perspective. ƉɱⱤ’s two related versions of phenomenological analysis are Heartfulness Inquiryᵀᴹ (ⴼⵐᵀᴹ) and The Echoing Practiceᵀᴹ (乇ㄕᵀᴹ). As a Husserlian phenomenologist, I attempt, first, to bracket (Ancient Greek, ἐποχή, ’epochḗ) outward appearances along with personal biases and, second, to intersubjectively feel and see lifeworlds through the hearts and eyes of others. That affective and cognitive praxis, particularly with religious movements alien to my perspectives, is personally pleasurable and challenging. ꚰꛗ cultivates mindfulness (Pali, सति [MP3], sati; or Sanskrit, स्मृति [MP3], smṛti). However, those Pali and Sanskrit cognates might be more precisely translated as remindfulness (™).
      The history and background of conscientization (Ɔ˙C), transformed into Transcendental Conscientization (𐌕𐌂), will be further discussed in the chapter on Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ). In this chapter, however, we shall treat Ɔ˙C as a Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ methodology, In reflexive Ɔ˙C, an application of phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ), one must elevate one’s own conscience and one’s consciousness of moral realism (ⲘⲄ) and ethical naturalism (ꁉꊃ). The objective of the process is to become detached from capitalism and its intersecting oppressions and then supplant them with socialism or communism. Generally speaking, reflexivity occurs when the scholar or practitioner turns the method of inquiry, or field of study, back upon herself or himself. Brutal honesty about oneself, but not about others, is required for successful praxes of reflexivity. That is to say, others are bracketed or, using a theatrical metaphor, placed backstage.
      Phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ) can also be applied to both Actuality and Empiricality. Furthermore, Bhaskar’s advocacy of phenomenological analysis might have resulted, at least to an extent, from the roughly simultaneous, and possibly uncoincidental, beginnings of two specific transcendental modalities. First, Bhaskar practiced Transcendental Meditationᵀᴹ (TMᵀᴹ), a modality developed by Maharishi Mahesh Yogi (Hindi, महर्षि महेश योगी, Maharṣi Maheśa Yogī), 1918–2008. Second, Bhaskar’s third philosophical turn was transcendental dialectical critical realism. But transcendental dialectical critical realism might, on the other hand, have been inspired, or partially inspired, by Immanuel Kant’s transcendental idealism. That subject is addressed in Kant’s previously mentioned magnum opus, Critique of Pure Reason. Nevertheless, Bhaskar was not a guru and never pretended to be one. He also never used the critical realist movement as a personal forum to promote TM. Yet, my working assumption, though I cannot prove it, is that he coined the term transcendental dialectical critical realism from TM. And here is further elaboration on my admittedly weak and circumstantial evidence:
      • Now to break down my translation of Pūrṇādvaita Vēdānta (Sanskrit, पूर्णाद्वैत वेदान्त), commonly rendered as Integral Advaita Vēdānta (Ɨ), based upon Indo–European cognates in Sanskrit and English:
        • Pūrṇā (Sanskrit, पूर्णा), complete, is a cognate of plenary.
        • The frequently found Indo–European prefix a– (Sanskrit, ) is a negation.
        • Dvaita (Sanskrit, द्वैत), the number 2 in Sanskrit, is a cognate of both duality and two.
        • Veda (Sanskrit, वेद) is a cognate of wisdom.
        • Anta (Sanskrit, अन्त॑) is a cognate of end.
          1. In transcendental dialectical critical realism (ⵃↁᙍⴽ), Bhaskar emphasized the importance of following a path towards transcendence. For him, it was TM. But in the philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ), while advocating and encouraging the emancipation of others, he did not stipulate spiritual emancipation. In my view, those twin avenues of service are complementary, not contradictory. One must promote the practice of spiritual and nondual Phenomenological Copresence. One should, moreover, encourage the Proletariat and the Subaltern to continuously struggle against the capitalist world–system and its demireal intersections. They are much too numerous to be enumerated in full. Ultimately, communism itself, in critical realism and especially its final turn, ᖘѫɌ, is simultaneously immanent and transcendent. And, as I wrote, while ⵃↁᙍⴽ is mostly epitemological in character, ᖘѫɌ is largely an ontological metatheory and methodology.
            The blessing of phenomenological meditation is the practice of soul–to–soul interaction in its most glorious form. One must bracket one’s assumptions, preconceptions, or prejudices concerning the other person or persons. Then, one communes, intersubjectively, with that being or beings through the heartful and unifying Phenomenological Copresence of empathy, love, and insight. The spiritual objective of this exercise is to lead one’s fellow conversant or conversants into the transcendental realms of Paradise. Phenomenological meditation is referred to in the New Testament as speaking in tongues—the spiritualization of a superstitious Ancient practice. It is the inner reality of communism or, as a twist, commune–ism. When communing with an individual, bracket, or set aside, the person’s physical body. Picture the soul, heart, eyes, and inner mind, but nothing more, reflected in a clear mirror. Then, in your imagination, see that mirror eclipsing the body. While gazing into the eyes, converse only with the mirror. As a longtime Autistic advocate, I texted this message to an Autistic, an age–old friend now deceased, in need:
            My suggestion is to treat the rehabilitation center [for physical disability] like a monastery or a spiritual retreat. You are on a journey of spiritual discovery. Forget all the insanity around you, and live within your heart. No one there can hurt you. At most, they can be a pain in the neck. Practice [phenomenological] intersubjectivity. It is something I try to do whenever it crosses my mind. Ignore the externality, the sinfulness, etc. Establish relations with the hearts of others.
        In Transcendental Conscientization (𐌕𐌂), an application of phenomenological meditation, one displays one’s own heartfulness (comm–union) and mindfulness () in relation to one or more people, even as one brackets their outer traits (age, race, ethnicity, and so forth). This variation of that modality facilitates a transcendence of their conscience, or connectedness to moral reality, and consciousness, or awareness of emancipation, beyond capitalism and towards socialism, revolutionary socialism, or communism. While actively engaging in phenomenological Ɔ˙C, particularly with many Indigenous peoples, listening is always more important than speaking. Creative and active, but not passive, listening might well be the innermost essence of phenomenological Ɔ˙C. In much of Indigeneity, one speaks, like the Quaker, only when one has something from the heart to say. Even then, as one moves one’s lips and tongue, one listens closely. Cues are everywhere. One’s utterance are adjusted to the requirements of the other. The art of conversation is no longer a tedious sequence of monologues.
        The occasional use of the term “subgroup,” in the list below, might be misleading to some. Perhaps “tendencies” or “currents” would be preferable. However, they carry connotations of sectarianism, even partisanship, to this aging New Leftist. So subgroup it will be. Please also note that these subgroups are, for the most part, open, not closed. Many critical realists freely borrow from more than one method. Furthermore, because this writer has not been engaged with each of the meditative practices included in the list, he is not in a position to legitimately recommend one or more over the rest. Contrary to popular misunderstandings, both spirituality and religion have been defended, even espoused, by some Marxists, including this writer.
        Simply stated, Transcendentality is the praxis of retroduction—an inquiry concerning the true character of the world. The objective of retroduction or transcendentality is to abide within the illumined state which the great philosopher Mullā Ṣad°rā (Persian, مُلَّا صَدْرَا [MP3]) or Mullo Sadro (Tajik, Мулло Садро [MP3]), circā 1571–1636 CE, referred to as a transcendental wisdom/theosophy/theosophia (Arabic, حِكْمَةُ المُتَعَالِيَة [MP3], Ḥik°maẗu ʾal•Mutaʿāliyaẗ; Persian, حِکْمَتِ مُتَعَالِیَه [MP3], Ḥiḱ°mat•i Mutaʿāliýah; Tajik, Ҳикмати Мутаъолия [MP3], Hikmat•i Mutaʿoliya; or Turkish, Hikmetü’l Müteâliye [MP3])—but not Blavatskian Theosophy, the primary historical progenitor of the New Age Movement, especially in Alice A. Bailey’s current of the Arcane School. Moreover, meditations—phenomenological or otherwise—could be incorporated into the everyday life of a ƉɱⱤ scholar or practitioner. To provide an overview, some disciplines which come to mind are:
        • contemplation (Sanskrit, स्वाध्याय [MP3], svādhyāya)—by focusing one’s attention on Nonduality—including a large assortment of modalities for receiving spiritual illumination (Arabic, إِشْرَاقِيَّة الرُوحِيَّة [MP3], ⫰iš°rāqiyyaẗ ʾal•rūḥiyyaẗ)
        • bhakti yoga (Sanskrit, भक्तियोगः [MP3], bhaktiyogaḥ; or Hindi, भक्ति योग [MP3], bhakti yoga, “yoking through the bestowal of devotional attachment [my translation]”), arguably the preeminent yogic practice, as an expression of loving and passionate devotion to a God, Goddess, or spiritual teacher
        • dream meditations as spiritual experiences in the realm of the Manifestations of the Holy Spirit or the Awakeners, not as the Freudian or psychoanalytic imaginations of violence and the libido or sex drive
        • reflection (Sanskrit, धी [MP3], dhī) on a substantial variety of scientific, philosophical, artistic, and other matters of interest to the individual
        • creative visualization which incorporates the processes of goal setting, creating a mental picture, focusing on it frequently, and giving it positive energy
        • ḏik°r (Arabic, ذِكْر [MP3], “remembrance”)—which refers to diverse mystical Islamic practices—sometimes resembles the repetition of mantras in Hinduism, Sikhism, Jainism, and so forth, or the Mevlevi whirling dervish dances (Turkish, Mevlevi, adjective; and Mevlevilik, noun)
        • Silva Methodᵀᴹ—a meditative modality intended to allegedly augment one’s production of alpha brain waves—teaches the promotion of supposedly psychic phenomena and an unusual, a questionable, and a highly dubious procedure for purportedly contacting the departed. Back in the early 1970s, I attended a seminar on Silva Mind Control Method—the name then used by the organization—in my high school. That was a long time ago. But I recall that we actually practiced Silva Mind Control in the classroom.
        • Heartfulness Inquiryᵀᴹ is a fairly elaborate meditative practice which was developed by the writer for application within ƉɱⱤ. The practice consists of several modalities.
        • The Echoing Practiceᵀᴹ, a simplified version of Heartfulness Inquiry, was also formulated by this writer. The Echoing Practice and Heartfulness Inquiry are comparable to one other. They resemble: heuristic, individual lived, integral, mindful, intuitive, empathic, integrated, organic, and appreciative inquiries
        • Surat Shabd Yoga (Hindi, सूरत शब्द योग [MP3], sūrata śabda yoga; Urdu, سُورَتَ شَبْدَ یوگَ, sūrata šab°da ýōga; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸੂਰਤ ਸ਼ਬਦ ਯੋਗ, sūrata śabada yōga; Shahmukhi Punjabi, سُورَتَ شَبْدَ یوگَ, sūrata šabada ýōga; Uyghur, سۈرەتَ شەبَدَ يُوگا, süret šeb°d yūgā; Sanskrit, स्मृति॑ शब्द योग॑, smr̥ti śabda yōga; or Pali, सति सद्द योगो, sati sadda yōgō, “yoking to the remembrance or retention of the sound or, contextually, sound current [my straightforward translation]”) is, because of a commonly believed inward or gnostic transmission of successorshp, a significantly fragmented neo–Sikh movement. It which was founded by Shiv Dayal Singh (Hindi, शिव दयाल सिंह [MP3], Śiva Dayāla Siṃha), 1818–1878, a Sikh from Agra, India. Eckankar is a revised version of this yoga and the source of other modernized Surat Shabd Yoga denominations.
          As an aside, Surat Shabd Yoga was at one time a method of meditation undertaken by myself. I was initiated into three Surat Shabd Yoga denominations. Sadly, Surat Shabd Yoga resulted in a chronic tinnitus–like phenomenon which took a few decades to largely, not entirely, overcome. According to numerous anecdotal accounts of this state of self–hypnosis or suggestibility, that disturbing experience could be highly prevalent. While living in this world, sounds should come from the outside, not from the inside, of one’s brain. It might, therefore, be prudent, for all but the most audacious and thrill–seeking, to avoid the entire gamut of inner–listening meditations.
        • Natural Stress Relief Meditationᵀᴹ (NSRᵀᴹ) is a meditation technique inspired by TM and formulated by former TM teacher David Spector. It was briefly practiced by this writer.
        • The relaxation response, developed by Herbert Benson (né 1935), may have been the first meditation technique ever practiced by this writer. Benson formulated this meditative modality while actively engaged in academic research on TM meditators.
        • Total Meditation was proposed by Deepak Chopra (Hindi, दीपक चोपड़ा [MP3], Dīpaka Copaṛā), né 1946. It was, nevertheless, only briefly practiced by this writer. He had been a significant leader in the TM movement. Subsequently, however, he had a falling out with Maharishi Mahesh Yogi. Chopra’s meditative modalities are considerably more varied than those used in TM.
        • ʾal•Ṭaríqata•i Qādarí ʾal•Munatahí (Urdu, الطَرِیقتَِ قَادَرِی المُنَتَھِی [MP3], “the path of the extremely capable one [my translation]”) or Dína•i ʾꞮlāhí (Urdu, دِينَِ اِلَہِی [MP3], “divine religion/custom”) includes a few meditations. This writer, as an initiate, has practiced them. The path began with the Pakistani Sunni Muslim and apparent universalist Gohar Shahi (Urdu, حَضَرَتَ سَیَّدَنَا رِیَاضَ احَمَدَ سَرَکَارَ گَوْھَرَ شَاہِی [MP3], Ḥaḍarata Saýýadanā Riýāḍa ʾAḥamada Saraḱāra Gaw°hara Šāhí; or Hindi, हजरत सैयदना रियाज़ अहमद सरकार गोहर शाही [MP3], Hazarata Saiyadanā Riyāza Ahamada Sarakāra Gauhara Śāhī, 1941–circā 2001–2003. Shahi identified with the mystical school of Ḥaḍarata Sulaṭāna Bāhū (Shahmukhi Punjabi, حَضَرَتَ سُلَطَانَ بَاهُو [MP3]; or Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਹਜ਼ਰਤ ਸੁਲਤਾਨ ਬਾਹੂ [MP3], Hazarata Sulatāna Bāhū) from India (now Pakistan), 1630–1691. Šāhí and I might have been favored with ⫯Uway°siyyāt (Arabic, أُوَيْسِيَّات [MP3]) or ʾUwaý°siýýāta (Urdu, اُوَیْسِیَّاتَ [MP3]. That folkloric initiatory term refers to inward spiritual transmissions of divine grace through, in this instance, Bāhū.
          Gohar Shahi on throne
        • Click on the Image to Enlarge
        • Na Nach Breslov Chasidism (Hebrew, חֲסִידוּת בְּרֶסְלֹב נַ נַחְ [MP3], Ḥăsiyḏūṯ Bərẹsəlōḇ Nạ Nạḥə)—a fascinating Jewish movement which has enjoyed a widespread popularity in Israel, Brooklyn, and elsewhere—chants the purported spiritual name (Hebrew, נַ נַחְ נַחְמָ נַחְמָן מְאוּמַן [MP3], Nạ Nạḥə Nạḥəmā Nạḥəmān Mə•ʾŪmạn) of Rebbe Nachman son of Simcha of Breslov (Yiddish, רֶבִי נַחְמָן בֶן שִׂמְחָה פֿוּן בְראָסְלַעוו [MP3], Rẹbiy Nạḥəmān bẹn Śiməḥāh p̄ūn Bərọsəlạʿv̇), 1772–1810. Versions of this chant are furnished here in audiovisual (MP4) and audio (MP3) formats. This writer has occasionally chanted the Na Nach “mantra” and has listened to it many times.
        • The Silent Way, a meditative modality, was developed by Mother Meera (Telugu, మదర్ మీరా [MP3], Madar Mīrā), née Kamalā Reḍḍi (Telugu, కమలా రెడ్డి [MP3]) in 1960. It was occasionaly practiced by this writer.
        • Sahaj Marg (Hindi, सहज मार्ग [MP3], Sahaja Mārga, “natural path”) is a South Asian meditative modality. This writer practiced it, under the supervision of a preceptor (the term used by that organization), only once.
        • Rissho Kosei–kai’s (Japanese, 立正佼成会 [MP3], Risshō•Kōsei•kai; りっしょうこうせいかい [MP3], Risshō•Kousei•kai; or リッショーコウセイカイ [MP3], Risshō•Kousei•kai, “the standing up for justice and becoming prosperous association” [my translation]”) “mantra” is: Namu Myoho Renge Kyo (MP3): (Japanese, 南無妙法蓮華經, Namu•Myōhō•Renge•Kyō; なむみょうほうれんげきょう, Namu•Myouhou•Renge•Kyou; or ナムミョウホウレンゲキョウ, Namu•Myouhou•Renge•Kyou, “Praise be to the mysterious and subtle principle of the Lotus Flower Sutra [my translation].” This writer practiced it a few times.
        • International Society for Krishna Consciousness, a branch of Acintyabhēdābhēda Vēdānta, chants the following mantra: (Sanskrit, हरे कृष्ण । हरे कृष्ण । कृष्ण कृष्ण । हरे हरे ॥ हरे राम । हरे राम । राम राम । हरे हरे [MP3], Hare Krṣṇa, Hare Krṣṇa, Krṣṇa Krṣṇa, Hare Hare; Hare Rāma, Hare Rāma, Rāma Rāma, Hare Hare, “Power to Krishna/‘all–attractive one,’ Power to Krishna, Krishna Krishna, Power Power; Power to Rama/‘spiritual enjoyment,’ Power to Rama, Rama Rama, Power Power”). The writer has chanted it a few times and listened to it many more.
        • The Yahweh Prayer (Hebrew, תְּפִלָּה יָהְוֶה [MP3], Ttəp̄illāh Yāhəwẹh; or Yiddish, יַהְוְה תְּפִֿלְה [MP3], Yạhəwəh Ttəp̄iləh, “prayer of the Self–Subsistent [my translation]”) is a meditative modality. It was originally proposed by Franciscan Roman Catholic priest Richard Rohr, né 1943. This writer has practiced the Yahweh Prayer on a fairly regular basis. These audio explanations (MP3) were provided by Rohr.
        • The MindBodyFood Short Mini Mantra Meditation is provided during an approximately nine–minute guided meditation (MP3). The mantric modality itself is based upon a conscious awareness of the breath and positive affirmation. To this writer, the MindBodyFood Short Mini Mantra Meditation is a highly effective, an emotionally relaxing, and a spiritually grounding practice.
        • Reflexive internal conversations were discussed by English sociologist Margaret S. Archer, one of Bhaskar’s collaborators in developing original critical realism, along with some of her colleagues. Later on, following Bhaskar’s spiritual turn, which included ᖘѫɌ, he and Archer had a friendly disagreement over it, related to Archer’s devout Roman Catholicism, at his home in Leeds, England. Archer’s morphogenetic approach (𐍳) then developed into, perhaps, the largest subgroup within critical realism. Archer was the cofounder of critical realism, but her 𐍳 moved in a notably different direction from that taken by Bhaskar, particularly after his spiritual turn (). He also opted to withdraw his participation from the book, co–authored by Archer and others, Transcendence: Critical Realism and God (an article along with the publisher’s promotional flyer). Even though Archer and I are sociologists, were it not for Bhaskar, I would not be a critical realist. Indeed I, unlike the seeming preponderance of U.S. sociologists, am drawn to Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ), not to Archerian critical realism (). Such intellectual divergences are common among academics.
        • A reflection on natural scientific practices, a Bhaskarian critical realist modality, was introduced by English economist Tony Lawson. He is the founder of the Cambridge Social Ontology Group (𐖇). It is also known as critical realism in economics or, simply, the Cambridge school. 𐖇 is another subgroup within ᙖᙍⴽ.
        • Phenomenological critical realism (𐋳Ԗ), also a subgroup based upon ᙖᙍⴽ, was developed by John M. Budd, Heather Hill, and Brooke Shannon. As mentioned previously, Bhaskar associated critical realism with phenomenology and phenomenological analysis. My own work would partially fall under this category.
        • Three–part cycle of reflection, a critical realist modality, was proposed by Norman Fairclough, né 1941. He is the primary developer of critical discourse analysis, still another subgroup of critical realism.
        • The silent and dynamic calling out of the good—a practice inspired by the work of popular Lithuanian Jewish philosopher Emmanuel Levinas (1906–1995)—is a phenomenological, reflective, and transcendental modality. It was proposed, in the context of ᖘѫɌ, by Michael Schwartz.
        • Kriya Yoga (Sanskrit, क्रिया योग [MP3], Kriyā Yoga) or ꝄỾ was developed by Paramahansa Yogananda (Sanskrit, परमहंस योगानं‍द [MP3], Paramahaṃsa Yogānaṃ‍da; or Bengali, পরমহংস যোগানন্দ [MP3], Pôromohôngsho Joganondo or Paramahansa Yōgānanda), 1893–1952.
        • The centering practice (MP3) was proposed by Bhaskarian critical realist Gary Hawke. His presentation was made on YouTube.
        • Reflexive consciousness, in ƉɱⱤ, refers to a variety of phenomenological accounts concerning “description and prescription, immanence and transcendence, fact and value.” It was advocated by Derek Brereton.
        • Mindfulness (Pali, सति [MP3], sati; or Sanskrit, स्मृति [MP3], smṛti, “remindfulness”) or remindfulness is a widely favored Buddhist meditative practice. It has also been incorporated into a substantial variety of Western psychotherapeutic modalities.
        • Insight meditation (Pali, विपस्सना [MP3], vipassanā; or Sanskrit, विपश्यना [MP3], vipaśyanā, “special seeing”) is another prominent Buddhist modality.
        • Zen (Japanese, [MP3], “meditation or absorption”)—a widely followed branch of Buddhism which emerged out of Northeast Asia and Southeast Asia—often includes kōan (Japanese, 公案 [MP3], “public or general proposal”) contemplations or shikantaza (Japanese, 只管打坐 [MP3]; しかんたざ [MP3]; or シカンタザ [MP3], “meditation entirely by sitting”). The most influential popularizer of Zen in the Western world was D. T. Suzuki (Japanese, 鈴木 大拙 貞太郎 [MP3], Suzuki Daisetsu Dada•Tarō), 1870–1966. Furthermore, Alan Watts, 1915–1973, was another important Zen disseminator. Soyen Shaku (Japanese, 釈 宗演 [MP3], Shaku Sōen), 1860–1919, taught a form of theistic Zen.
        • Brainwave entrainment applies rhythmic light, sounds, or occasionally both to allegedly alter one’s states of consciousness. A couple of freeware programs, designed to facilitate entrainment, are available online.
        • Questioning meditation, which refers to a variety of historically unrelated modalities, is, to this writer, an important method of meditation. Asking questions, really profound questions, is good. Then, after questioning, do not forget, never forget, to listen inwardly. The silent voice is always present. Focus upon the heart, as your spiritual receptor, for answers.
        • Integral meditation is a spiritual modality which was introduced by U.S. autodidactic philosopher Ken Wilber (né 1949) and further developed by others. This meditative practice was based upon his neo–Advaitic, or contemporary nondual, Integral Theory.
        • Cosmopolitan meditations were proposed by Ananta Kumar Giri (Hindi, अनंत कुमार गिरि [MP3], Anaṃta Kumāra Giri), né 1965. His perspective “embodies an experience of the varieties of cultures of the world.”
        • Æsthetic experience is a creative phenomenological modality developed by Bhaskarian critical realist Nick Wilson. He has referred to his overall perspective as æsthetic critical realism.
        • Mental prayer has been advocated by various Roman Catholic contemplatives, including Sister Teresa of Ávila (1515–1582) and Father René de Maumigny (1837–1918).
        • Three levels of reality, truth, and faith is a modality based upon the three ontological realms (the Real, the Actual, and the Empirical) of original ƉɱⱤ. The modality was developed by Priscilla Alderson. Her perspective is inspired by Quakerism or, officially, the Religious Society of Friends.
        • body awareness is a form of phenomenological inquiry, focusing on the common ground of mind–body therapies, which was developed by Wolf E. Mehling et al.

        The state of Nonduality, Bhaskar wrote, may also be entered through the threefold transcendent modalities of:

        • prayer (Sanskrit, प्रार्थन [MP3], prārthana). All prayers need to be made with devotion.
        • music (Sanskrit, संगीत [MP3], saṃgīta). This activity can produce a form of immediate transcendence.
        • poetry (Sanskrit, कविता [MP3], kavitā). With this process, I tend to get lost in my thoughts.
      • Judgmental Rationality (Sanskrit, विवेक [MP3], viveka, “discernment”) signifies the divers and diverse procedures for developing high–quality theories, or scientific explanations, concerning the causal mechanisms or animating principles of Duality. To express the same idea a bit differently, Judgmental Rationality—even an openness to a heterodox Judgmental Rationality (𖥷꛲𖨙)—is the systematic performance of making common sense common. One passionately and robustly commits to:
      • Empiricality (Sanskrit, अनुभववाद [MP3], anubhavavāda, “empiricality/experience–‘ism’”), or existential experience, is the sensory observation of Actuality, not Nonduality or Duality. Bhaskarian critical realism ᙖᙍⴽ and Dialectical metaRealism ƉɱⱤ defend indirect realism, never naïve realism. Actual events alone can be straightforwardly perceived. By the same token, the causal mechanisms, the animating principles, of Duality are the objects of one or both of the two previously mentioned epistemologies or frames of reference:
        • Transcendentality
        • Judgmental Rationality
        Without Empiricality, no one can intelligently evaluate or articulate whether Restructurational Realism ɽᶉ or the transcendental model of social activity (ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ) is being effectively implemented. Empiricality must, as a consequence, remain an inescapable sine quā nōn for human advancement. Furthermore, in this era, characterized by accelerating turmoil and dislocation, the intersectional capitalist world–system has been rapidly crumbling. Searching for short–term solutions to our compelling and planetary social problems—unless placed into a wide–ranging context of struggling for an international Marxist libertarian communist revolution—becomes a complete waste of time. Notwithstanding, even now, everyone should be free to live and work wherever they like. Borders be damned! Do the capitalists need them? Yes, without question. That in itself is a justification for demolishing the godforsaken capitalist world–system.
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      3: Intersectional Marxism
      This chapter shall primarily focus upon a specific offshoot from intersectionality (Sanskrit, चतुष्पथः [MP3], catuṣpathaḥ; or Arabic, التَّقَاطُعِيَّةُ [MP3], ʾal•ttaqāṭuʿiyyaẗu) or intersectional feminism (Sanskrit, अन्तरविभागीय नारीवाद [MP3], antaravibhāgīya nārīvāda; or Arabic, نِسْوِيَّةُ المُتَقَاطِعَة [MP3], nis°wiyyaẗu ʾal•mutaqāṭiʿaẗ)—intersectional Marxism (ᓰ爪). When coupled with kyriarchy (ӃД), an expansion of intersectionality discussed in the following chapter, ᓰ爪 might be regarded as a substantive theoretical grounding for this Bhaskarian critical realist treatise. Such an ᓰ爪 must be clearly contrasted with normative, or original, intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒). But as we begin our considerations, the quotation provided directly below will offer a moderately harsh critique of certain versions or presentations of that commonplace non–Marxist intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒):
      … intersectionality … argues that oppression can best be understood as an interlocking matrix of elements, including race, class, and gender hierarchies. This model is compelling as a description of the reality of oppression, although little attention is paid to those situations where multiple forms of oppression are not mutually reinforcing, but instead actually interfere with each other. Further, intersectionality provides no clear guidance in terms of plotting revolutionary strategy, since neither the agent nor the processes of struggle are specified.
      〜 Michael Staudenmaier. Truth and Revolution: A History of the Sojourner Truth Organization, 1969–1986. Oakland, California: AK Press. 2012. Pages 326–327.
      Simply stated, normative intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒) creates an unimaginative and a flat ontology in which race, class, and gender operate on a level playing field. That perspective would, or at least should, be entirely unacceptable to any serious Marxian theorist. The First World and the Third World, for instance, are stratified, not flat. Phenomenological Copresence and Demireality are not equally desirable ontological states of being. Mainstream ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒 removes the primacy of class from discussions of social stratification. That fact in itself makes the original perspective, as social theory (ᏕᏖ™), untenable and virtually useless.
      On closer inspection, the intersectional model, more than a theory per sē, was formally designated as such, and described using a road map, by the legal scholar Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw (née 1959) and, with significant modifications, can be beneficial. But her specifically non–Marxist approach emerged out of her earlier academic scholarship. Crenshaw was one of the founders of critical race theory. Since, however, it replaces the primacy of race with that of class, race, as a causal mechanism, is, from an academic perspective, deprived of its proper theoretical or explanatory eficacy.
      Nevertheles, intersectionality (ꚹ𖨶𖦴𖤢ꚸ𖧛𖡋𖢧ꚤ𖦛𐊪𖧥𖣬𖣣𖦚ꚲ𖢒) and critical race theory are, one should note, distinct formulations. The latter perspective, its structural flaws notwithstanding, has, unfortunately, been broadly misunderstood or misrepresented within a number of right–wing populations. It has even been legally censured in predominantly Republican (so–called “red”) regions of the United States. Critical race theory has become a metaphor for any premise which dares to challenge, even if only by implication, the morally repulsive ideology of white supremacy.
      The following quotations on critical race theory and normative intersectionality are only a brief detour from intersectional Marxism (ᓰ爪):
      … there is no canonical set of doctrines or methodologies to which we [critical race theorists] all subscribe. Although Critical Race scholarship differs in object, argument, accent, and emphasis, it is nevertheless unified by two common interests. The first is to understand how a regime of white supremacy and its subordination of people of color have been created and maintained in America, and, in particular, to examine the relationship between that social structure and professed ideals such: as “the rule of law” and “equal protection.” The second is a desire not merely to understand the vexed bond between law and racial power but to change it. The essays gathered here thus share an ethical commitment to human liberation—even if we reject conventional notions of what such a conception means, and though we often disagree, even among ourselves, over its specific direction.…
      〜 Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, ”Introduction.” Critical Race Theory: The Key Writings that Formed the Movement. Kimberlé Crenshaw, Neil Gotanda, Gary Peller, and Kendall Thomas, editors. New York: The New Press. 1995. Pages xiii–xxxii.
      … I discuss structural intersectionality, the ways in which the of women of color at the intersection of race and gender makes experience of domestic violence, rape, and remedial reform qualitatively different than that of white women. I [then] shift the focus … to political intersectionality, where I analyze how both feminist and antiracist have, paradoxically, often helped to marginalize the issue of violence women of color. Then …, I discuss representational intersectionality, by which I mean the cultural construction of women of color. I consider how controversies over the representation of women of color in popular culture can also elide the particular location of women of color, and thus become yet another source of intersectional disempowerment. Finally, I address the implications of the intersectional approach within the scope of contemporary identity politics.…
      … I have used intersectionality to describe or frame various relationships between race and gender. I have used intersectionality as a way to articulate the interaction of racism and patriarchy generally. I have also used intersectionality to describe the location of women of color both within overlapping systems of subordination and at the margins of feminism and antiracism. When race and gender factors are examined in the context of rape, intersectionality can be used to map the ways in which racism and patriarchy have shaped conceptualizations of rape, to describe the unique vulnerability of women of color to these converging systems of domination, and to track the marginalization of women within antiracist and antirape discourses.…
      … intersectionality provides for reconceptualizing race as a coalition between men and women For example, in the area of rape, intersectionality provides a way of explaining why women of color have to abandon the general argument interests of the community require the suppression of any confrontation around intraracial rape. Intersectionality may provide the means with other marginalizations as well. For example, race can also be a coalition of straight and gay people of color, and thus serve as a basis of churches and other cultural institutions that reproduce the heterosexism.
      〜 Kimberlé Crenshaw, “Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color.” Stanford Law Review. Volume 43, number 6, July 1991. Pages 1241–1299.
      I felt that it was important to examine the complexity of ideas that exist in both scholarly and everyday life and present those ideas in a way that made them not less powerful or rigorous but accessible. Approaching theory in this way challenges both the ideas of educated elites and the role of theory in sustaining hierarchies of privilege. The resulting volume is theoretical in that it reflects diverse theoretical traditions such as Afrocentric philosophy, feminist theory, Marxist social thought, the sociology of knowledge, critical theory, and postmodernism; and yet the standard vocabulary of these traditions, citations of their major works and key proponents, and these terms themselves rarely appear in the text. To me the ideas themselves are important, not the labels we attach to them.
      … I place Black women’s experiences and ideas at the center of analysis. For those accustomed to having subordinate groups such as African–American women frame our ideas in ways that are convenient for the more powerful, this centrality can be unsettling. For example, White, middle–class, feminist readers will find few references to so–called White feminist thought. I have deliberately chosen not to begin with feminist tenets developed from the experiences of White, middle–class, Western women and then insert the ideas and experiences of African–American women. While I am quite familiar with a range of historical and contemporary White feminist theorists and certainly value their contributions to our understanding of gender, this is not a book about what Black women think of White feminist ideas or how Black women’s ideas compare with those of prominent White feminist theorists. I take a similar stance regarding Marxist social theory and Afrocentric thought. In order to capture the interconnections of race, gender, and social class in Black women’s lives and their effect on Black feminist thought, I explicitly rejected grounding my analysis in any single theoretical tradition.
      〜 Patricia Hill Collins. Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Second edition. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2000. Page vii.
      … intersectionality—as envisaged by [Kimberlé Williams] Crenshaw and other critical race activists—has two key elements: first, an empirical basis; an intersectional approach is needed to better understand the nature of social inequities and the processes that create and sustain them (i.e., to “analyze social problems more fully”). Second, and this connects to CRT’s [critical race theory’s] earliest roots as a movement of engaged legal scholars, intersectionality has a core activist component, in that an intersectional approach aims to generate coalitions between different groups with the aim of resisting and changing the status quo.
      〜 David Gillborn, “Intersectionality, Critical Race Theory, and the Primacy of Racism: Race, Class, Gender, and Disability in Education. Qualitative Inquiry. Volume 21, issue 3, 2015. Creative Commons. Pages 277–287.
      We in the United States are undergoing a period of reckoning regarding the centrality of race and the enduring embeddedness of white supremacy across our institutions of governance and undergirding many U.S. cultural traditions. Academic institutions have not been immune to this reckoning as their role as the nation’s educators and guardians of democratic values have continued to be subject to contentious debate and policy struggles. While academia has always served as a battlefront for the ideological tug–of–war between the political divides that shape and reshape this nation, the words white supremacy have emerged as signifiers of the “problem,” on the one hand, and the framework of critical race theory (CRT) as a possible pathway to repair, on the other. In the dizzying context of mass awakenings and rapid–fire backlash, they have also become ideological and policy targets launched from the highest levels of governance.
      … The first tenet of CRT is race as a social construct, invented and used to reinforce and maintain white supremacy. Second, due to the embeddedness of white supremacy throughout the structures of U.S. society, racism is an everyday, not aberrant, experience for BIPOC [Black, Indigenous, and other people of color]. BIPOC experience this racism at both individual and systemic levels. CRT further challenges liberalism’s myth of meritocracy, the notion of an equal playing field that places the praise or blame on the individual for their successes or failures in life, rather than rooting inequities in systems and institutions. Another key tenet of critical race theory that is integral to anti–racist social work is the importance of counternarratives, which focus on stories directly narrated by those most impacted by social inequities or systems of domination. Kimberlé Crenshaw’s landmark 1991 article introduced the concept of intersectionality, in which she asserts that people from historically marginalized groups do not all share the same experiences of interpersonal and systemic oppression – nor is there a single pathway to liberation. Intersections of multiple identities such as race, gender, class, sexuality, and ability are subject to differing dynamics of power and privilege, and must be taken into account in the analysis of individual and systemic oppression. Crenshaw also insists that the ultimate aim of CRT is social transformation.
      〜 Saanà A. Polk, Nicole Vazquez, Mimi E. Kim, and Yolanda R. Green, “Moving From Multiculturalism to Critical Race Theory Within a School of Social Work: Dismantling White Supremacy as an Organizing Strategy. Advances in Social Work. Volume 21, number 2/3, summer 2021. Creative Commons. Pages 876–897.
      The anti–CRT [critical race theory] campaign is just the most recent of a long line of politically motivated attacks on efforts to provide accurate information about slavery and racism. It is well understood that when people lack an accurate knowledge of history, organizers find it difficult to cultivate multiracial coalitions to promote racial and economic justice. History has recorded similar efforts to outlaw potentially empowering information whenever marginalized people increased their political participation and demanded changes in school curriculum and practices. Typical of this pattern are attacks on the 1960s–70s civil rights movement and, more recently, the Black Lives Matter movement. This historical context indicates that yet again, the central purpose of current fearmongering legislative and executive activity is to obstruct historically accurate teaching about race and racism in K–12 education.
      〜 Francesca López et al. Understanding the Attacks on Critical Race Theory. Boulder, Colorado: National Education Policy Center. 2021. Creative Commons. Page 6.
      Counterstorytelling as used in this book draws directly from scholarship in critical race theory (CRT). CRT refers to a framework used to examine and challenge the ways race and racism implicitly and explicitly shape social structures, practices, and discourses. This book utilizes critical race counterstorytelling to theorize, examine, and challenge the ways race and racism implicitly and explicitly effect Chicanas/os in the United States educational system.…
      Racism—the systemic oppression of People of Color—privileges Whites. Drawing on the work of Beverly Tatum, Zeus Leonardo, Peggy McIntosh, and Devon Carbado, define White privilege as a system of advantage resulting from a legacy of racism and benefiting individuals and groups based on the notions of whiteness. Whiteness intersects with other forms of privilege, including gender, class, phenotype, accent, language, sexuality, immigrant status, and surname.…
      In order to address the historical and contemporary realities of race, racism, and White privilege, I draw on a dynamic analytical framework called critical race theory. Critical race theory (CRT) originated in schools of law in the late 1980s with a group of scholars seeking to examine and challenge race and racism in the United States legal system and society. Feeling limited by work that separated critical theory from conversations about race and racism, these legal scholars sought “both a critical space in which race was foregrounded and a race space where critical themes were central.” Specifically, they argued that critical legal studies scholarship did not listen to the lived experiences and histories of People of Color.…
      Rooted in the scholarly traditions of ethnic studies, U.S./Third World feminisms, Marxism/neo–Marxism, cultural nationalism, and internal colonialism, CRT scholarship initially focused its critique on the slow pace of civil rights legislation. Much of the early CRT literature pointed out the unrealized promise of civil rights legislative efforts for Black and White communities. Some CRT scholars challenged this tendency toward a Black/White binary, explaining that oppression in the law and society could not be fully understood in terms of only Black and White. While acknowledging that African Americans endure a unique and horrendous history of racism and other forms of subordination in the United States, these scholars noted that other People of Color inherit histories likewise shaped by the intersections of racism.
      〜 Tara J. Yosso. Critical Race Counterstories Along the Chicana/Chicano Educational Pipeline. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2006. Pages 5–6.
      CRT [Critical race theory] arose, in part, to explain the backlash against the Civil Rights Movement, the racial entrenchment of the [President Ronald] Reagan era, and how race and racism are embedded within US law. It developed as a critique of racial erasure within critical legal studies, was adapted for educational research, and is increasingly applied by scholars in various fields. Given its range, it is important to note that CRT is also a field of study. While the field has some general consensus (e.g., race is socially constructed), there are also intense disagreements about what CRT can and cannot do. It is not within the scope of this editorial to take up those disagreements but to note that there is no universal agreement among CRT scholars. However, while scholars across multiple disciplines use it as a theoretical framework, CRT was not initially designed to be a stand–alone theoretical framework. Rather, it was designed as a theorizing counter–space as opposed to a theory in and of itself.
      〜 James Holly, Jr., “Making whiteness visible: The promise of critical race theory in engineering education.” Journal of Engineering Education. Volume 110, issue 4, October 2021. Creative Commons. Pages 798–802.
      Claudia Jones (née 1915), in 1949, developed an early version of ᓰ爪. Subsequently, in 1979, Jacques Donzelot (né 1943) suggested that the intersectionality of the family is “the social sector” of a “system of relations,” not the product of one’s imagination. That is to say, relatively few ideas, including intersectionality—when scrutinized objectively and divorced from the politics of identity (Sanskrit, ऐक्यम् राजनीतिः [MP3], aikyam rājanītiḥ; or Arabic, سِيَاسَةُ الهُوِيَّةُ [MP3], ssiyāsaẗu ʾal•huwiyyaẗ) though not identity itself—are altogether novel. Here are some related quotations:
      … [There is a] haphazard nature of … [the] separating–out of mentalities, in the fuzziness it allows to settle in between this domain [the family] and that of economic and political transformations; and consequently, in the excessive leeway it gives pre–existing theoretical machineries to appropriate that kind of investigation for themselves or simply to ignore it.
      The method we have employed tries to avoid this danger by positing the family, not as a point of departure, as a manifest reality, but as a moving resultant, an uncertain form whose intelligibility can only come from studying the system of relations it maintains with the sociopolitical level. This requires us to detect all the political mediations that exist between the two registers, to identify the lines of transformation that are situated in that space of intersections.
      〜 Jacques Donzelot. The Policing of Families. Robert Hurley, translator. New York: Pantheon Books. 1979. Page xxv.
      At their [psychological–and–educative conflicts’] point of intersection on childhood, the two strategic lines sketched out a general plan whereby effective procedures would be exchanged, resulting in what I shall call “the social sector.”
      〜 Jacques Donzelot. The Policing of Families. Robert Hurley, translator. New York: Pantheon Books. 1979. Page 88.
      The child is the element that proves the existence of a dysfunctioning of the family, the ideal element for bringing about alterations within it, since he is situated at the point where social desire and familial desire intersect.
      〜 Jacques Donzelot. The Policing of Families. Robert Hurley, translator. New York: Pantheon Books. 1979. Page 215.
      [Jacques] Donzelot’s characterization of the family [in The Policing of Families] as a site of intersections rather than a pre–given institution is radically deconstructive.
      Donzelot’s deconstruction of the state and the bourgeoisie is only partially complemented by a deconstruction of the family, despite this latter being the more obvious purpose of his book. The family is historically deconstructed in the course of his narrative – from the “protagonist” of the Ancien Régime [MP3; premodern France] to the nexus of intersections that is the modern family – but it is not theoretically deconstructed. In “the transition from a government of families to a government through the family” we find evoked the original family as, we might say, a subject in history, an agent with powers, an institution with authority. Compared with Donzelot’s treatment of the later, weaker, family, it is universalized. He refers back to it as “the family” in general – even though we have been introduced to it as the family form of a particular class. It is not too fanciful to read this as residual essentialism, as an idealized evocation of “the family” we have now lost.
      〜 Michèle Barrett and Mary McIntosh. The Anti–social Family. London and New York: Verso imprint of New Left Books. 2015. Verso ebooks edition.
      Under capitalism, the inequality of women stems from exploitation of the working class by the capitalist class. But the exploitation of women cuts across class lines and affects all women. Marxism–Leninism views the woman question as a special question which derives from the economic dependence of women upon men. This economic dependence as [Friedrich] Engels wrote over 100 years ago, carries with it the sexual exploitation of women, the placing of woman in the modern bourgeois family, as the “proletariat” of the man, who assumes the role of “bourgeoisie.”
      Hence, Marxist–Leninists fight to free woman of household drudgery, they fight to win equality for women in all spheres; they recognize that one cannot adequately deal with the woman question or win women for progressive participation unless one takes up the special problems, needs and aspirations of women – as women.
      〜 Claudia Jones, “We Seek Full Equality for Women.” Viewpoint Magazine. February 21ˢᵗ, 2015 [1949]. Creative Commons. Web.
      Forty years before the term “intersectionality” was coined, Claudia Jones called for centering Black women workers—whose experience could not be reduced to either racism or sexism: “Black women—as workers, as Blacks, and as women—are the most oppressed stratum of the whole population… The super–exploitation of the Black woman workers is thus revealed not only in that she receives as woman, less than equal pay for equal work with men, but in that the majority of Black women get less than half the pay of white women.” …
      What made her intersectionality socialist was that Claudia Jones differentiated between the ruling class that generated and that benefited from oppression, and the working class that internalized oppressive ideas and behaviors despite their class interests. This meant organizing a working–class strategy of fighting oppression, as she summarized in her 1949 essay “We Seek Full Equality for Women,”: “The triply–oppressed status of the Black woman is a barometer of the status of all women, and that the fight for the full economic, political and social equality of the Black woman is in the vital self–interest of white workers, in the vital interest of the fight to realize equality for all women.”
      〜 Jesse McLaren, “Claudia Jones: Intersectional socialist.” Spring: A Magazine of Socialist Ideas in Action. February 19ᵗʰ, 2020. Web.
      [Claudia] Jones believed that socialism could never be achieved without first confronting the divisions in the left. The growing interest in socialism today offers an opportunity to revisit Jones’ most important contributions to socialist thought. Many who identify with Democratic Socialism today, including Bernie Sanders, have fallen into the same trap that Jones’ white contemporaries did, arguing that class oppression is the tie that binds all people exploited under capitalism and demolishing the capitalist economic system would/will eradicate social differences and usher in equality. The danger in these assumptions is putting forward a colorblind and gender–blind analysis that ignores the intersections of race and gender–based oppression alongside class, not within it. In other words, Claudia Jones warned in the post–World War II era that without first confronting race and gender inequalities, there was no way that working people could be unified against capitalist forces and therefore there would be no way to achieve socialism.
      〜 Denise Lynn, “Claudia Jones and the Emancipatory Promise of Socialism.” Logos: A Journal of Modern Society & Culture. Summer, 2021. Web.
      Comparatively, Barbara and Beverly Smith (née 1946 as twins) along with Demita Frazier (née 1952), all three members of the Combahee River Collective, proposed a somewhat later, and certainly a quite sophisticated, version of ᓰ爪 in 1977:
      We are a collective of black feminists who have been meeting together since 1974. During that time we have been involved in the process of defining and clarifying our politics, while at the same time doing political work within our own group and in coalition with other progressive organizations and movements. The most general statement of our politics at the present time would be that we are actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression and see as our particular task the development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that the major systems of oppression are interlocking. The synthesis of these oppressions creates the conditions of our lives. As black women we see black feminism as the logical political movement to combat the manifold and simultaneous oppressions that all women of color face.…
      We realize that the liberation of all oppressed peoples necessitates the destruction of the political–economic systems of capitalism and imperialism as well as patriarchy. We are socialists because we believe the work must be organized for the collective benefit of those who do the work and create the products and not for the profit of the bosses. Material resources must be equally distributed among those who create these resources. We are not convinced, however, that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and antiracist revolution will guarantee our liberation. We have arrived at the necessity for developing an understanding of class relationships that takes into account the specific class position of black women who are generally marginal in the labor force, while at this particular time some of us are temporarily viewed as doubly desirable tokens at white collar and professional levels. We need to articulate the real class situation of persons who are not merely raceless, sexless workers, but for whom racial and sexual oppression are significant determinants in their working/economic lives. Although we are in essential agreement with [Karl] Marx’s theory as it applied to the very specific economic relationships he analyzed, we know that this analysis must be extended further in order for us to understand our specific economic situation as black women.…
      During our time together we have identified and worked on many issues of particular relevance to black women. The inclusiveness of our politics makes us concerned with any situation that impinges upon the lives of women, Third World, and working people. We are of course particularly committed to working on those struggles in which race, sex, and class are simultaneous factors in oppression.
      〜 Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith, and Demita Frazier for The Combahee River Collective, “The Combahee River Collective Statement.” How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective. Keeanga–Yamahtta Taylor, editor. Chicago: Haymarket Books. 2017. Pages 15–27. Or: The Combahee River Collective, “A Black Feminist Statement.” Off Our Backs. Volume 9, number 6, June 1979. Pages 6–8. Or: The Combahee River Collective, “A Black Feminist Statement.” This Bridge Called Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color. Second edition. Cherríe Moraga and Gloria Anzaldúa, editors. New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Books. 1983. Pages 210–218. Or: The Combahee River Collective, “A Black Feminist Statement.” Women’s Studies Quarterly. Volume 42, number 2/3, fall/winter 2014. Pages 271–280. Or: The Combahee River Collective, “The Combahee River Collective Statement.” Home Girls: A Black Feminist Anthology. Barbara Smith, editor. New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, Inc. 1983. Pages 272–282. Or: The Combahee River Collective. Combahee River Collective Statement: Black Feminist Organizing In The Seventies and Eighties. Freedom Organizing Series #1. New York: Kitchen Table: Women of Color Press, Inc. 1986. Pages 9, 12–13, and 17.
      Written in 1977, the CRC [Combahee River Collective] statement is one of the most powerful documents of women of color feminism— indeed, of all categories of feminism. It emerged out of the economic, political, cultural, intellectual, and emotional struggles of a collective of Black lesbians in Boston. It finds a strong resonance in formations of women of color feminism in Britain, where I have been an academic and an activist. It is now widely acknowledged that the statement is a forerunner to our current debates on intersectionality. Its argument that “we are actively committed to struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual and class oppression, and see as our particular task the development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that the major systems of oppression are interlocking” is singularly prescient. Its emphasis on “simultaneous experience” of different axes of differentiation, such as racism, gender, class, and sexuality, is critical in understanding the eff ects and experience of various and variable articulating modalities of power and prefi gures later debates on how to theorize questions of “embodiment” and “experience.”
      〜 Avtar Brah in “Combahee River Collective Statement: A Fortieth Anniversary Retrospective.” Kristen A. Kolenz, Krista L. Benson, and Judy Tzu–Chun Wu, editors. Frontiers A Journal of Women Studies. Volume 38, number 3, January 2017. Pages 164–189.
      The Combahee River Collective Statement stands tall among the many statements, manifestos, and other public declarations of the period for its clarity, rigor, and political reach. It is an important document, not only as a statement of radical Black feminism but also in its contribution to the revolutionary left in the United States. The main reason is that the women of Combahee not only saw themselves as “radicals” but also considered themselves socialists. They were not acting or writing against Marxism, but, in their own words, they looked to “extend” Marxist analysis to incorporate an understanding of the oppression of Black women. In doing so, they have sharpened Marxist analysis by recognizing the plight of Black women as an oppressed group that has particular political needs. As they wrote, “We are not convinced … that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and antiracist revolution will guarantee our liberation.”
      〜 Keeanga–Yamahtta Taylor, “Introduction.” How We Get Free: Black Feminism and the Combahee River Collective. Keeanga–Yamahtta Taylor, editor. Chicago: Haymarket Books. 2017. Haymarket Books ebook edition.
      More than thirty years ago three members of the Combahee River Collective, Barbara Smith, Beverly Smith and Demita Frazier, wrote a “Black Feminist Statement” in which they described the origins of and the continued need for black feminism.…
      The Collective’s description of interlocking systems of oppression provided the foundation for intersectional theories that developed over the next three decades.
      〜 Catherine E. Harnois and Mosi Ifatunji, “Gendered measures, gendered models: toward an intersectional analysis of interpersonal racial discrimination.” Ethnic and Racial Studies. Volume 34, number 6, June 2011. Pages 1006–1028.
      While many Marxists have critiqued the usage of intersectionality in liberal frameworks and its use in mainstream and non–Marxist political organizing, the term, as initially envisioned, still has a lot to offer in answering this question. The … Combahee River Collective is often credited with applying intersectionality before the official term was coined by Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw in the 1990s. The Combahee River Collective defined their political outlook as “struggling against racial, sexual, heterosexual, and class oppression, and [seeing] as our particular task the development of integrated analysis based upon the fact that the major systems of oppression are interlocking.” This is by no means whatsoever a position incompatible with Marxism. In fact, their position is directly an elaboration of [Karl] Marx, but with one key intervention. They state that “[a]lthough we are in essential agreement with Marx’s theory…we know that his analysis must be extended further in order for us to understand our specific economic situation as Black women.” This idea would become a foundational principle within Black Marxist feminism, because they were “not convinced…that a socialist revolution that is not also a feminist and antiracist revolution will guarantee our liberation.” This critique of Marx is not a rejection of his ideas, of socialism, or of the root of racism, sexism, etc. being found in capitalism, but is the important intervention that Marx’s theories must be elaborated upon to understand the different features of different experiences of oppression that happen under a racist, sexist, and homophobic capitalist society.
      〜 Bennett Shoop, “The case for a Marxist intersectionality: Class reductionism, chauvinism, and a critique of David Faes on transgender liberation.” Platypus Review. Number 116, May 2019. Web.
      Intersectionality, as a conceptual model rather than a theory, is not a monolith. Because of that distinction, intersectionality is broad enough to accommodate many intersectional theories. The intersectional theory of Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw or Patricia Hill Collins is not the intersectional theory of Ashley J. Bohrer. Although the differences in my approach to ᓰ爪 should be evident, she is among the more prolific, and insightful, intersectional Marxists. Here are just a few quotations taken from her academic work. They will be followed by a strikingly first–rate review of Bohrer’s scholarship:
      … [I attempt] to develop an intersectional Marxism or a Marxist theory of intersectionality, one that uses key insights from both frameworks [Marxist feminism and intersectionality]. In doing so, I argue that Marxism needs intersectionality, and in its best and most–thoughtful iterations has been intersectional, even if it has not used this term. I argue further that intersectionality can benefit from a robust theory of capitalism. In highlighting the mutual insufficiency of these two theories on their own, I hope to move toward the development of a theoretical framework that can adequately account for relations of domination and exploitation organised around race, class, gender and sexuality.
      By foregrounding the shared theoretical and political ground between Marxism and intersectionality, we begin to see a path for an intersectional theory of capitalism emerge, one that would offer a sustained, nuanced critique of the logic and structure of capitalism through an analysis of race, gender, class, sexuality, imperialism and colonisation. The reading I propose in this section is that capitalism is just the conjunction of these structures of dispossession. Following the important work of Silvia Federici, Anne McClintock, María Lugones and others, I argue that capitalism cannot be adequately rendered by class–only or class–primary accounts, but that economic class structure is merely one part of a complex and multifaceted system of domination in which patriarchy, white supremacy, colonisation (both direct and indirect) and heterosexualism are fundamental, constitutively ineradicable, equiprimordial elements. This approach does not de–emphasise more traditional class analysis but follows the key insights of intersectionality in arguing that class, race, gender, sexuality, colonisation and imperialism are constituted in and through one another in such a way that class cannot be considered the master–term of capitalist accumulation and antagonism. A truly adequate analysis of capitalism, both theoretically and historically, I argue, treats capitalism as the original synthesis of these systems of dispossession.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer, “Intersectionality and Marxism: A Critical Historiography.” Historical Materialism. Volume 26, issue 2, 2018. Pages 46–74.
      As an intersectional Marxist, I believe that only an analysis that weaves anti–capitalism together with a central focus on feminism, racial justice, decolonization, and queer/trans liberation will lay the foundation for the potent revolutionary praxis we so desperately need.…
      The fact remains that there has never been a form of capitalism that is not structured through simultaneous reliance on oppression and exploitation. Overlooking this fact not only amounts to blatant historical revisionism but also perpetuates a tired repetition of dual or triple systems theory, in which capitalism (structured only through exploitation) sometimes coincides with external and autonomous systems of oppression (hetero–patriarchy, racism, colonialism, ableism, etc.). As generations of queer, feminist, anti–racist, and anti–colonial Marxists have themselves argued, multiple systems theory significantly misrepresents capitalism, both historically and logically.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer, “Response to Barbara Foley’s ‘Intersectionality: A Marxist Critique.’” New Labor Form. Volume 28, issue 3, 2019. Pages 14–17.
      I … address the criticisms of certain Marxist scholars that, because certain strains of intersectionality embrace “identity politics,” they are therefore, in their terms, “bourgeois.” I argue that this criticism is misplaced, can much more accurately be levied against poststructuralist feminism, and that while intersectionality and poststructuralism certainly share common elements, their frameworks are fundamentally different. Thus, this criticism seems to be a failure on the part of Marxist feminists to actually engage with intersectionality. Since the claim that intersectionality and hence identity politics are essentially poststructuralist notions is a constant feature of the debate around identity politics, understanding this argument is essential to grounding a clearer understanding of how identity politics is constructed than is often present in the Marxist literature on the subject.…
      … many of the mutual criticisms of intersectionality and Marxism are the result of multiple failures in communication. Intersectionality’s criticisms of many Marxist positions are themselves also held by Marxist feminists and have been incorporated into contemporary scholarship. Marxist feminists’ worries about identity politics would seem rather better directed toward other traditions of feminist scholarship, which, while they might discuss multiple kinds of oppression, do not share a framework with the majority of the hallmark texts of intersectionality theories. Other contentions, however, remain to be worked through. I share with many Marxist theorists dissatisfaction with the treatment of capitalism in many intersectional theories and believe that capitalism forms one of the root causes of a network of oppressive social, political, economic and cultural relations in the contemporary world that necessitates the kind of detailed analysis that Marxism has long sought to advance. I agree also with intersectionality theorists that many treatments of capitalism have amounted at worst to vulgar class reductionism and at best to simple under–theorisation of the complex racial, gendered and sexual dynamics of power operative in the world in which we live.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer, “Intersectionality and Marxism: A Critical Historiography.” Historical Materialism. Volume 26, number 2, 2018. Pages 46–74.
      … many of the fundamental ideas of political economy are generated out of the very specific colonial relationship and elaborated precisely to justify imperial conquest in a secular, property–oriented manner, rather than in the previous religious and jurisdictional terms. Hence, ius gentium, developed to lend a secular and humanistic basis to the continued imperial conquest of the Americas, returned like a boomerang to Europe, becoming a foundational principle for conduct inside Europe itself; the naturalisation of capitalism begins here, in a colonial discourse.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer, “Just wars of accumulation: the Salamanca School, race and colonial capitalism.” Race & Class. Volume 59, issue 3, 2017. Pages 20–37.
      We simply can’t understand the world we live in without an understanding of capitalism. One of the lessons I take from intersectionality is the multiple and discontinuous ways that gender, race, sexuality, ability, nationality, etc are fundamentally inter–constituted. They aren’t separate systems that cross at a particular place or in particular people. Gender is racialised and classed and shot through with expectations of normative ability. This is true for all identities and social positions; they get meaning through being constituted relationally, in a matrix.…
      I’m both an activist and a theorist. I spend a lot of my time in movement spaces and doing movement work. Sometimes theory can help guide our choices of strategies and tactics in the moment; sometimes the most important insights for theory come from the streets. A lot of this book is a theoretical reflection on some of the problems and complications I encountered over the past decade in activist spaces – how to reconcile Marxist approaches with intersectional ones, how to think about oppression in an anti–capitalist way, how to think about solidarity across different social locations.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer. Marxism and Intersectionality: An Interview with Ashley Bohrer. George Souvlis, interviewer. Privately published. May 28ᵗʰ, 2020. No pagination.
      For intersectional theorists, the binary conceptualization of class has too often led Marxists to deny or minimize the ways in which members of the working class themselves participate in and/or materially benefit from systems of oppression, neglecting an analysis of the complicated and contradictory position of working class people as inhabiting both oppressed and oppressive positions within capitalism. As Barbara Smith explains, “As women of color,… it’s often hard for us to believe that we can be both oppressed and oppressive at the same time.” One of the central contentions of intersectionality is that each person inhabits this contradiction, and this contradiction itself necessitates its own analysis, as well as its own forms of mobilization and accountability in order to ground truly revolutionary praxis. Recognizing working class complicity in oppression is thus central for the possibilities of organizing effective tools for combatting capitalism.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer. Marxism and Intersectionality: Race, Gender, Class and Sexuality under Contemporary Capitalism. Wetzlar, Hesse, Germany: Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH. 2019. Page 172.
      The relationship between forms of oppression charted by the intersectional tradition is itself a helpful model in thinking the relationship between exploitation and oppression, and hence, the relationship between the Marxist and the intersectional traditions. This approach is particularly helpful at taking a non-causal approach to the relationship between exploitation and oppression. It is able to recognize what we might call, following Walter Benjamin and Theodor Adorno, an “elective affinity” between exploitation and oppression, a kind of consonance or amenability between the two structures, without necessarily reducing one to the other. It is able to show the profit motive pulsing through many structures of oppression in ways that are deeply linked to but not reducible wholly to exploitation. As we can see from this example, it is indeed possible to think about exploitation and oppression as different, yet related structures without reverting to a dual systems analysis. Thinking of race, gender, sexuality, and class as equiprimordial does not mean that we should think about them separately; rather, the refusal to name one of these relations as more foundational than the other, in insisting on their shared foundation is the logical consequence of thinking about oppression and exploitation as different, unranked, mutually constituting, and part of the same system. To say that exploitation and oppression are not reducible to one another is not the same as to say that capitalism, racism, and heterosexism are part of different systems. Quite the opposite: capitalism is a structure in which both exploitation and oppression are necessary.
      〜 Ashley J. Bohrer. Marxism and Intersectionality: Race, Gender, Class and Sexuality under Contemporary Capitalism. Wetzlar, Hesse, Germany: Majuskel Medienproduktion GmbH. 2019. Page 200.
      Marxism and Intersectionality serves as a groundbreaking and regrettably unprecedented critical examination of two traditions which are often all too crudely cast as competing rivals. Marxism and Intersectionality is commendable both for its legwork compiling a much wider range of scholarship than any one book would usually allow, and carefully demonstrating the commensurate features without dismissing differences. At its best … the book serves as a genuine work of “translation,” teasing out explicitly linkages which might otherwise have gone overlooked. At a particularly bleak juncture for revolutionaries of whatever persuasion, this book should be taken as a contribution to making sense of an on–going and shared struggle.
      〜 Jules Joanne Gleeson, “Dialectics / Dialogue: a review of Ashley Bohrer’s Marxism and Intersectionality.” New Socialist. January 23ʳᵈ, 2020. Web.
      Furthermore, contradictions within or between the converging thoroughfares of ᓰ爪—junctions or crossroads—might present to the careful scholar oblique and unique terminals of social tyranny. Any particular actor’s intersection or cloverleaf could manifest comparative qualities of emancipation on certain thoroughfares or, on the other hand, conditions of dialectical absence, or contradiction, on specific assemblages over others. Eradicating class differences is, obviously, classlessness. The class system, the capitalist world–system, and intersectionality are synonymous. In ᓰ爪, as proposed by ƉɱⱤ, intersectionality features a metaphorical road map. The term thoroughfares has intentionally been selected due to its morpheme fares—referring to the profits of capitalism. Given variations in social statuses, the map of intersections could vary widely between individuals. In summing up this paragraph, to the question, “Which real phenomenon is indicated by the relationality of production?,” our answer should be, “Intersectionality and its components.” Intersectionality, as the cartography of class, incorporates macrosociological structures converging at differential points of inequality.
      As an illustration, within the First World of the capitalist world–system (aka intersectionality or the class system), I am at the intersection of a number of thoroughfares. These include: personal class (class–conscious wealthy non–capitalist workers), race (supposedly white but consciously a brown person of color), gender (cisgender male, Trans female or male, etc.), and disability (Autism, etc.). When combined together, they would offer me relative degrees of wealth, power, privilege, and prestige. Thoroughfares can, however, vary. For example, not all societies have the thoroughfare of tribe or the thoroughfare of race. In much of Africa, race is absent. After personal intersections are averaged, the result would disclose the collective intersection of a community, a society, the First World, the Third World, or the Fourth World of Indigeneity. Furthermore, the collective intersections can be averaged, as well, or compared with one another. More sophisticated statistical tests, such as factor analysis, may also be applied to the data.
      In the words of the great Black feminist scholar and heroine Audre Lorde (1934–1992):
      Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society’s definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference — those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older — know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to stand alone, unpopular and sometimes reviled, and how to make common cause with those others identified as outside the structures in order to define and seek a world in which we can all flourish. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. For the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the master’s house as their only source of support.
      〜 Audre Lorde, “The Master’s Tools Will Never Dismantle the Master’s House.” Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches by Audre Lorde. Audre Lorde and Nancy K. Bereano, editors. Berkeley, California: The Crossing Press imprint of Ten Speed Press. 1984. Pages 110–113.
      … I have learned that oppression and the intolerance of difference come in all shapes and sizes and colors and sexualities; and that among those of us who share the goals of liberation and a workable future for our children, there can be no hierarchies of oppression. I have learned that sexism (a belief in the inherent superiority of one sex over all others and thereby its right to dominance) and heterosexism (a belief in the inherent superiority of one pattern of loving over all others and thereby its right to dominance) both arise from the same source as racism—a belief in the inherent superiority of one race over all others and thereby its right to dominance.
      〜 Audre Lorde, “There is No Hierarchy of Oppression.” I am Your Sister: Collected and Unpublished Writings of Audre Lorde. Rudolph P. Byrd, Johnnetta Betsch Cole, and Beverly Guy–Sheftall, editors. New York: Oxford University Press, Inc. 2009. Pages 219–220.
      Because of intersectionality’s remarkable flexibility as a conceptual model, it has been adapted and employed by Bhaskarian critical realists among a host of others. As an intersectional Marxist, which I am in part, I critique the intersectionality of Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw and Patricia Hill–Collins for situating class on a comparable stratum or level as race and gender. To me, instead, the intersectionality of clogged thoroughfares is an elaboration of class. That is to say, class, the capitalist world–system, capitalism, and intersectionality are, all things considered, essentially identical. Race and gender are, accordingly, among a multitude of intersections which may be observed upon the tapestry of intersectionality i.e., the capitalistic class system. Sociologically, intersectionality is the most pernicious manifestation of Demireality. Such intersectionality can, moreover, be examined locally, nationally, or globally. The following quotations shall concentrate on ᓰ爪 (MP3 presentation), including intersectional critical realism:
      This paper examines ongoing issues raised by the history of Marxist praxis and uses [Herbert] Marcuse’s contributions—particularly formulations of the dialectic—as a context for understanding the intersection of identity formation and social struggle. It is particularly interested in examining the role of queer people in working–class struggles, the role of the working–class struggle in queer liberation, and the possibilities of moving from a politics of identity to a politics of solidarity without loss of attention to the lived experience of oppression. In the spirit of Herbert Marcuse, it is grounded not only in the desire for a better theory but in a desire for a better world.…
      The intersectionality of our oppressions is not merely Kantian or conceptual but has experiential and lived components that cannot be ignored.…
      … The theory of intersectionality asserts that our experience of the world is more than the sum of our predicates and that combinations of oppressions create qualitative shifts in lived experience: being black and being female is not the simple layering of femaleness onto blackness or blackness onto female embodiment but its own existential combination. This theory is critical for its ability to demystify the political obstacles of the experience of multiple instantiations of what Marcuse called “surplus oppressions.” …
      … On the ultra–left [Marxist] side, demands for reform were opposed as half measures. [Rosa] Luxemburg attacked this antidialectical thinking by positing that the struggle for reforms is an essential praxis shaping the class’s capacity to wage an attack on capital. Without the unity generated by the struggle for reforms, there is no conscious collective agent capable of undermining capitalism.
      〜 Holly Lewis, “The Dialectic of Solidarity Space, Sexuality, and Social Movements in Contemporary Revolutionary Praxis.” Radical Philosophy Review. Volume 16, number 2, 2013. Pages 459–479.
      The Importance of Dialectical Intersectionality …
      This essay argues that critical theorists should turn to disability as an important category of intersectional analysis. I primarily take this up through the lens of the kind of critical theory I am most familiar with—namely, feminism—in part because of my familiarity with it but also in part because of the obvious intersections between disability and gender. I believe that other kinds of critical theory should engage disability, and some do, within the discipline of English literary theory in particular, though some of these are also feminist; but there are a variety of substantive reasons for my focus on gender, and I believe that approaching disability’s intersections with gender can provide a useful roadmap to other forms of critical theory interested in similarly taking up disability as a topic for theoretical analysis.
      〜 Nancy J. Hirschmann, “Disability, Feminism, and Intersectionality: A Critical Approach.” Radical Philosophy Review. Volume 16, number 2, 2013. Pages 649–662.
      If socialists are to truly create a unified and broad movement, we must make it a primary concern to address the needs of different marginalized communities; hence the need for what could be called a Marxist intersectionality.…
      … I coin the term intersectional capitalism to articulate the coconstitutive role of race and gender. I develop this concept in the theoretical framework as a structuring dimension of my analysis. I contend that rehabilitation labor emerges from intersectional capitalism, as carceral punishment is shaped by the state’s definition of productivity in the labor market.…
      Rather than limiting my analysis to the shared institutional logics and practices represented by penal–welfarism, I draw on intersectional capitalism to articulate how rehabilitation labor is situated within a broader historical project of making black women legible to the state through the labor market.…
      … Intersectional capitalism examines how capitalism exploits race, gender, and other modes of identity to stratify labor and reproduce forms of capital from particular bodies. I contend that intersectional capitalism provides the theoretical tools to understand rehabilitation labor as a fundamentally alienating process and transpiring from the historical co–optation of black women’s labor.
      〜 Susila Gurusami, “Working for Redemption: Formerly Incarcerated Black Women and Punishment in the Labor Market.” Gender & Society. Volume 31, number 4, August 2017. Pages 433–456.
      I contextualize rehabilitation labor within the project of racial capitalism—the use of racism to structure capitalist ideologies and practices—although I identify how rehabilitation labor is also constructed by, through, and in concert with gender. I articulate Black women’s post–carceral experiences as a case of the mutually constitutive role of race and gender through labor by illustrating how the hegemonic moral devaluation of Black womanhood is constructed through their economic and sociocultural exploitation in the labor market; because racial capitalism alone does not account for this process, I coin the term intersectional capitalism to articulate the co–constitutive role of race and gender. I develop this concept in the theoretical framework as a structuring dimension of my analysis. I contend that intersectional capitalism and rehabilitation labor are co–constructed by providing the ideology and justification for the other; the construction of Black women as immoral using the logics of the labor market justifies the state’s practices of discipline and punishment in this realm, which in turn further supports the reduction of Black women to their perceived sociocultural and economic labor contributions. I argue that rehabilitation labor unites carceral and Welfare systems’ disciplinary tactics as part of penal–welfarism in their mission to civilize Black women through the labor market, thereby revealing the racialized and gendered ideologies that undergird state governance and punishment. However, rather than limiting my analysis to the shared institutional logics and practices represented by penal–welfarism, I draw on intersectional capitalism to articulate how rehabilitation labor is situated within a broader historical project of making Black women legible to the state through the labor market. In what follows, I document how the logics of intersectional capitalism and rehabilitation labor emphasize self–reliance in the labor market as evidence of Black women’s moral and criminal rehabilitation, while the state simultaneously blocks access to the labor market through felony labels. I contend that rehabilitation labor demonstrates that the racialized and gendered discourses of Welfare Reform not only persist, but have melded so thoroughly with carceral structures that Black women’s subjugation under the law is cemented through their felony statuses.
      〜 Susila Gurusami. Deprivation and Depravation: Moral Policing of Formerly Incarcerated Black Women. Ph.D. disseration. University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). Los Angeles. 2017. Pages 40–41.
      A Marxist–Feminist social ecology can use a theory of intersectionality to show that, as humans, we do not stand as a unity in our relations with nature. Mainstream environmentalists are often saddled with a dualist ecology since they tend to see humans at large as the source of environmental crises; humanity stands opposed to nature. Many also have an apocalyptical view that human civilisation, as a whole, will come to an end. They do not go beyond modern Eurocentric philosophic universalism, and they lump everybody together without accounting for stratified privileges and disadvantages that necessitate a more careful analysis of “blame and gain” as well as differential degrees of vulnerability. We know that privileged nations and classes have a stranglehold on the development of rapid and serious responses to climate disaster. Critical race theory, feminism, and Marxism do not make overly abstract generalisations about humanity but are able to see people as differentiated by race, nationality, ethnicity, sexuality, class, and other relevant factors. Marxist feminism can see identities across differences and thus avoid seeing intersectionality as aggregative.
      〜 Kathryn Russell, “Solidarity in Troubled Times: Social movements in the face of climate change.” Marxist–Feminist Theories and Struggles Today: Essential Writings on Intersectionality, Labour and Ecofeminism. Khayaat Fakier, Diana Mulinari, and Nora Räthzel, editors. London: Zed Books. 2020. Pages 327–349.
      … we can understand all of the following as part of the production and maintenance of intersectional capitalism: (1) the co–optation of Black women’s reproductive labor during enslavement to produce white profit, (2) the use of women’s prisons in Jim Crow South to justify the free abuse of Black women’s labor, (3) the ideological shift in Welfare as a social safety net for white women widowed by war to a moral corrective for Black women constructed in policy and discourse as lazy and a drain on public coffers, and (4) rehabilitation labor as emergent from the perceived absence of Black women’s commitment to employment after incarceration.
      〜 Susila Gurusami. Deprivation and Depravation: Moral Policing of Formerly Incarcerated Black Women. Ph.D. disseration. University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA). Los Angeles. 2017. Pages 62–63.
      Some scholars have denounced some problems within intersectional theory. For example, one theoretical dilemma that remains unresolved is the issue of whether to omit class entirely or whether to regard it as of tremendous importance. To solve this puzzle, some have proposed a dialogue between intersectionality and Marxism, which have unleashed what [Ashley J.] Bohrer calls intersectional Marxism. The author attempts to highlight the mutual insufficiency of both theories developed individually and “moves towards the development of a theoretical framework that can adequately account for relations of domination and exploitation organised around race, class, gender and sexuality.” Notwithstanding, other authors critique the minimal role of a Marxian understanding of class in the intersectional analysis. In that respect, [Martha E.] Gimenez argues that “in so far as the ‘class’ in RGC [race, gender, and class] remains a neutral concept, open to any theoretical meanings, just one oppression among others, intersectionality will not realise its revolutionary potential.”
      〜 Daniela María Quintero Gallego. Intersectionality and Orthodox Marxism in practice: Two interpretations of the Lowlands of Northern Cauca, Colombia. M.A. thesis. The Hague, The Netherlands: Institute of Social Studies. December, 2018. Page 5.
      The popular concept of “intersectionality” might seem to answer the question of the relationship among these different kinds of oppressions. The term “intersectionality” is credited to Kimberlé Crenshaw, an African American law professor who introduced it in 1989, but the idea has been around for longer ….
      In contrast to reproductive rights, against sexual harassment, and labour struggles, environmental struggles do not seem gendered nor to have anything to do with class. What could be more universal than the need for clean air and water? But this does not mean it is not a women’s issue – as women are half the human race! So just as feminists argued that women’s rights are human rights, it is equally true that human rights are women’s rights. Moreover, there is often some gender dimension even if it’s not explicit. The United Nations Population Fund says that women in developing countries are particularly impacted by climate change, directly because of the difficulty of meeting their family’s needs, and indirectly, by the wars engendered by scarce resources. Women are often the leaders of grassroots environmental movements, disproportionately taking place in non–white and poor communities, hence known as environmental justice struggles. Socialist feminists strongly support these intersectional struggles, as they stress that the roots of the environmental crisis lie in capitalism’s inherent drive to expand production.
      〜 Nancy Holmstrom, “Marxist/Socialist Feminist Theory and Practice in the USA Today.” Marxist–Feminist Theories and Struggles Today: Essential Writings on Intersectionality, Labour and Ecofeminism. Khayaat Fakier, Diana Mulinari, and Nora Räthzel, editors. London: Zed Books. 2020. Pages 306–326.
      A fundamental problem inherent in blind allegiance to the ideology of intersectionality is the neglect of the complexity of Marxist theory. Such neglect is understandable only among feminists and social scientists who either reject [Karl] Marx and Marxist theory or have but a superficial acquaintance with Marx’s work and Marxist scholarship. It is not a matter of distinguishing “micro” from “macro” levels of analysis, but of differentiating between the abstract level of analysis of the theory of the capitalist mode of production, as depicted in Capital, for example, and the historical level of analysis of social formations, i.e., the level of analysis of a specific country or region where capitalism is the dominant mode of production. It is also the matter of acknowledging the historicity, i.e., the capitalist origins of the taken–for–granted identities, categories of analysis or “axes of inequality” whose “intersections” constitute the foundation of intersectionality. Women and men, abstractly considered, have a trans–historical existence. At what level of capitalist development, and under what historically specific conditions is it possible to argue that women are oppressed “as women”? What is the relationship between capitalist accumulation, slavery, the rise of racial ideology and the notion of race?
      〜 Martha E. Gimenez, “Intersectionality: Marxist Critical Observations.” Science & Society. Volume 82, number 2, 2018. Pages 261–269.
      Socialist governments could dole out vacations and paid leaves, materials goods when they had them, and guaranteed employment. They could also be extremely callous toward human life, and they encouraged private citizens to spy on their family members, neighbors, friends, and coworkers. (How’s that for better sex?). And yet many of us are just as critical of neoliberal capitalism, the very reason why our families are now spread all over the world, in three or four different countries, why we’re not at home anywhere on this planet, why we’re poor everywhere we go. This is my generation’s doubtful privilege: we’ve experienced powerlessness in three different societies: socialist, postsocialist, and as immigrants in the West.
      But these are experiences we share with other immigrants and minorities, and maybe we can all have a truly transnational and intersectional debate about socialism, one that includes race in the picture, one led by women from around the world who have experienced the ways in which socialism both liberated and failed us. We can go, in fact, beyond a white liberal version of feminism and imagine our future differently. But then our vision of socialism will be global and not Eurocentric, intersectional and not white, and owned by the very women in whose life this vision is rooted.
      〜 Ieana Nachescu, “Why Eastern European Women’s Sexual Pleasure Is Their Own Business and Other Arguments for Intersectional Socialism.” Michigan Quarterly Review. October 11ᵗʰ, 2019. Web.
      … I will principally employ tenets of the socialist approach concretized by relevant current Environmental Justice movements, indigenous conceptions of sustainability and democracy, and key contributions from the green state approach. The environmental socialist critique can be expanded through a consideration of modern Environmental Justice movements that adapt abstract base–superstructure and working class versus capitalist class critiques of capitalist exploitation to address contemporary environmental problems. These include the inordinate dumping of waste in poor communities, unequal access to adequate, clean environments, and the social and economic inequalities that reinforce and increase environmental inequalities. The Marxist socialist theoretical framework can be expanded with intersectionality theory to further explain how inequalities and exploitative practices are deeply connected to gender, race and economic class identities and equalities. These sources of identity formation, and often of inequality, are intertwined with environmental inequalities and degradation of natural resources.
      〜 Julia Elizabeth Seward, “An Intersectional Approach to Environmental Political Theory: A Case Study on Modern Andean Bolivian Indigenous Forms of Resistance and Communal Democracy in Relation to Water Rights.” Open access. Scripps senior thesis. Paper 509. Scripps College of the Claremont Colleges. Claremont, California. April, 2014.
      … our own recent empirical investigation into intersectionality … sits squarely within the realist tradition. Our methods of analysis, which are quantitative and based on a sample from a single organization in the private sector …, follow from that. Within the realist view, the intersections (e.g. between race, gender) are seen as ‘real’ spaces (or points) that individuals occupy, and the impact of these structures, in combination, would frame their life experiences.…
      … The critical realist lens allows us to conceive of the experience of people with multiple identities neither as derived from or independent from individual identity categories, but as emergent from them.
      〜 Carol Woodhams and Ben Lupton, “Transformative and emancipatory potential of intersectionality research: Making a case for methodological pluralism.” Gender in Management: An International Journal. Volume 29, number 5, 2014. Pages 301–307.
      We propose preliminary steps for undertaking critical realist intersectional interventions research.…
      Critical realists and intersectional feminists both view structure as a web of positions that situate people to others; however, the feminist model takes power as central. This web or matrix is produced and reproduced through agency, which in turn depends on material resources and occurs through symbolic frames.
      〜 Alexandra A. Choby and Alexander M. Clark, “Improving health: structure and agency in health interventions.” Nursing Philosophy. Volume 15, 2014. Pages 89–101.
      A critical realist intersectional ontology … accounts for the various structural forces privileging and disadvantaging individuals, even if events expected to arise from them did not occur or were not recognized (transfactuality). These forces would be understood to be emergent; as such, they adhere to the critical realist conception of emergence in which reality is arranged in levels, and something qualitatively new can emerge from a lower level. Some key examples of mechanisms emergent from the level of society are racism (discrimination for not belonging to the dominant race), sexism (discrimination for not belonging to the dominant gender or refusing the prescriptions of one’s assumed gender), and classism (discrimination for not belonging to the dominant class). Emergence also means that new forces can arise from the historical interactions of other mechanisms. The notion of misogynoir, defined as the hatred of black women and girls, is an example of such a mechanism, structurally emergent from the interactions of racism and sexism. A realist intersectional ontology would illuminate how, although social categories may be abstract constructions, they serve to define real relationships of power from which causal mechanisms emerge. Moreover, these mechanisms can in some cases exist unactualized, or be actualized but unrecognized by actors, groups and institutions. Subsequently, research can identify how intersectional forces are perceived (or not) by individual agents and wider social structures. This opens research methodology to explore intersectional forces on the three levels of reality [Roy] Bhaskar identified, as well as the emergent levels within them.
      〜 Angela Martinez Dy, Lee Martin, and Susan Marlow, “Developing a Critical Realist Positional Approach to Intersectionality.” Journal of Critical Realism. Volume 13, issue 5, October 2014. Pages 447–466.
      Drawing on Roy Bhaskar’s dialectical critical realist philosophy, the author argues that we can think of intersectional categories as well as different ontological levels as both distinct and unified and elaborates on the issue of how significance of the dialectical notion of unity–in–difference for intersectional studies. As part of the argument the author addresses the issue of what it actually means for something to be distinct or separate as opposed to inseparable or unified with something else, demonstrating that lack of clarity about this is at the heart of polarized arguments about separateness versus inseparability in intersectionality theory.
      〜 Lena Gunnarsson, “Why we keep separating the ‘inseparable’: Dialecticizing intersectionality.” European Journal of Women’s Studies. Volume 24, issue 2, 2017. Pages 114–127.
      … how [are we] to address the relations between the inequalities without leaving the actions of the powerful within each set of unequal social relations out of focus. The way forward is to draw on the insights of critical realism to deepen the ontological depth of the objects that are intersecting, so that the inequalities in these sets of social relations can be made more available for analysis. It is also useful to change the terminology, so as to avoid terms that carry the connotations of unity, such as “strands” and “categories” and to replace them with terms such as inequalities, sets of unequal social relations, regimes and social systems. When the focus is on the set of social relations of inequality rather than on a unitary concept of a “strand” or “category”, then it is easier to identify the significance of the actions of the powerful as well as of the disadvantaged.
      〜 Sylvia Walby, Jo Armstrong, and Sofia Strid, “Intersectionality: Multiple Inequalities in Social Theory.” Sociology. Volume 46, issue 2, 2012. Pages 224–240.
      This article suggests there are points of contact between intersectionality and critical realism resulting in a fruitful dialogue. For one there is confluence on the existence of multiple structures, which affect and influence the behavior of an individual. Second, there is the concept of agency, which means individuals can act back against the structures that may influence them, allowing for freewill and action. These concepts underpin activist behaviors, which can result in activist movements. Furthermore, making these structures visible can provide the impetus for change at an individual level and can influence policy development at a societal level. We propose that identifying racism and bias, which privilege some nurses while discriminating against others, can inform education, promotion, and recruiting practices.
      〜 Cathleen Aspinall, Stephen Jacobs, and Rosemary Frey, “Intersectionality and Critical Realism: A Philosophical Framework for Advancing Nursing Leadership.” Advances in Nursing Science. Volume 42, number 4, 2019. Pages 289–296.
      Intersectionality and Marxism are not on great terms, supposedly. While some thinkers and activists recognize the need for intersectional insights in research and organizing, others maintain more negative attitudes and analyses towards such insights. The negative attitudes and analyses combine a new resent with the old tension between feminist and poststructuralist critiques of Marxist theory and the latter, sometimes named “identity politics” or “identarian politics.” While intersectionalists claim that race, class, and gender (and other categories and discourses) compound, mingle, and mix in unique ways during particular events and experiences, Marxists allege that class trumps all with respect to oppression. The intersectionalists call for specific and particularized redress of compounded oppressions which sometimes do not include class or, in other cases, are lost when class is the sole focus (or any single category of oppression by itself ). The Marxists, on the other hand, call for changing the relations of production, focusing on class. Racism, sexism, homophobia, ableism, and other oppressions will be ameliorated, or at least the conditions for their amelioration can only begin, after that shift in exploitative, alienating, and degrading relations of capitalist production. The debate leaves two conflicting camps on the Left. One with a particularized sensitivity to the complex layers of oppression, and the other with a fervent clarity regarding the link in the chain of domination which, if broken, will release the people from their bonds.
      The choice is ultimately a false one, though the divisiveness it inspires is real. The matter deserves special attention, and some have begun to seriously consider it. I want to focus on the term “relations of production,” since, for the Marxists, everything comes down to a shift in these relations. Thinkers as diverse as G. A. Cohen and Louis Althusser confirm, in their readings of [Karl] Marx, that relations of production are what defines a social formation as any given moment: you can have any set of productive forces, but the kind of society you have—the modes of production—is largely defined by the relations of production. Looking at the term “relations of production” again shows that the tension between intersectionality and Marxism is, frankly, dumb.
      〜 David I. Backer, “Marxism, Intersectionality, and Therapy.” Hampton Institute. May 20ᵗʰ, 2016. Creative Commons. Web.
      The Women’s Liberation Movement that burst onto the historic scene in the mid–1960s was like nothing seen before in all its many appearances throughout history.…
      Intersectionality … [partially] means however, the need to remain attentive to new constellations, shifts in interconnected power structures and in one’s own positionality vis–à–vis allies and antagonists. It demands honest assessments of diverging experiences …, but it does not allow for self–righteous victimhood. One of the most important insights intersectionality has to offer is the need to remain attentive to our own complex positionalities in the various networks we move in, to not only acknowledge when we have privilege but to use it towards the ultimate dismantling of the intersectional system of racial capitalism.
      〜 Fatima El–Tayeb, “Racial capitalism: hierarchies of belonging.” ‟Reach Everyone on the Planet…”: Kimberlé Crenshaw and Intersectionality. Gunda Werner Institute in the Heinrich Böll Foundation, editor. Creative Commons. Berlin: Heinrich–Böll–Stiftung. 2019. Pages 39–41.
      In order to understand “identity” and “intersectionality theory,” we must have an understanding of the movement of capital (meaning the total social relations of production in this current mode of production) that led to their development in the 1960s and 1970s in the US. More specifically, since “intersectionality theory” primarily developed in response to second wave feminism, we must look at how gender relations under capitalism developed.
      〜 Eve Mitchell. I am a Woman and a Human: A Marxist–Feminist Critique of Intersectionality Theory. Brooklyn, New York: We’re Hir, We’re Queer. 2016. Page 1.
      Even today, instituted social justice policies are dismantling intersectionality in society.
      〜 Darshan Kalola, “Higher education admissions ignore intersectionality.” The Signal: The College of New Jersey’s Student Newspaper since 1855. March 20ᵗʰ, 2018. Web.
      … plantation labor was chosen and bossed in the production of staple crops. For present purposes I want to discuss instead two further dimensions of the research, which help to account for [W. E. B.] Du Bois’s observation regarding the centrality of management to the image and the self–image of masters. The first concerns how the management of slaves was embedded in discourses concerning the management of land so that even as the North and the South gradually parted company on the justifiability of slavery, planters benefitted from a broadly shared acceptance of settler colonialism. The claims to know how to manage “negroes” better than Africans could manage themselves were part and parcel of claims to be able to manage land better than the removed Indians who had lived on that land. Secondly, the literature on the management of slaves foregrounded the reproduction of slaves, on which claims of great success could be grounded, alongside claims of managing production that were necessarily more modest. Broaching reproduction potentially raised the question of slave breeding, opening masters to abolitionist attacks. But the fact that masters managed to tremendously increase the slave population and its value justified slavery in the view of the planter class as somehow good for Africans and as economically viable as a system. Thus the defense of slavery in the eyes of masters themselves, and from the charges of critics, was deeply “intersectional,” as Black feminist theorists put matters. Never simply a matter of claiming excellence in managing slave labor in the fields on class (and race) lines, the defense of slavery turned as well on the intersectional convergence of slavery, settler colonialism, and women’s reproductive labor.
      〜 David R. Roediger. Race, Class, and Marxism. New York and London: Verso Press. 2017. Google Play edition.
      All socialist feminists see class as central to women’s lives, yet at the same time none would reduce sex or race oppression to economic exploitation. And all of us see these aspects of our lives as inseparably and systematically related; in other words class is always gendered and raced and vice versa. The term “intersectionality” has come to be used for this position. [Rosa] Luxemburg certainly held to this perspective, as she recognized some kinds of oppression as common to all women and others varying by class and by nation.
      〜 Nancy Holmstrom, “Rosa Luxemburg: A Legacy for Feminists?” Socialist Studies / Études socialistes. Volume 12, number 1, spring 2017. Pages 187–190.
      Since the time of slavery, Black feminists had been developing a distinct political tradition based upon a systematic analysis of the intertwining oppressions of race, gender, and class. Since the 1970s, Black feminists and other feminists of color in the United States have built upon this analysis and developed an approach that can provide a strategy for combating all forms of oppression within a common struggle—which has since become known as intersectionality.
      This approach to fighting oppression does not merely complement but in fact strengthens key elements of Marxist theory and practice—which seeks to unite not only all those who are exploited but also all those who are oppressed by capitalism into a single movement that fights for the liberation of all humanity.…
      One of the most important theoretical achievements of socialist feminists and Marxist feminists in the 1960s and 1970s involved a debate over the role of domestic labor, which resulted for some in what has become known as social reproduction theory— situating women’s domestic labor as a crucial aspect of the social reproduction of the capitalist system as [Karl] Marx conceived it.…
      Intersectionality is a concept describing the experience of oppression, not a theory explaining its cause(s). It can therefore be applied to a variety of theories—from those informed by Marxism to those influenced by postmodernism.
      〜 Sharon Smith. Women and Socialism: Class, Race, and Capital. Revised and updated edition. Chicago: Haymarket Books. 2015. Haymarket Books eBook edition.
      … intersectionality is a concept for understanding oppression, not exploitation. Many Black feminists acknowledge the systemic roots of racism and sexism, but place far less emphasis than Marxists on the connection between the system of exploitation and oppression.
      Marxism is necessary because it provides a framework for understanding the relationship between oppression and exploitation and also identifies the agency for creating the material and social conditions that will make it possible to end both oppression and exploitation: the working class.
      Workers not only have the power to shut down the system, but also to replace it with a socialist society, based on collective ownership of the means of production. Although other groups in society suffer oppression, only the working class possesses this collective power.
      So the concept of intersectionality needs Marxist theory to realize the kind of unified movement that is capable of ending all forms of oppression. At the same time, Marxism can only benefit from integrating left–wing Black feminism into our own politics and practice.
      〜 Sharon Smith, “A Marxist Case for Intersectionality” Socialist Worker. August 1ˢᵗ, 2017. Web.
      [Sharon] Smith [in Women and Socialism: Class, Race, and Capital] accepts that early identity theories too readily encouraged separatism, individualism, movement fragmentation, reformist practice and accommodation within capitalism. But intersectionality remains a concept at the heart of identity theory approaches and as such is inimical to Marxism if it is imbued with explanatory rather than merely descriptive power. It seems that Smith, however, believes intersectionality has something to offer a Marxist explanation.
      〜 Laura Miles, “Can We Combine Intersectionality with Marxism?” International Socialism. Issue 151, June 30ᵗʰ, 2016. Web.
      The purpose of this study is to reveal the “character of capitalism,” by examining the experiences of black women as they navigate multiple systems of oppression. Employing a Marxist perspective, exploitation is defined as the way in which capitalists profit from purchasing labor power for less than it’s worth to extract a surplus of capital. Oppression is the forces that drive people to allow their labor to be exploited by capitalists; it is the conditions that create a reproduction of the labor force. Understanding intersectionality is a necessary prerequisite for any kind of dissection of Marxism today, as it reveals the manner in which interacting and intersecting oppressions produce different experiences for members of the working class, thus providing us with a more profound understanding of the two-class system? Intersectionality allows us to recognize that oppressions are not “single axis,” issues, but are interacting, overlapping; systems that perpetuate class relations under capitalism.
      〜 Caitrin Smith. Intersectionality and Socialism: Black Women Navigating Racism and Sexism in American Social Movements. Honors senior thesis. Rocky Mountain College. Billings, Montana. Spring, 2015. Page 4.
      I had been called to come to the Harvard–Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics to speak to young scientists about the importance of employing intersectional perspectives in STEM [Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics] research. Intersectionality, or the idea that we are all integrally formed and multiply impacted by the different ways that systems of white supremacy, capitalism, and patriarchy affect our lives, was a mostly foreign notion to these young scientists. Intersectional education happens primarily in the kinds of college classrooms that cause conservative politicians to lose their shit on the regular. Intersectionality is considered fluffy, liberal, radical, and certainly not scientific. Intersectionality is not only not objective, it sneers at claims to objectivity, arguing that none of us is purely objective. We all come with a perspective and an agenda. We all have investments. We all have skin in the game.
      〜 Brittney Cooper. Eloquent Rage: A Black Feminist Discovers Her Superpower. New York: St. Martin’s Press. 2018. Google Play edition.
      Implicit in this article of analyzing the “failure” of Marxism not only on racial, gender, and class issues, but also on the relationship between race, sex, and class lies an attempt to the revival of Marxist theory as a social analysis explaining social exploitation and oppression, which reflects the interconnections of race, sex, and class in people’s lives.
      〜 Jean Belkhir, “The ‘Failure’ and Revival of Marxism on Race, Gender & Class Issues.” Race, Sex & Class. Volume 2, number 1, fall 1994. Pages 79–107.
      … we extend [Susila] Gurusami’s theory of “intersectional capitalism” defined by the “the systemic process of demoralizing and dehumanizing racialized and gendered bodies that is used to extract their labour exploitation and punishment.” Gurusami argues that intersectional, racial and gendered, subjugation preceded the emergence of capitalism, which necessarily “exploits race, gender, and other modes of identity to stratify labour and reproduce forms of capital from particular bodies.” Extending this insight, and building upon [Patricia Hill] Collins’ concept of a “matrix of domination,” we argue that, in practice, there is a “matrix of exploitation” in capitalist labor markets wherein workers’ rate of exploitation varies according to their position within the distinct and overlapping social hierarchies in the workplace as well as broader society.…
      … We hope that our study inspires further research on the operations and consequences of “intersectional capitalism” and what we call the “matrix of exploitation.”
      〜 Juliann Emmons Allison, Joel S. Herrera, Jason Struna, and Ellen Reese, “The matrix of exploitation and temporary employment: Earnings inequality among Inland Southern California’s blue–collar warehouse workers.” Journal of Labor and Society. Volume 21, 2018. Pages 533–560.
      … many anarchists, just like Marxists, socialists, and even some liberals (such as Adam Smith), regard, or have regarded, the state as a secondary institution whose role is to defend the capitalist system against wage–earners or the poor.…
      Marxists are against the sectioning off of people on separate axes of oppression and argue for the need for unity. The struggle of any one oppressed group cannot be understood separately from other forms of oppression and the capitalist system that gives rise to them. Yet while proponents of intersectionality argue against sectioning off of people into single–axis issues, the outcome of the subjectivist approach is instead the sectioning off of people according to an infinite number of configurations of compound oppressions and privileges, with no overarching common denominator between them.
      〜 Jessica Cassell, “Marxism vs Intersectionality.” Socialist Appeal. July 28ᵗʰ, 2017. Web.
      I link … sexual conceptions of freedom to a broader social conception, in which a battle against the new commercial, nationalist and racialised gay normality has to be integrated into a fight against the neoliberal world order. Ultimately gay normality and neoliberalism can only be defeated by attacking their roots: that is, by a queer anti–capitalism. Although queer anti–capitalism will inevitably be a convergence of different left currents, I suggest that Marxists can make a specific and crucial contribution, not only through a working–class perspective, but also by drawing on Karl Kautsky’s and V.I. Lenin’s commitment to fighting non–class oppression, on a global conception of the fight for economic and sexual transformation, and on socialist feminists’ view of independent women’s and LGBT movements as integral parts of an anti–capitalist force. All these different insights should flow together into a transformative, intersectional rainbow politics.
      〜 Peter Drucker. Warped: Gay Normativity and Queer Anti–Capitalism. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill imprint of Koninklijke Brill NV. 2015. Page 5.
      … the material relations of production and reproduction constitute the fundamental matrix underlying all of social reality. It also has political implications. In the political introduction, I argued that especially in a period like this one, anti–capitalists cannot afford to neglect sexual and racial identity politics, because particularly when progressive class–based movements are weak, what are called the “culture wars” in the US are often the wellspring of politics. This is vital in day–to–day and year–to–year struggles. But if economic long waves are ultimately determinant for the shift from one same–sex formation to another, then on a scale of decades and centuries sexual radicals cannot afford to neglect the dynamics of capitalist economies. In other words, consistent queer opponents of homonormativity have to be at least anti–neoliberal if not anti–capitalist.
      〜 Peter Drucker. Warped: Gay Normativity and Queer Anti–Capitalism. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill imprint of Koninklijke Brill NV. 2015. Page 60.
      … [Kimberlé] Crenshaw “did not consider intersectionality as she devised it to be a theory, much less a totalizing theory, or even a methodology, and certainly had no inkling of the controversies it would provoke or the voyage across disciplines and continents it was to make.”
      … we approach … [intersectionality] from the standpoint of Marxist feminism. While we of course recognize the reality that intersectionality is meant to explain, we approach the explanation of this reality differently. We believe … that it is impossible to disarticulate these social relations from one another without objectifying the social and artificially separating relations of oppression from each other through a cultural logic that segments race and gender from capital and class. Again, we return to the problem of theorizing the social as something other than historically subjective human practice. To be clear, this is a radically different notion of difference and experience from the popular frameworks of intersectionality and positionality.
      Shahrzad Mojab and Sara Carpenter, “Marxism, feminism, and ‘intersectionality.’” Journal of Labor and Society. Volume 22, issue 2, June 2019. Pages 275–282.
      … [The] feminist concept of intersectionality emerged, which pointed to the organization of human life along lines of race, gender, sexuality, class, ability, and directed to ways in which feminist political projects should respond to this reality. This analytical development had a profound impact on Marxist feminism, which was challenged for privileging exploitation over social and cultural oppression. The main point here is that the outcome of such shifts in theoretical perspectives resulted in an intellectual and political milieu where a fragmented, de–historicized, and de–radicalized mode of knowledge production and praxis was advanced; the self was disarticulated from social relations and the structure of power.
      〜 Shahrzad Mojab and Afiya S. Zia, “Race, class, and agency: A return to Marxist feminism.” Journal of Labor and Society. Volume 22, issue 2, June 2019. Pages 259–273.
      The feminist theorizing of intersectionality, interlocking oppression, or matrices of domination demonstrates the role of conflation in consciousness; having artificially separated these social relations they are reunited in a “mystical” These two kinds of abstraction, the separation of life and relations and their reunification through unknown processes, constitute the core of the method of ideological knowledge production …. However, while all consciousness requires some kind of abstraction, not all abstractions must be ideological. [Karl] Marx and [Friedrich] Engels argued that through the method of dialectical historical materialism, abstraction could be used in order to fully explicate the essence of dialectically contradictory relations. It is this form of consciousness … which has become the epistemological imperative of the Marxist theorization of education and learning.
      〜 Sara Carpenter and Shahrzad Mojab. Revolutionary Learning: Marxism, Feminism and Knowledge. London: Pluto Press. 2017. Page 53.
      Marx might well be regarded as a proto–intersectional Marxist. He associated the foundations of American capitalism with the Plantation system and slavery. Walking the path toward a destination of service to the Proletariat and Subaltern is an act of love or linking to an end objective. For a critical realist or Maoist–Third Worldist, that destination or end objective is the universal liberation from intersectional capitalism or class and its intersecting thoroughfares, absences, or contradictions, such as racism. One strives to live one’s earthly life as an awakening essence (Sanskrit, बोधिसत्त्व [MP3], bodhisattva; or Pali, बोधिसत्त [MP3], bodhisatta) and a servant (Sanskrit, दास [MP3], dāsa) to liberty and a true culture of liberation—situating any consideration of one’s freedom (Sanskrit, विमोचनम् [MP3], vimocanam) on the back burner. The Other, including the Subaltern or the marginalized among us, must always, from a cosmopolitan and libertarian scientific socialist perspective, matter the most. A litany of unjust demands by the privileged, the wealthy, and the powerful or, in other words, the bourgeoisie are, to a revolutionary, words spoken by a fascist enemy. That enemy may, at some point, become the target of divine revolution.
      As much as I despise it, global capitalism is, at least for the time being, the structure of our international economy. Exclusively national economies largely expired in the late 1800s—with the shipping industry—and had their last breaths in the 1970s. There is no way to return to those national economies, or anything even remotely similar, without ending the the world as we know it and sacrificing millions, if not billions, of human lives. Such a hasty event would make the war on Ukraine look like a food fight. As a positive transformation, alterglobalization—the translation of the French term, altermondialisation—would also represent revolutionary change but of an entirely different sort. Marxists, generally speaking, must focus on reframing the present, including through the struggle to eliminate intersectional capitalism. At some point, overturning the capitalist world–system, in its entirely, shall become the only realistic means to shape the future. The following passages specifically emphasize the stated views of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) on subjects pertinent to ᓰ爪:
      [Karl] Marx and [Friedrich] Engels shared similar views on most political, economic and social issues and collaborated on a number of projects — both intellectual and political — throughout their lives. This has led many commentators to view their writings as containing virtually the same ideas. In many cases, this is not a defensible argument. This is especially true in terms of their views on the origins of gender–inequality. Engels held that the introduction of private property created the conditions for the oppression of women. Marx, however, had a much more nuanced argument, in which property was not the only important variable and where women were subjects of history even after the overthrow of mother–right. Marx saw that even in communal societies, contradictions began to develop very early.…
      In contrast to Engels, Marx saw a number of factors as important to understanding the development of antagonisms in the clan. These antagonisms existed even within the earliest periods of the clan, even though they were quite underdeveloped. Early communal societies were not completely unproblematic in terms of social antagonisms. This is especially true for women’s position in society, as Marx notes in regard to women’s forced chastity …. However, women’s less powerful position was not “the world–historical defeat of the female sex,” where women would have to wait for the arrival of socialism to regain their former position. Instead, as Marx’s discussion of the oppression and confinement of Greek women illustrates, he saw the potential for women’s subjectivity even under very harsh circumstances.
      〜 Heather A. Brown. Marx on Gender and the Family: A Critical Study. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill. 2012. Page 173–175.
      The unfortunate wife was sentenced to the most intolerable slavery, and this slavery was only enforced by Monsieur de M… on the basis of the Code civil and the right of property, on the basis of social conditions which render love independent of the free sentiments of the lovers and allow the jealous husband to surround his wife with locks as the miser does his coffers; for she is only a part of his inventory.
      〜 Karl Marx. Peuchet: On Suicide. Pacifica, California: Marxists Internet Archive (Marxists.org). 1845 (originally). Ebook edition.
      Many Marxists share … [a] commitment to recognize intersections among the diverse features of life radicals used to separate, realizing that no revolutionary theory will be convincing unless it demonstrates its applicability to racism, sexism, and other forms of oppression.…
      … I will defend [Karl] Marx’s focus on abstract labor units as justified by his choice of problematic—tracing the path capital takes as it pulls more and more value into itself.…
      … we can see that Marx’s own approach to class is intersectional because he moved back and forth between demographic details about the work force, such as gender, race, and age: “The workers consist of men and women, adults and children of both sexes. The ages of the children and young persons run through all intermediate grades, from 8 (in some cases from 6) to 18.” …
      … The concept of intersectionality captures … [the] matrix of social relations, acknowledging that women do not all experience sexism in the same way; there is an irreducible diversity among us.…
      Putting forward a dialectical claim of identity between two things normally thought of as separate is a dynamic way of suggesting a potential for revolutionary change. What happens if we posit gender, race, and class as identical and united? Seeing identities across differences by extending our analysis further into a set of internal relations allows us to avoid rigid categories. According to Ollman, one way Marx got at the internal tie between social features was to say that each is a form of the other. To theorize how they act together, then, it might be illuminating to see gender as a form of race, race as a form of gender, or class as a form of either gender or race. These possibilities speak directly to feminist philosophy because we need to conceive of differences without setting up boundaries.…
      If we use a dialectical methodology of abstraction like that suggested by [Bertell] Ollman, we are less likely to forget that the category of gender has both a pre–conceptual and a post–conceptual internal connection with other social parts and with the whole of society. Moreover, we could only say that we have a full–blown dialectical theory of gender at a third stage of theory construction, after we reinsert gender into the thought concrete. Our work at earlier stages brought forth logical analyses as well as empirical evidence about how gender intersects with other social phenomena. Ideally, theoreticians would have applied similar methods to class, race, sexual orientation, age, and other social factors so that their understandings could be used to more fully understand gender and vice versa.…
      〜 Kathryn Russell, “Feminist Dialectics and Marxist Theory.” Radical Philosophy Review. Volume 10, number 1, 2007. Pages 33–54.
      [Karl] Marx’s concept of the worker is not limited to European white males, but includes Irish and Black superexploited and therefore doubly revolutionary workers, as well as women of all races and nations. But, his research and his concept of revolution go further, incorporating a wide range of agrarian non–capitalist societies of his time, from India to Russia and from Algeria to the Indigenous peoples of the Americas, often emphasising their gender relations. In his last, still partially unpublished writings, he turns his gaze Eastward and Southward. In these regions outside Western Europe, he finds important revolutionary possibilities among peasants and their ancient communistic social structures, even as these are being undermined by their formal subsumption under the rule of capital.…
      … Capital creates a world culture alongside its world market, forcing itself into every corner of the globe. They go so far as to applaud, in terms imbued with Eurocentric condescension, how capitalism “draws even the most barbarian nations into civilisation” as it “batters down all Chinese walls” and forces these “barbarians … to adopt the bourgeois mode of production.” …
      There is clearly a universalising pull under capitalism, a globalising system whose extension homogenises, regularises, and flattens the world, uprooting and changing it as needed to maximise value production, a quest that forms the soul of a soulless system. That same universalising pull creates a deep contradiction, the revolutionary opposition of the modern working class, “united and organised by the very mechanism of the capitalist process of production.” …
      … Marx is concerned not only with working–class women, as discussed above, but with other strata of women as well, and across the full trajectory of human society and culture, not just capitalism. He takes up the oppression of modern women outside the working class in his 1846 text, “Peuchet on Suicide,” where he focuses on middle– and upper–class French women driven to suicide by gender–based oppression from husbands or parents, writing at one point of “social conditions … which permit the jealous husband to fetter his wife in chains, like a miser with his hoard of gold, for she is but part of his inventory.”
      It is important to see both his [Marx’s] brilliant generalisations about capitalist society and the very concrete ways in which he examined not only class, but also gender, race, and colonialism, and what today would be called the intersectionality of all of these. His underlying revolutionary humanism was the enemy of all forms of abstraction that denied the variety and multiplicity of human experience, especially as his vision extended outward from Western Europe. For these reasons, no thinker speaks to us today with such force and clarity.
      〜 Kevin B. Anderson. Class, gender, race & colonialism: The “intersectionality” of Marx. Ottawa, Ontario: Daraja Press. 2020. Ebooks.com edition.
      [Karl] Marx’s writings have sometimes been misrepresented. Many consider them to be no longer relevant for the 21ˢᵗ century on the mistaken assumption that he was obsessed only with class and had little appreciation of how issues of gender, racism and colonialism inter–related with class and the struggle for human emancipation.
      〜 Firoze Manji, “Publisher’s Preface,” in Kevin B. Anderson. Class, gender, race & colonialism: The “intersectionality” of Marx. Ottawa, Ontario: Daraja Press. 2020. Ebooks.com edition.
      Contradiction is understood here as the incompatible development of different elements within the same relation, which is to say between elements that are also dependent on one another. What is remarked as differences are based, as we saw, on certain conditions, and these conditions are constantly changing. Hence, differences are changing; and given how each difference serves as part of the appearance andlor functioning of others, grasped as relations, how one changes affects all. Consequently, their paths of development do not only intersect in mutually supportive ways but are constantly blocking, undermining, otherwise interfering with, and in due course transforming one another. Contradiction offers the optimal means for bringing such change and interaction as regards both present and future into a single focus. The future finds its way into this focus as the likely and possible outcomes of the interaction of these opposing tendencies in the present, as their real potential. It is contradiction more than any other notion that enables Marx to avoid stasis and one–sidedness in thinking about the organic and historical movements of the capitalist mode of production, about how they affect each other and develop together from their origins in feudalism to whatever lies just over our horizon.
      〜 Bertell Ollman. Dance of the Dialectic: Steps in Marx’s Method. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press. 2003. Page 17.
      [Karl] Marx sees capitalism as full of intersecting and overlapping contradictions. Among the more important of these are the contradictions between use–value and exchange–value, between capital and labor in the production process (and between capitalists and workers in the class struggle), between capitalist forces and capitalist relations of production, between competition and cooperation, between science and ideology, between political democracy and economic servitude, and—perhaps most decisively—between social production and private appropriation (or what some have recast as the “logic of production versus the logic of consumption”). In all of these contradictions, what I referred to earlier as the “evidence for socialism” inside capitalism can be found reorganized as so many mutually dependent tendencies evolving over time. Viewed as parts of capitalism’s major contradictions, their current forms can only represent a passing moment in the unfolding of a larger potential.
      〜 Bertell Ollman. Dance of the Dialectic: Steps in Marx’s Method. Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press. 2003. Pages 164–165.
      [Bertell] Ollman advances … arguments for thinking that [Karl] Marx held the theory of internal relations. … [One] appeals to textual passages which Ollman takes as implying a theory of internal relations. … [Another] appeals to what Oilman sees as Marx’s intellectual debt to [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel, [Gottfried Wilhelm] Leibniz and [Baruch] Spinoza who, Ollman notes, held a theory of internal relations. ’I believe I am justified in ascribing a philosophy of internal relations to Marx because it would have required a total break with the philosophical tradition in which he was nourished for this not to be so.’
      〜 Richard Hudelson, “Marx and the Theory of Internal Relations: A Critical Note on Ollman’s Interpretation of Marx.” Philosophy of the Social Sciences. Volume 14, December 1984. Pages 505–507.
      The issue of economic determinism in [Karl] Marx requires more careful examination. Economic factors play a very significant role because they condition other social behaviour; however, Marx was often careful to note the reciprocal and dialectical relation between economic and social factors in so far as they are moments of a particular mode of production. In the last analysis, the two cannot be separated out completely as Marx illustrated in many of his works. He pointed to the unique ways in which economics and the specifically capitalist form of patriarchy interact to oppress women. Thus, Marx, at least tentatively, began to discuss the interdependent relationship between class and gender without fundamentally privileging either in his analysis.
      Certainly not all aspects of Marx’s writings on women are relevant today, and some carry the limitations of nineteenth-century thought. However, Marx’s discussion of gender and the family extended far beyond merely including women as factory workers. He noted the persistence of oppression within the modern family and the need to work out a new form of the family. Additionally, Marx became increasingly supportive of women’s demands for equality in the workplace, in unions, and in the IWMA [International Workingmen’s Association].…
      While Marx’s theory remains underdeveloped in terms of providing an account that includes gender as important to understanding present–day capitalism, his categories and emphasis on dialectical change nonetheless lead in the direction of a systematic critique of contemporary forms of patriarchy. Therefore, he is able to separate out the historically specific elements of patriarchy from a more general form of women’s oppression as it has existed throughout much of human history. In this sense, his categories provide resources for feminist theory or at least areas for new dialogue between Marxists and feminists at a time when Marx’s critique of capital is coming to the fore once again.
      〜 Heather A. Brown, “Gender Equality.” The Marx Revival. Marcello Musto, editor. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. 2020. Google Play edition.
      [Karl] Marx wrote extensively on race and class in the American Civil War. These writings, developed during the time he founded the First International and was completing Capital, argue that capitalism was grounded in slavery and that racism attenuated class–consciousness among workers from dominant racial groups. At the same time, the Civil War unleashed new forms of democratic and revolutionary consciousness and action, in which Black slaves seeking freedom, Black and White northern soldiers, British workers, and abolitionist and socialist intellectuals expressed solidarity with each other across racial and national lines. The Civil War had revolutionary implications, not only in terms of bodily and political freedom for four million human beings but also in terms of large–scale economic changes that uprooted a centuries–old agrarian system and that posed – in the end unsuccessfully – the question of radical land reform on behalf of the former slaves. These Marx writings, which have been discussed only sporadically over the past century, are especially timely today.
      〜 Kevin B. Anderson, “Marx’s intertwining of race and class during the Civil War in the United States.” Journal of Classical Sociology. Volume 17, issue 1, 2017. Pages 28–40.
      Kevin Anderson’s book is a valuable contribution to a rather neglected area of study in Marx’s corpus: his views on pre–capitalist and non–Western societies that are peripheral to capitalist modernity. A most welcome aspect of this book, which is of interest not only to political theorists but sociologists and anthropologists as well, is Anderson’s careful exploration of little–known writings of [Karl] Marx.
      〜 Pinar Kemerli, “Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity and Non–Western Societies.” Review article. Political Studies Review. Volume 9, number 3, 2011. Pages 379–380.
      … he [Kevin Anderson] offers a sophisticated and multifaceted account of [Karl] Marx’s thinking on the interpenetration of capitalism and global society. In a world where ‘‘globalization’’ has become a byword and capitalism has grown so all–encompassing that even local crises now entail ‘‘systemic risks,’’ this is a major achievement. Marx’s theory of capitalism and capitalist crisis has often been pronounced dead. Independent readers will want to judge for themselves. They will find much of value in this book.
      〜 David Norman Smith, “Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity and Non–Western Societies.” Review article. Rethining Marxism. Volume 25, number 1, January 2013. Pages 130–134.
      I … propose a move toward an intersectional political economy theory where identity discrimination adds a layer of complexity to the Marxian scheme, and therefore can impact the aggregate results of the capitalist system. Concretely, I follow the long–period method and rely on [Karl] Marx’s description of the basic laws that govern the tendency of the rate of profit to fall in the long run and its consequences to the functional income distribution. As will be argued, the result depends on how the wage rate responds to changes in productivity. I will proceed by reviewing Marx’s theory of the value of labor power and the determinants of wages. This theory is then revised, taking into account gender aspects that are highlighted by social reproduction theory. I proceed to discuss how identity discrimination can impact the value of labor power and bargaining power, and analyze how the addition of this complexity leads to a discerning understanding of the dynamics of capital accumulation.
      〜 Luiza Nassif Pires, “Notes on Intersectional Political Economy: The Long Period Method, Technical Change, and Gender.” Working paper number 957. Levy Economics Institute of Bard College. Annandale–on–Hudson, New York. June, 2020. Pages 1–34.
      Michael Brown expresses a series of anxieties concerning an intersectionality inequity in the investigation of geographies of sexuality: are particular identities believed to be more foundational than others, and certain intersections more politically significant than others? In one way, such questions are resolved in this chapter by a dialectical materialist methodology to the relationship of universality and specificity vis–à–vis sexuality, capitalism and the state. For [Louis] Althusser, ideology has a material, as opposed to a spiritual, existence that is manifest in an individual’s performance and interaction with others and society; it is a “material existence of “ideas” or other “representations.” For [Karl] Marx, consideration of the material means that we do not start with what humans “say, imagine, conceive, nor from [humans] as narrated, thought of, imagined, conceived” to arrive at humans “in the flesh”; one’s starting–point is “real, active” humans and “their real life–process”. This is not to be mistaken as class–reductionist or economically determinist. Marx warns against a crude materialism, in which humans are the result of circumstances and therefore change as a result of changed circumstances, because what this critically “forgets” is that humans change circumstances.
      〜 Camila Bassi, “Tunnels of Social Growth within the Leviathan: A Story of China’s Super Girl.” The Routledge Research Companion to Geographies of Sex and Sexualities. Gavin Brown and Kath Browne, editors. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2016. Pages 89–96.
      Perhaps the most egregious erasure of intersectionality’s origins occurs when the concept is represented by white feminists as their own innovation, situated in a trajectory of white feminisms, rather than as an insight generated, and a theory elaborated, by Black feminists.… By flattening the difference between intersectional and other “integrative” approaches to feminist theory, which may well combine or synthesize previously discrete systems of oppression and exploitation (such as capitalism and patriarchy), intersectionality is rendered race–uncritical, effectively detached from Black and women–of–color feminisms—and more specifically from [Kimberlé] Crenshaw’s work.… Not only is Black feminism erased as intersectionality’s originating discourse, but women of color are erased from the socialist, lesbian, and anti–ableist discourses that are constructed as originary. In other words, Black feminisms are ideologically conflated with the race/gender dualism, which ostensibly expresses Black women’s “intersectional” identity.
      〜 Anna Carastathis. Intersectionality: Origins, Contestations, Horizons. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press. 2016. Ebooks.com edition.
      A system that is generally accepted in America, that also exists in Asia among people of entirely different races, that is frequently found in a more or less modified form all over Africa and Australia, such a system requires a historical explanation and cannot be talked down, as was attempted, e. g., by [John Ferguson] McLennan. The terms father, child, brother, sister are more than mere honorary titles; they carry in their wake certain well–defined and very serious obligations, the aggregate of which comprises a very essential part of the social constitution of those nations. And the explanation was found. In the Sandwich Islands (Hawaii) there existed up to the first half of the nineteenth century a family form producing just such fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, uncles and aunts, nephews and nieces, as the old Indo–American system of kinship. But how remarkable! The Hawaiian system of kinship again did not agree with the family form actually prevailing there. For there all the children of brothers and sisters, without any exception, are considered brothers and sisters, and regarded as the common children not only of their mother or her sisters, or their father and his brothers, but of all the brothers and sisters of their parents without distinction. While thus the American system of kinship presupposes an obsolete primitive form of the family, which is still actually existing in Hawaii, the Hawaiian system on the other hand points to a still more primitive form of the family, the actual existence of which cannot be proved any more, but which must have existed, because otherwise such a system of kinship could not have arisen.
      〜 Frederick (Friedrich) Engels. The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State. Ernest Untermann, translator. Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Company. 1909. Pages 36–37.

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      4: Kyriarchy
      Kyriarchy (ӃД), as it was formulated by Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, is an expansion of intersectionality and ᓰ爪 to consider a variety of intersections which transcend the more traditional race, gender, and so forth. As such, imperialism, colonialism, and hegemony are, in ӃД, additional intersectional thoroughfares. The application of ᓰ爪 to Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, to which we shall turn in chapter 5 (after laying the groundwork), has been significantly broadened. We now have at our disposal a thoroughgoing model or blueprint for human societies. A revolutionary framework using additional intersectional social structures—vastly transcending and arguably even undermining that which appears to have been anticipated by Kimberlée Crenshaw, Patricia Hill Collins, and others—is now made feasible. Race, gender, tribe, and ethnicity, while important societal thoroughfares, are insufficient for appreciating the many economic and political components which are required for any comprehensive social scientific and scientific socialist formulation. ӃД would add to ᓰ爪 an important multidimensional focus on the domination of the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity, including the entire spectrum of political entities contained inside each of them.
      Whenever I broached the topic of ᓰ爪 and ӃД in my college lectures, especially in Social Problems, I honestly doubt that few students genuinely understood the revolutionary implications of my words. Appreciating that social context, I was always careful. If put into practice, all forms of social inequity, including gender inequality, would, without any hesitation, eliminated. The entire balance of global power must, therefore, dramatically shift. That nothwithstanding, since I explicitly define intersectionality as the class system or capitalism, I could never specify class as one of the structures within intersectionality or the capitalist world–system. Doing so, from the standpoint of radical theory, obviously makes no sense. Below this paragraph are a few explanatory quotations. Obviously, as a fellow Left scholar, I do not completely agree with all of them:
      I have proposed to replace the category of “hierarchy” with the neologism kyriarchy, which is derived from the Greek words kyrios (lord, slave master, father, husband, elite propertied educated man) and archein (to rule, dominate).
      In classical antiquity, the rule of the emperor, lord, slave master, husband, or the elite freeborn, propertied, educated gentleman to whom disenfranchised men and all wo/men were subordinated is best characterized as kyriarchy. In antiquity, the social system of kyriarchy was institutionalized either in empire or as a democratic political form of ruling. Kyriarchy is best theorized as a complex pyramidal system of intersecting multiplicative social and religious structures of superordination and subordination, of ruling and oppression. Kyriarchal relations of domination are built on elite male property rights as well as on the exploitation, dependency, inferiority, and obedience of wo/men who signify all those subordinated. Such kyriarchal relations are still today at work in the multiplicative intersectionality of class, race, gender, ethnicity, empire, and other structures of discrimination.
      Kyriarchy is constituted as a sociocultural and religious system of dominations by intersecting multiplicative structures of oppression. The different sets of relations of domination shift historically and produce a different constellation of oppression in different times and cultures. The structural positions of subordination that have been fashioned by kyriarchal relations stand in tension with those required by radical democracy.…
      …a critical intersectional analytic does not understand kyriarchy as an essentialist ahistorical system. Instead, it articulates kyriarchy as a heuristic (derived from the Greek, meaning “to find”) concept, or as a diagnostic, analytic instrument that enables investigation into the multiplicative interdependence of gender, race, class, and imperial stratifications, as well as into their discursive inscriptions and ideological reproductions.
      〜 Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, “Introduction: Exploring the Intersections of Race, Gender, Status and Ethnicity in Early Christian Studies.” Prejudice and Christian Beginnings: Investigating Race, Gender and Ethnicity in Early Christian Studies. Laura Nasrallah and Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza. editors. Minneapolis: Fortress Press imprint of Augsburg Fortress. 2008. Pages 1–23.
      There are a number of benefits to employing intersectionality and kyriarchy together as an integrated framework. The immediate benefit to integrating intersectionality and kyriarchy is for the conceptual clarity the two offer when used together. Kyriarchy … describes a multi–faceted power structure, and allows us to understand power as a function of multiple axes of identity and privilege rather than focusing on one (e.g. as with gender and patriarchy or race and white supremacy), which is inadequate for understanding the complexity of lived experience. Simply put, kyriarchy describes the power structures intersectionality creates; in turn kyriarchy creates intersectional identities, and lived experiences determined by multiple, sometimes conflicting, axes of identity. Where “patriarchy” is understood as the force shaping and perpetuating gendered oppression, “kyriarchy” is understood as the structure shaping intersectional oppression. Ergo for a conceptual framework to comprehensively and clearly incorporate an understanding of the multifaceted nature of privilege and marginality, both are best employed. An integrated framework also improves our capacity to examine individual experiences of marginality and vulnerability within the context of structural power. An intersectional study that draws from kyriarchy to establish its theory of structural power can demonstrate how intersectional identities, and in turn, lived experiences, are produced and experienced through kyriarchy. A kyriarchal study may draw from intersectionality in order to understand how the experiences of this structural power are shaped by the intersection of identity groups at the individual level.…
      … kyriarchy does not conflate or collapse all structures of oppression into a single, undifferentiated structure; different structures can have “distinct functions” that shape how they operate and although the structures interact, share similarities, and co-constitute each other, at times it is prudent to engage in strategic essentialism. Colonialism operates quite differently to heterosexism (as one example), and so it can be useful to foreground a particular axis when seeking to understand how it functions and is perpetuated.
      〜 Natalie Osborne, “Intersectionality and Kyriarchy: a framework for approaching power and social justice in planning and climate change adaptation.” Planning Theory. Volume 14, number 2, 2015. Pages 130–151.
      Kimberlé Crenshaw and bell hooks, among other feminists of color, have helped shape the social sciences by calling out how a singular and exclusive focus on the oppression of women replicates colonial discourses that silence marginal and dissenting voices. The concept of intersectionality helped illustrate how black women do not have the same experiences as white women nor black men, both groups who had established activist organizations. As a person occupies many social locations, the intersection of these cumulates into an experience greater than the sum of its parts. These standpoints make politics based on one identity inadequate as they ignore other forms of oppression. Some of these axes include race, ethnicity, religion, class, sexuality, gender identity/expression/conformity, relationship, ability, body type/size, and age. Expanding on this is Patricia Hill Collins’ matrix of domination which looks at the overall structure of power in society and attempts to move beyond black and white thinking, accounting for shades of gray, nuance, context and the non–hierarchical. To help address issues of dominance and subordination between women, Elisabeth Schüssler Firoenza developed the idea of kyriarchy to move away from patriarchy as an analytical tool, to recognize complex systems of oppression and privilege that shape experiences.
      〜 Nathan Dawthorne, “(Re)Considering Kyriarchy?” Journal for the Anthropology of North America. Volume 221, April 2019. Pages 39–41.
      In her concept of the “Kyriarchy”, Elisabeth Schüssler Fiorenza has helpfully coined a word for the interacting, interlocking systems of domination and subordination that inform the modern world. As a pyramidal system, the Kyriarchy includes not only sexism, racism and heteronormativity, but also, among other things, militarism and anthropocentrism. The vaunted human has endangered the climate and sparked an ecological crisis that threatens the very existence of the human species, the animal kingdom, plant life, water and air. The trouble of the human is therefore not only an internal human “family” matter, but also an external ecological crisis that has disturbed and provoked nature, making the world a dangerous place for the human and for other life forms.
      〜 William Mpofu and Melissa Steyn, “The Trouble with the Human.” Decolonising the human: Reflections from Africa on difference and oppression. Melissa Steyn and William Mpofu. editors. Minneapolis: Fortress Press imprint of Augsburg Fortress. 2008. Pages 1–24.
      There are numerous kyriarchal paradigms. Three proposals formulated by others will be considered. Anarchism (ᚤɲɑɽͼɧ𝔦𝔰) shall be taken up first. Given the absence of vertical power structures, anarchism is often called horizontalism. Second, will be socialist multipolarity. Third, third campism (ㅈㄷ)—with an extensive, though not entirely comprehensive, listing of its types— will be described. I will examine the original third–campist model along with the versions of ㅈㄷ which both preceded and followed that model. That discussion will be more extensive than the others. Given that this writer was a third–camp socialist for some years, the material was already incorporated into the book. Therefore, rather than simply deleting the information, which was briefly considered, the text was extensively modified. As an addendum, a personal kyriarchal recommendation, based upon an examination of third campism (ㅈㄷ) and its arguable flaws, will conclude the chapter. Our own ƉɱⱤ ӃД is a thoroughgoing but respectful critique of ㅈㄷ. Inconsiderate appraisals of the objective and unprejudiced intellectual efforts by others should not, in an academic context, be taken seriously. And I always strive to be considerate.
      After Victor d’Hupay (1746–1818) coined “communism” (i.e. communisme) in its modern sense, Étienne Cabet (1788–1856), applied the term to his (utopian socialist) Icarian movement. Both incidents preceded the Communist Manifesto (1848) and Peter Kropotkin’s (1842–1921) anarcho–communism. But Pierre–Joseph Proudhon would not play economic favorites and negatively critiqued communism and capitalism. He was an anarchist plain and simple. Some left anarchists will define themselves as uniquely libertarian socialists. By slighting Bhaskarian critical realists, among others, from libertarian socialism, these anarchists have insisted that Marxists—with the possible exception of autonomists, council communists, and those in only one or two more currents—are to the right of anarchists and are not left libertarians.
      The position taken by many anarchists is that the immediate elimination of the state is communism’s first principle. Marxists, by contrast, propose a conceivable end to the state after capitalism and its vestiges are shattered. That is, to qualify, unless we wish to see a world of Afghanistans. We are routinely agnostic about the future while opting to transform the present amidst the palpable evisceration of our global order. Among anarchism’s catastrophies are its white supremacist history and common opposition to all democracies.
      Karl Marx advised his readers to focus on current material conditions. If there is to be a classless, stateless society, and neither Marx nor Engels provided any guarantees, it will, obviously, be constructed in the future—and perhaps the distant future at that. We need to struggle for the outcomes we desire, not simply lay back and wait for the supposedly, but fanciful, inevitable. A classless, stateless society is, and should always be, relevant. And yet, unlike many anarchists, most Marxists, following the wise counsel of Friedrich Engels, avoid utopian speculations. A propensity for utopianism is, indeed, one of the major critiques frequently leveled by Marxists, including this writer, with respect to numerous anarchist theories. Those critiques are rational, not partisan. Utopian anarchists must, I believe, come down to earth and carefully reevaluate their strategies. Utopian socialism tends to fall apart because it is developed in isolation from the societies in which it is established. One cannot live in the present as if the present were the future. In other words, utopian socialists do not usually take into account the material conditions of those societies.
      Now I have, admittedly, been generalizing or possibly even overgeneralizing. Not all anarchists are utopian. Not all Marxists are anti–utopian. However, a common left–anarchist theme, especially in the insurrectionary anarchist current but not limited to it, is the proposal to crush the state right now. Such a project would not only be unrealistic, as a genuine fight against the odds, and utopian. It could easily backfire. The end result might be the construction of an oppressive right–wing authoritarian or totalitarian regime. Consequently, I question the wisdom (Arabic, الحِكْمَة, ʾal•ḥik°maẗ; or, Sanskrit, तद् प्राज्ञ, tad prājña) of wasting one’s time in contemplating a supposed communist or socialist world–system. That advanced state of human affairs would, needless to say, be far removed from anything, and everything, which we now observe around us. Sadly, such a communist world–system is inconceivable, even to communists like me, in this first half of the 21ˢᵗ century. Though utopian conjectures should be taken with a grain of salt, numerous abstract utopian anarchisms, from my own perspective, shall be listed in the dropdown menu directly below the next few paragraphs.
      What is Property?, the founding document of left anarchism (𖧏𖧆), was written by, arguably, the single most influential figure of that movement, Pierre–Joseph Proudhon (1809–1865). He coined the term “anarchism” (constructed Ancient Greek, ἀναρχία [MP3], ’anarchía, “no leader, ruler, or prince”) in its original French (anarchisme [MP3]). Proudhon’s 19ᵗʰ–century anarchistic framework, and most others of the same period, were generally not utopian socialist per sē. Nevertheless, it has appeared to this writer that the proclivity of many left anarchists, throughout the 20ᵗʰ century and now well into the 21ˢᵗ, has been to formulate imaginative futurological or futuristic paradigms of utopian socialism. Friedrich Engels, Marx’s comrade, famously belittled such utopian socialisms as a “mish–mash” (original German, Mischung, “mixture or hybrid”). The following passage on utopian socialism will be offered, first, in the German language and, subsequently, in two English–language translations:
      Die Anschauungsweise der Utopisten hat die sozialistischen Vorstellungen des 19. Jahrhunderts lange beherrscht und beherrscht sie zum Teil noch. Ihr huldigten noch bis vor ganz kurzer Zeit alle französischen und englischen Sozialisten, ihr gehört auch der frühere deutsche Kommunismus mit Einschluß [Wilhelm] Weitlings [1808–1871] an. Der Sozialismus ist ihnen allen der Ausdruck der absoluten Wahrheit, Vernunft und Gerechtigkeit und braucht nur entdeckt zu werden, um durch eigne Kraft die Welt zu erobern; da die absolute Wahrheit unabhängig ist von Zeit, Raum und menschlicher geschichtlicher Entwicklung, so ist es bloßer Zufall, wann und wo sie entdeckt wird. Dabei ist dann die absolute Wahrheit, Vernunft und Gerechtigkeit wieder bei jedem Schulstifter verschieden; und da bei jedem die besondre Art der absoluten Wahrheit, Vernunft und Gerechtigkeit wieder bedingt ist durch seinen subjektiven Verstand, seine Lebensbedingungen, sein Maß von Kenntnissen und Denkschulung, so ist in diesem Konflikt absoluter Wahrheiten keine andre Lösung möglich, als daß sie sich aneinander abschleißen. Dabei konnte dann nichts andres herauskommen als eine Art von eklektischem Durchschnitts–Sozialismus, wie er in der Tat bis heute in den Köpfen der meisten sozialistischen Arbeiter in Frankreich und England herrscht, eine äußerst mannigfaltige Schattierungen zulassende Mischung aus den weniger Anstoß erregenden kritischen Auslassungen, ökonomischen Lehrsätzen und gesellschaftlichen Zukunftsvorstellungen der verschiednen Sektenstifter, eine Mischung, die sich um so leichter bewerkstelligt, je mehr den einzelnen Bestandteilen im Strom der Debatte die scharfen Ecken der Bestimmtheit abgeschliffen sind wie runden Kieseln im Bach. Um aus dem Sozialismus eine Wissenschaft zu machen, mußte er erst auf einen realen Boden gestellt werden.
      〜 Friedrich Engels. Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft [The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science]. Berlin: Verlag der Erpedition des „Vorwärts“ Berliner Volksblatt. 1891. Page 18.
      The Utopians’ [utopian socialists’] mode of thought has for a long time governed the socialist ideas of the nineteenth century, and still governs some of them. Until very recently all French and English Socialists did homage to it. The earlier German Communism, including that of [Wilhelm] Weitling [1808–1871], was of the same school. To all these Socialism is the expression of absolute truth, reason, and justice, and has only to be discovered to conquer all the world by virtue of its own power. And as absolute truth is independent of time, space, and of the historical development of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered. With all this, absolute truth, reason, and justice are different with the founder of each different school. And as each one’s special kind of absolute truth, reason, and justice is again conditioned by his subjective understanding, his conditions of existence, the measure of his knowledge and his intellectual training, there is no other ending possible in this conflict of absolute truths than that they shall be mutually exclusive one of the other. Hence, from this nothing could come but a kind of eclectic, average Socialism, which, as a matter of fact, has up to the present time dominated the minds of most of the socialist workers in France and England. Hence, a mish–mash allowing of the most manifold shades of opinion; a mish–mash of such critical statements, economic theories, pictures of future society by the founders of different sects, as excite a minimum of opposition; a mishmash which is the more easily brewed the more the definite sharp edges of the individual constituents are rubbed down in the stream of debate, like rounded pebbles in a brook.
      To make a science of Socialism, it had first to be placed upon a real basis.
      〜 Friedrich Engels. Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. Edward Aveling, translator. With a special introduction by Friedrich Engels and authorized by him. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. 1892. Pages 26–27.
      The utopians’ [utopian socialists’] way of thinking long swayed, and to a certain extent still sways, socialist thought in the nineteenth century. In England even now, in France not long since, all socialists rendered it cult, and to it also belongs the early communism of Germany, that of [Wilhelm] Weitling [1808–1871] included. To one and all socialism is the expression of absolute truth, reason, and justice; it needs but to be discovered in order to conquer the world by virtue of its own strength; and, seeing that absolute truth is independent of time, place, and the historic development of man, it is a mere accident when and where it is discovered. With the founder of every school, absolute truth, reason, and justice are, however, again different; and seeing that, with each, the special sort of absolute truth, reason, and justice is in turn predicated upon his own subjective understanding, his conditions of life, his store of knowledge and his intellectual training, no solution is possible in this conflict of absolute truths other than their mutual abrasion. The outcome of it all could be naught else but a sort of eclectic, average socialism, such as, in fact, still prevails in the heads of most of the working people in France and England: a mixture that allows the most manifold shades of opinion; a mixture that is made up of such critical utterances, economic theories, and notions of various sect–founders regarding future society as provoke the least opposition; finally, a mixture that is the more easily effected in proportion as, in the stream of debate, the separate ingredients wear off their sharp corners of positiveness, like round pebbles in a brook. To make a science out of socialism, it had first to be placed upon solid ground.
      〜 Friedrich Engels. The Development of Socialism from Utopia to Science (Socialism: Utopian and Scientific). Daniel De Leon, translator. New York: Scientific Labor Literature imprint of Labor News Company. 1910. Pages 8–9.
      Certain former anarchists have also critiqued anarchism (ᚤɲɑɽͼɧ𝔦𝔰) as philosophical idealism. The previously mentioned abstract utopianism, which refers here to certain forms of utopian socialism, is this writer’s coined phrase for the diverse array of ontologically idealistic praxes, or proposed praxes, in ᚤɲɑɽͼɧ𝔦𝔰). Will I work with abstract utopian anarchists? I would, honestly, like to work with the previously mentioned insurrectionary anarchists, but there would need to be some mutually agreed–upon ground rules before beginning. At this point in time, prognostications would be largely inappropriate. I grew up, like many Autistics, as a nearly constant victim of assault and battery. But none of my perpetrators ever stood before a judge. That notwithstanding, I am not a violent man. And aside from defending others or, if unavoidable, acting in self–defense, I will never agree to harm another individual. What goes around, according to the wise saying, comes around. Life is simply too short.
      A voluminous alphabetical listing of left–wing, and some right–wing, anarchistic and comparable perspectives—many of them abstract utopian—are among the items included in the following dropdown menu. In my view, the anarchist proposal for the elimination of vertical authority is dangerous, not desirable, especially if elements of intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ) remain. But readers should make up their own minds. Each of the links shall direct the reader to topically relevant books, articles, or, infrequently, only quotations:
      One of my reasons for being underwhelmed by left anarchism (𖧏𖧆) may be the negativity displayed, in many or most currents, concerning authority. The word anarchy refers to speculative societies without a government. But can one actually eliminate government or vertical authority? No. That cannot be done. If anarchy were to be established, it must not, so say some anarchists, have rulers. An common, but not universally accepted, anarchist maxim, No gods, no masters, while not universally accepted, might be the society’s first principle. When considered sociologically, a society which lacks some form of centralized administration will devolve into mutually antagonistic clans—each clan headed by a despot. Individual liberty, presumably the anarchists’ objective, would vanish. The U.S. attempted to bring its floundering Empire to Afghanistan, but, like others before, the U.S. failed. Except for Kabul, there never was a new Afghanistan. The Taliban were always in charge. Now they control Kabul once again, too. We humans tend to be tribal. Although successful governments can lead former adversaries into coöperative relationships, tribalism quickly returns as a regime expires. Anarchy becomes the highway to authoritarianism.
      Therefore, confusing simple authority with a narcissistic authoritarianism is common in 𖧏𖧆. Such an obfuscation is articulated in the well–known anarchistic remedy for vertical authority or verticalism: horizontalism. In a horizontal society, no one individual would have power over anyone else. But that principle’s application is unclear. Before retiring from my professorship, I had vertical authority over my students. I prepared the syllabus and, when I could find no realistic alternatives, enforced rules of conduct in my classes. On one occasion, which stands out in my mind, I had to reluctantly dismiss a student from one of my lectures for making blatantly racist comments. He returned the following class. As I subsequently learned, I was not the first professor to have a virtually identical problem with the same student. Authority maintains the social order, while abusing one’s authority, as in sexual harassment, can never be justified. Nuance must be appreciated and desired. As such, absolutist statements and absolutist ways of thinking, whether found among anarchists or others, are, in the vast majority of cases, best avoided.
      Contrary to some forms of 𖧏𖧆, order is a requisite for civil society; and the causal mechanism for maintaining that order is authority. One day, the Proletariat could, after the finale of the class–based state—the demise of the capitalist state and the bulldozing of the workers’ world super–state—will ultimately constitute a concrete utopian cosmopolitan administration or, to borrow a contemporary term, a new world order. Full–fledged communism, a freshly fashioned social construction, would, upon that hypothetical occasion, be “watching over the true interests of society.” Nevertheless, realizing that expectation, that hope, shall demand more than mere words.
      Authoritarian tyranny is using one’s authority to promote sickness and immorality. Emancipatory agency is employing one’s authority to advance health, morality, and freedom from capitalist domination. For example, anti–vaxxers, while falsely claiming to be libertarians, are, in reality, tyrants. The masses are dying at their feet. Public health officials, by advocating vaccination, are taking an emancipatory position. They are appropriately exercising their authority in order to protect the health and safety of the general population. Many supposed libertarian perspectives, in opposing the emancipatory power of vaccination, are truthfully not libertarian at all. Adherents of those positions should never be trusted. Their disingenuous rejection of authoritarianism for a faux libertarianism may be actualized in the imposition of a self–serving system of authority within a precarious future, or possibly present, political regime.
      The two quotations provided below, both of them taken from Engels’ work, concentrate specifically upon anarchism, authoritarianism, the state, and the relations between them. Note that Engels is employing the term authoritarianism to refer to the exercise of instrumental authority by the Proletariat (not by the bourgeoisie), which is a prerequisite for revolution:
      … it is absurd to speak of the principle of authority as being absolutely evil, and of the principle of autonomy as being absolutely good. Authority and autonomy are relative things whose spheres vary with the various phases of the development of society. If the autonomists [anarchists] confined themselves to saying that the social organisation of the future would restrict authority solely to the limits within which the conditions of production render it inevitable, we could understand each other; but they are blind to all facts that make the thing necessary and they passionately fight the word.
      Why do the anti–authoritarians [anarchists] not confine themselves to crying out against political authority, the state? All Socialists are agreed that the political state, and with it political authority, will disappear as a result of the coming social revolution, that is, that public functions will lose their political character and be transformed into the simple administrative functions of watching over the true interests of society. But the anti–authoritarians demand that the authoritarian political state be abolished at one stroke, even before the social conditions that gave birth to it have been destroyed. They demand that the first act of the social revolution shall be the abolition of authority. Have these gentlemen ever seen a revolution? A revolution is certainly the most authoritarian thing there is; it is the act whereby one part of the population imposes its will upon the other part by means of rifles, bayonets and cannon—authoritarian means, if such there be at all; and if the victorious party does not want to have fought in vain, it must maintain this rule by means of the terror which its arms inspire in the reactionaries. Would the Paris Commune have lasted a single day if it had not made use of this authority of the armed people against the bourgeois? Should we not, on the contrary, reproach it for not having used it freely enough?
      〜 Friedrich Engels, “On Authority.” The Marx–Engels Reader. Second edition. Robert C. Tucker, editor. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. 1978. Pages 730–733.
      We … say: Do away with capital, the concentration of all means of production in the hands of the few, and the state will fall of itself.
      〜 Friedrich Engels, “Versus the Anarchists.” The Marx–Engels Reader. Second edition. Robert C. Tucker, editor. New York: W. W. Norton & Company, Inc. 1978. Pages 728–729.
      Even absent the state, governance or administration of some sort will presumably still be required. Needless to say, the state has continued to operate as a mechanism of social, political, and economic manipulation. For the time being, therefore, Marxists, contra anarchists, should not hesitate to engage with it:
      The Left has traditionally been afraid of conquering state power. To a certain degree, the Stalinist experience justifies such scepticism. But the anarchist rejection of appropriating the state in order to transform and transcend it often leaves alternative projects powerless, marginalised and confronted with a political economy of precarity (of voluntary labour and resources) that fosters sectarianism and anarchist versions of Stalinist orthodoxy and hierarchy.
      〜 Christian Fuchs, “Appropriation of Digital Machines and Appropriation of Fixed Capital as the Real Appropriation of Social Being: Reflections on Toni Negri’s Chapter.” Digital Objects, Digital Subjects: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on Capitalism, Labour and Politics in the Age of Big Data. David Chandler and Christian Fuchs, editors. London: University of Westminster Press. 2019. Creative Commons. Pages 215–221.
      The second proposal for ӃД is Promise Li’s socialist multipolarity. Born in Hong Kong and currently residing in the U.S., Li wrote:
      Identifying the most effective strategy for the global left to build power requires understanding how this new expression of imperialism works. Rather than seeing multipolarity as opening up space for revolutionary struggles against imperialism, I contend that contemporary multipolarity functions as a new stage of the global imperialist system, a departure from unipolar US hegemony without neatly falling back into the traditional mode of inter–imperialist rivalry as described by Vladimir Lenin and Nikolai Bukharin commenting on the last century.…
      … Holding onto an analysis of “delinking̵ from the global economy without an understanding of political democracy would fail to check the growing forces of authoritarianism that make it difficult to promote a more democratic multipolar world.…
      … we can imagine what a genuinely socialist “multipolarity” can look like:
      assembling anti-authoritarian movements together to strengthen democratic institutions from the global to the local. This goal demands more than simply statist forms of sovereignty or relying on the reshuffling of power between nation–states against the backdrop of declining US hegemony. It is imperative to build alliances between movements struggling against different forms of rising authoritarianism. At the same time, we must understand that for movements acting within illiberal, authoritarian states, the latter becomes nearly impossible without the basic freedoms afforded by bourgeois democracy. In such cases, like in Russia or Hong Kong under the national security laws, those in the global North with more resources and freedoms can develop more meaningful forms of support with those movements beyond a gestural slogan or statement of solidarity.…
      A truly emancipatory form of multipolarity would provide an infrastructure to a highly variegated terrain of independent movements, with each developing to maximize its fullest power to act to democratize its capacity for self–determination. These movements can assume a number of forms, from resistance committees and trade unions to mass socialist parties. Each embodies different levels of political consciousness, but can be stimulated in different ways to militate against different aspects of the global capitalist system, though success or failure can never be pre–determined. In this sense, self–determination against global imperialism entails creating platforms for democratic assembly and deliberation for independent movements. These spaces can advance revolutionary demands that are incompatible with current regimes, but in the meantime, can build power by exposing the limits of the degenerate forms of governance today from bourgeois parliamentarism to illiberal authoritarianism.
      〜 Promise Li, “Against multipolar imperialism: Toward socialist multipolarity.” LINKS – International Journal of Socialist Renewal. January 8ᵗʰ, 2023. Web.
      We now turn to third campism (ㅈㄷ). It is a non–anarchistic, libertarian communist tendency. The current has been regarded by some as heterodox Trotskyist or post–Trotskyist. Since Trotsky explicitly rejected third campism, relating it to him may be regarded as problematic. ㅈㄷ is also known as left Shachtmanism. As its heart, ㅈㄷ is presented by its supporters as an intersectional Marxist framework. I would, however, humbly suggest that my own Maoism–Third Worldism has, by moving beyond a simplistic triad of camps, been considerably more successful in formulating a genuine or realistic ᓰ爪. That subject was specifically addressed earlier in this treatise. Each of the recent and contemporary third–campist camps, which shall be considered in the paragraphs to come, might be seen as thoroughfares etched upon a topographic map of political economy.
      The instability of certain camps, from the third–camp perspective, has continued to heighten the contradictions in the devolving system of intersectional capitalism (ƗᏨ). These camps have also allegedly included some anti–Proletarian systems, such as the various forms of fascism (ʄ🕸). The latter could be glossed as majoritarian militant nationalist identity politics. The original Mussolinian Fascism (ʄ🕸), while obviously significant, is only one illustration. Nazism, which was directly inspired by Italian Fascism (with Hitler himself as a staunch supporter), is another. The fascist third positionism, not to be confused with third campism, opposes both capitalism and communism but sometimes supports mutualism or, even on occasion, a socialism for us as possible third positions. U.S. white nationalism is also fascistic. Obviously, those subsequent historical developments were, decades earlier, never anticipated by Marx or Engels. Then, all of a sudden, time ran out. It became too late.
      I must add that, as a libertarian Marxist (a Bhaskarian critical realist), the thought of a fascism (ʄ🕸) quā libertarianism would, as my late mother would say, give me the chills. But I have lived long enough to never say “never.” As soon as I Googled the term “libertarian fascism,” I found, however much to my dismay, a transcript, on archive.org, with the genuinely disheartening and frightening title: “The Case For Libertarian Fascism.” It was written by Taleed Brown (né 1994?). I am certainly not denying that some U.S. right–wing libertarians somehow manage to border on (ʄ🕸). Nevertheless, for anyone with even a passing understanding of those two ideological spectrums, as diverse as each of them may be, the reasons for my utter bewilderment will be more than obvious. While then reading into the text, I saw that the writer called it a sh🞻t–post. Thank heavens for small miracles.
      Third campism is, claim its proponents, a distinct type of left libertarianism. Liberty, from a third–campist viewpoint, is only feasible within a Proletarian democracy. Camps became possible with late 19ᵗʰ–century globalization. As explained at the beginning of the chapter, the reason why our treatment of third campism is so extensive is that the tendency influenced this writer’s thinking for approximately a decade. I have had to return to the book and redact my statements. My objective was to clarify that positions on imperialism I had previously taken were now largely abandoned. For instance, why, in third campism, are there always two imperialist camps? Such camps, while changing three times, have, seemingly by magic, remained as a series of dyads. Elaborations of the camps will follow, but to state them simply: the Allied Powers and the Axis Powers, NATO and the Soviet Union, and, presently, NATO and Russia. On the positive side, third campism has generally been less dogmatic, and considerably more open to dialogue with other Trotskyist as well as non–Trotskyist currents, than most tendencies in Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ).
      The third camp—the the ProletarianSubaltern Bloc—may be found within each one of the proposed stages of third campism. The Proletariat is contrasted with the lumpenproletariat. These false–conscious workers were, and unfortunately remain, prevalent in the modern world. The prospect of a people’s revolution has been contradicted by a relative absence of the Proletariat. Only by the emancipation of the Proletarian masses, through the dissolution of ƗᏨ, that an eventual transformation in the character of everyday life could be achieved by human hands. Neutrality—as in the cases of Switzerland and Austria—continues to be rare. Nevertheless, the previously neutral Finland is now a full member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Sweden may eventually follow. The original expectation, that both nations would join NATO simultaneously, failed to materialize. The immediate reason for the abandonment of Finnish and Swedish neutrality is the Russian war on Ukraine.
      Third campism is utilized, by its proponents, for its descriptive strengths. The stated intent is not necessarily to support of oppose any nation or international organization. The world’s leading intersectional power centers are critiqued. Inevitably, not all nations will be included. Attempting to position square pegs into round holes is a fool’s errand. Beginning during World War II, the Allied Bloc of the British Commonwealth, the United States, the Soviet Union, Norway, Greece, Yugoslavia, South Africa, Greece, Belgium, and others collectively became the first camp. Meanwhile, the Axis Bloc of Germany, Italy, and Japan was now the second camp. There was no certainty that the Allies would be victorious, but the alternative was unthinkable. My father’s National Guar d unit was transferred to the U.S. Army after the bombing of Hawaiʿi’s Pearl Harbor. He recounted many stories from that frightening period.
      Beginning with the Cold War between the East and the West, third campism’s original first camp bifurcated. The NATO Bloc (the U.S. and its allies) and the Warsaw Pact Bloc (Russia and its allies) were, respectively, the first and second camps. That second camp of the Cold War was glued together by the former Soviet Union. Mainland China, though commanding markedly lesser agency, has sometimes assisted the second bloc. Yet, the first, the NATO Bloc, camp—dominated by the U.S. Empire—and the second, the Warsaw Pact Bloc camp, were both abject failures (MP3 presentation). The So–called communist nations, beset with immense internal problems of their own, failed to dismantle capitalism. NATO was formed to contain the supposed monster Stalin. At the same time, the Soviet Union, now replaced by Russia, was given veto power in the United Nations Security Council. Realpolitik almost always trumps political idealism.
      That intermediary phase of third campism was terminated in the late 20ᵗʰ century. In the wake of the decapitation of Joseph Stalin’s (1878–1953) Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) in the Soviet Union of 1991, the first two camps are, as in the past, not entirely inclusive. Beginning with the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact Bloc, the second camp has long since deteriorated into a Collective Security Treaty Organization Bloc. With the latter bloc, only the outer shell of authoritarianism or totalitarianism has now survived. The Marxist–Leninist crustacean, which had previously been protected inside the shell, is decaying inside the carcass. However, one can still support Stalin’s concept of socialism in one country. Based on differing material conditions, the socialism which is fitting for one nation may be inappropriate for another. One can similtaneously support some forms of internationalism. Marx asked the workers of all countries to unite. To the workers must be added the Subaltern.
      Using this writer’s own terms, the current third–camp configuration might, to proponents of the perspective, include: the NATO Bloc, the Collective Security Treaty Organization Bloc, and the Proletarian–Subaltern Bloc. The economies of both the U.S. and its allies (including NATO), on the one hand, and of Russia and its allies (including the Collective Security Treaty Organization), on the other, are the two dominant imperialist powers. Russia’s war on Ukraine did not occur in a vacuum. That war was, historically, provoked by the U.S. and NATO. Because of the flawed structure of the United Nations Security Council, in which the U.S. and Russia each have a veto, it is virtually impossible to bring stability to a world marked by instability. With no effective system of global governance, we now stand at the brink of possible planetary devastation. That fact should be obvious to both third campists and non–third campists alike. No sovereign international body has ever been established which would protect Earth’s humans from eliminating themselves.
      To express the matter in another way, some of the more common Westernized forms of Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) have, like the mythical emperor, now revealed themselves to have no clothes but, as in Hans Christian Andersen’s folktale, are too intimidated by the king to speak up. The outward form has lacked a genuine Third World Marxian substance. At once aimless and adrift in the æthers, many contemporary Marxist–Leninists have thrown their political support behind either fascist Russia or state–managed capitalist Mainland China. Neither of those two authoritarian capitalist systems would have been sanctioned by Marx, Engels, or other classical communists.
      Quite to the contrary, both the modern Russian Federation and Mainland China might be castigated by Marx and Engels for their adoption or endorsement of autocratic or anti–communist systems. As a nonpolitical, nonpartisan tendency, we would never judge the former Soviet Union or Mainland China adversely or as inherently evil. Rather, such descriptors would more accurately be applied to my own country, the United States. We would only claim that the political economies of certain revolutionary socialist states sometimes departed from the program of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.
      Yet, Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ), as originally conceived, is, some have argued, incompatible with Putinism. Rather, Putinism, especially considering that the Russian fascist Ivan Ilyin, Putin’s favorite philosopher, was proudly a fascist, has, some have argued, been moving in a fascist direction for some time. ㅆㅡㄴ, on the other hand, was founded by Stalin and subsequently adopted with modifications by Mao and others. Stalin is sometimes called, by his intellectual opponents, a red fascist, but name–calling is childish. I find no value in using pejoratives. Doing so is a sign of weakness. Stalin fought fascists in Italy and Germany during World War II. He was, for his time, a great man. But even great women and great men have their failings. Furthermore, it is beneficial to find the merit in a variety of different frameworks, such as the ones used in ƉɱⱤ, and then leave the rest to such persons who find those ideas to be useful in constructing revolutionary theory. One can, and indeed should, be comfortable in intelligently critiquing any Marxist leader without engaging in the sportless sport of mud wrestling.
      To the majority of Marxist–Leninists, only the West is imperialist, not Russia. According to some writers, consistent with Putin’s affection for fascism (ʄ🕸) and his desire to undermine Western imperialism, he has been supporting fascist and other far–right movements around the world. Undermining imperialism, and not only in the West, is certainly a worthy goal, but Putin’s methodology is not only odd. It may be destined to fail. I have difficulty imagining that Stalin would have followed that same course. Indeed, Stalin hoped for friendly relations with the West. The Soviet Union was, after all, one of the “Western” Allies in World War II. It was actually the West which turned against the East and initiated the Cold War.
      The following brief selection of quotations covers third campism and the subject of camps more generally:
      The expansion of bureaucratic collectivism into Eastern Europe after World War II, and its victory independent of Russia state power in Yugoslavia and China, marked a new stage in world politics: a global “struggle for the world” between Capitalism and Stalinism. This was no normal inter–imperialist rivalry but a “struggle of rival systems over which, if either, shall exploit the earth.” This new stage presented the socialist movement, Marxism especially, with the job of fundamental renovation and reorientation if the politics of socialism–as–self–emancipation were to be preserved. It was necessary to plant a “firm fixed point” from which the Third Camp might oppose both rival imperialisms and their war preparations.
      〜 Alan Johnson, “‘Neither Washington Nor Moscow’: The Third Camp as History And a Living Legacy.” New Politics. Volume 7, number 3, new series, summer 1999. Pages 135–165.
      In the fall of 1955 the Independent Socialist League participated in a Third Camp conference along with some pacifist groups, on the basis of the watchword “Neither Washington nor Moscow!” At this conference, someone gave a report on what was happening on Okinawa under American control – I regret to say I cannot remember who performed this service. It woke me up to an embarrassing fact: American socialists, such as they were, had never paid much attention to the peoples who were directly controlled by their government. Certainly Labor Action had not done so, and it was little consolation to find, when I scouted around, that no one else had done so either. I thought that was a shameful state of affairs by neglect, or by ommission rather than commission, and set about recruiting writers to do a research job. This recruitment was only partially successful, and I wound up doing most of the job myself. (Incidentally, the case of Puerto Rico is not included in these strictures: Labor Action had paid a good deal of attention to that island, especially with the help of Ruth Reynolds – a pacifist, not a socialist – who was a supporter of the Nationalist group.)
      〜 Hal Draper. America as Overlord. Alameda, California: Center for Socialist History. 2011. Kindle edition.
      One of the terms that became current in the 1950s was third camp socialist — a socialist who disagreed with the foreign policy of both the American State Department and the Soviet Foreign Office. In retrospect the term was not meticulously scientific, since it implied equal hostility to both foreign policies; but it was accurate enough to indicate where people like [A. J.] Muste, [David] Dellinger, Irving Howe, and I stood, and was one of the reasons we could not become — as did the socialists who had formed the Americans for Democratic Action — advocates of either American capitalism or the Russian Soviet system. It was inconceivable for a third camp socialist to join either the Democratic Party or the Communist Party.
      〜 Sidney Lens. Unrepentant Radical: An American Activist’s Account of Five Turbulent Decades. Boston: Beacon Press imprint of the Unitarian Universalist Association. 1980. Page 206.
      There are in non–committed areas groups seeking to deal with the problems of economics and politics in a broader way and at a deeper ethical level. They seek to build not another Military Force but a Third Camp or Third Way. They are striving not only to avoid war but to build a socio–economic order and culture different from both Communism [the communist bloc?] and capitalism. Such groups as the Asian Socialist parties, the Gandhian Constructive Workers, and the Bhoodan movement of Vinoba Bhave in India illustrate this trend, as do the nonviolent responses to Colonialism in Africa. The June, 1953, workers’ revolts in East Germany were part of a spontaneous movement in this direction.
      Editors of Liberation,“Tract for the Times.” Seeds of Liberation. Paul Goodman, editor. New York: George Braziller. 1964. Pages 3–11.
      Long fixated on the need to subordinate foreign communist parties to the ends of Russian foreign policy, [Josef] Stalin and other Russian leaders already feared Chinese autonomy and its potential for creating a third camp (Maoism as an “Asiatic form of Marxism”) in a world Stalin had long decreed was divided into two camps only.
      〜 Thomas J. McCormick. America’s Half–Century: United States Foreign Policy in the Cold War and After. Second edition. Baltimore, Maryland: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 1995. Page 102.
      Once, as a third campist, I would argue that humanity’s focus should primarily be riveted upon the multilateral intersections within the capitalist world–system—the U.S. and its political allies—and, outside of the capitalist world–system’s private capitalist orbit, the bureaucratic collectivist camp. The overwhelming majority of nations in that camp, as in North Korea, have limited political power. However, the primary players, Russia and perhaps less likely Mainland China, may face off against the U.S. in a world war. No system of oligarchy should be naïvely rank ordered or shown favoritism. According to third campists, it is the third camp alone, the nascent Proletariat, which offers a modicum of hope. Personally, I firmly support the right of any country, including North Korea, to oppose the capitalist world–system. And technically, North Korea and the U.S. are still at war. Challenging the capitalist world–system, while obviously fraught with danger, is still morally correct.
      Labor unions … certainly have no international policies of an independent sort, other than those that given unions adopt for the strict economic protection of their members.…
      The expanded, centralized, and interlocked hierarchies over which the power elite presides have encroached upon the old balances ….
      〜 C. Wright Mills. The Causes of World War Three. Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. 1960. Pages 40–41.
      The immediate causes of World War III lie in the fearful symmetry of the cold warriors on either side [NATO and the Warsaw Pact]: an act of one aggravates the other; the other reacts; this in turn aggravates the one. Behind this symmetry, there are intermediate causes: the frigid context and the lethal establishments formed by previous policies and lack of policies of either side. The ultimate causes, of course, seem part of the very shaping of world history in the 20ᵗʰ century.
      Each of the embattled camps contains men and forces that are working for peace and also men and forces that mean war. But in the interaction of the two camps there is one terrible difference between the politics of warmakers and the politics of peacemakers: while the gains made by the warmakers inside each bloc tend to accumulate, this is not so much the case with the peacemakers in each bloc. The scheduling of material measures of defense and attack—the immediate source of the peril—is speeded up and increased in volume by the successes of the war parties and by their interplay; and these measures are often difficult to cancel.
      〜 C. Wright Mills. The Causes of World War Three. Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, Inc. 1960. Page 9.
      Hidden in the pages of his [C. Wright Mills’] work [The Causes of World War Three] is the influence of the one rather obscure strain of radicalism which, after the war, declared that both camps were forms of a new anti–democratic, militaristic capitalism and boldly, but futilely, called for the formation of a “third” camp whose base would be a radicalized labor movement in alliance with other anti-capitalist elements of the population.
      〜 Stanley Aronowitz, “A Mills Revival?” Logos. Volume 2, number 3, summer 2003. Pages 67–93.
      It might seem odd to look to a semi–submerged historical tradition, shaped in and by a different world, as a source for contemporary socialist renewal. But the third–camp tradition as it developed was not the product of some obscure quibble over the theoretical characterization of a particular state. Rather, it was an effort to reorient the revolutionary socialist movement, undertaken by activists who could see clearly how Stalinism was deracinating, distorting, and destroying socialist politics.
      In attempting to renew socialism as a politics of working–class self–emancipation, the third campists emphasized both aspects: independent working–class self–activity and organization, and emancipation and freedom. Kicking back against the bureaucratic statism, top–down command structures, and enforced, monolithic ideological homogeneity that Stalinism had made hegemonic in left politics, both as models for the “socialist” society and the cultures of organizations aspiring to build it, the third campists sought to reconnect socialism with its libertarian core.
      What does it mean, then, to aspire to the renewal of the third-camp tradition today? It certainly does not mean adopting a religious attitude to tradition, claiming some unbroken chain of political doctrine from [Karl] Marx and [Friedrich] Engels through [Vladimir] Lenin and [Leon] Trotsky to [Max] Shachtman and [Hal] Draper. Neither does it mean excluding all that is valuable in working–class socialist traditions outside this geneaology.
      The renewal of the third camp, in a world of left disarray and insurgent populism (occasionally on the left but largely on the right), fundamentally means reasserting independent working–class politics. It means reconnecting to the first principle of revolutionary socialism, that working–class emancipation cannot be won by hitching our wagon to the parties or politics of other classes, but only on the basis of our class organizing by and for itself. To renew the third camp today means a return to class as the key axis for political organization; a return to understanding struggle between classes, within every country, as the motor of social change; and a re–forging of socialism as a project of working–class self–liberation.
      … none of the “third camp” or libertarian socialist perspectives found within the dissident tradition of American Trotskyism get consistent play in that journal [Against the Current] at all — except occasionally in the obituary column.
      〜 Daniel Randall, “The Third Camp, Socialism From Below, and the First Principle of Revolutionary Socialism.” New Politics. Volume XVI, number 4, whole number 64, winter 2018. Web.
      The First World Proletariat and Subaltern, if or when it arises from the ruins of capitalism, will be the remnant of widespread global destruction. Moreover, all forms of left libertarianism must denounce the dominations of workers and numerous disenfranchised minorities in societies throughout the world. No manner of favoritism should ever be accorded to a country. To encroach upon the freedom from unjust oppression for only a single person is to infringe upon that freedom for all of us collectively. Separation is Demireality. Pointedly, within the sacrosanct world of Nonduality, no such distinctions are made. Bhaskar Sunkara (né 1989), a third camp non–Trotskyist and the publisher of two periodicals, wrote:
      The lessons and analysis that socialists offer—along with the Marxist framework—are vital for plotting a way out of today’s extreme inequality and into a just society.
      Naturally, there are also lessons from the [dictatorial] Communist movements’ time in power: the difficulties of central planning, the importance of civil rights and freedoms, what happens when socialism is transformed from a democratic movement from below into an authoritarian collectivism. But pluralism and democracy are ingrained not only in civil societies in the advanced capitalist world but within the socialist movement itself.…
      But what about the end goal of socialism—extending democracy radically into our communities and workplaces, ending the exploitation of humans by other humans? Fundamentally, political strategy for the Left has to put these more radical questions, one by one, on the table, all the while struggling to stay mobilized. And while we defend newly won gains, we must fight to avoid the crippling bureaucratization that pushed the great social–democratic movements of the early twentieth century into a self–defeating accommodation with the system. It won’t be easy, but we still have a world to win.
      〜 Bhaskar Sunkara. The Socialist Manifesto: The Case for Radical Politics in an Era of Extreme Inequality. New York: Basic Books imprint of Hachette Book Group. 2020. Google Play edition.
      Ramón Mercader (1913–1968) was recruited by Stalin as the hitman to assassinate Trotsky with a ice axe. Yet, Stalin, like Trotsky, had admirable virtues. Their sundering of ties, while perhaps unavoidable due to major political differences, planted the seeds of communist failures. Personality conflicts do not really matter and should, whenever possible, be completely ignored. If, in some alternate history of the 20ᵗʰ century, Leon “Lev” Trotsky (Ukrainian, Леон «Лев» Троцький, Leon “Lev” Trocʹkij; Russian, Леон «Лев» Троцкий, Leon “Lev” Trockij; Yiddish, לעֵאָן „לעֶוו” טְראָצְקִי, Lʿēʿọn “Lʿẹv̇” Ṭərʾọṣəqiy; or Hebrew, לֵאוֹן „לֵו” טְרוֹצְקִי, Lēʾôn “Lēw” Ṭərôṣəqiy), 1879–1940, managed to hold onto the reins of power, as Stalin was relegated to a mere archival footnote, would our circumstances in the world of today be significantly different? Although Trotsky was one of the inspirations for third campism, such speculations are essentially a waste of time. Retracing the steps taken by one’s intellectual forebears lies beyond the realm of possibiity. Therefore, that question cannot be answered with honest conviction. In the struggle for liberation, advocating democratic communism, initially in the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity, is a far more propitious enterprise.
      As pointed out in the pages of Isaac Nachman Steinman’s (1888–1957) magestic historical opus, In the Workshop of the Revolution, Trotsky, not at all unlike many other revolutionary rulers of the ages, was a profoundly flawed individual. His injustices are legion. The more benevolent aspects of his character were expressed after his sojourn to North America. He was, at the time, a disenchanted subversive on the road to his own assassination. Trotsky’s internationalism twisted Marxism (ᘉᗗⵅ߁) into tyranny. But Stalin’s contextualized socialism in one country acknowledged and respected national differences.
      However, Stalin’s proposal was contorted into the counter–revolutionary Putinism of President Vladimir Putin (Russian, Президент Владимир Путин, Prezident Vladimir Putin), né 1952. During the Cold War, Putin was, like many of his contemporaries, a Marxist–Leninist of convenience. True Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) was the only realistic way to achieve power in the Soviet Union. As soon as the Soviet Union ended, that ㅆㅡㄴ was, with few exceptions, abandoned like an old blanket. Putin cares about power, not about orthodox ㅆㅡㄴ. The instrumentality of power is presently Russian Orthodoxy, a part of the Eastern Orthodox Church.
      Third–camp socialist Hal Draper (1914–1990) has presented informed critiques of the aforementioned left anarchism (𖧏𖧆). For instance, he wrote about “[t]he myth of anarchist ‘libertarianism.’” Presumably, Draper utilized “myth” for a narrative lacking a sufficient degree of historical or empirical documentation. He provided harsh assessments of both Pierre–Joseph Proudhon and another major architect of 19ᵗʰ–century anarchism (ᚤɲɑɽͼɧ𝔦𝔰), Mikhail Bakunin (1814–1876):
      One of the most thoroughgoing authoritarians in the history of radicalism is none other than the “Father of Anarchism,” [Pierre–Joseph] Proudhon, whose name is periodically revived as a great “libertarian” model, because of his industrious repetition of the word liberty and his invocations to “revolution from below.”
      Some may be willing to pass over his Hitlerite form of anti–Semitism (The Jew is the enemy of humankind. It is necessary to send this race back to Asia, or exterminate it …”). Or his principled racism in general (he thought it was right for the South to keep American Negroes in slavery, since they were the lowest of inferior races). Or his glorification of war for its own sake (in the exact manner of [Benito] Mussolini). Or his view that women had no rights (“I deny her every political right and every initiative. For woman liberty and wellbeing lie solely in marriage, in motherhood, in domestic duties …”) …
      But it is not possible to gloss over his violent opposition not only to trade–unionism and the right to strike (even supporting police strikebreaking), but to any and every idea of the right to vote, universal suffrage, popular sovereignty, and the very idea of constitutions. (“All this democracy disgusts me … What would I not give to sail into this mob with my clenched fists!”). His notes for his ideal society notably include suppression of all other groups, any public meeting by more than 20, any free press, and any elections; in the same notes he looks forward to “a general inquisition” and the condemnation of “several million people” to forced labor—“once the Revolution is made.”
      Behind all this was a fierce contempt for the masses of people—the necessary foundation of Socialism–from–Above, as its opposite was the groundwork of Marxism. The masses are corrupt and hopeless (“I worship humanity, but I spit on men!”). They are “only savages … whom it is our duty to civilize, and without making them our sovereign,” he wrote to a friend whom he scornfully chided with: “You still believe in the people.” Progress can come only from mastery by an elite who take care to give the people no sovereignty.…
      The reader, who may be full of the usual illusions about anarchist “libertarianism,” may ask: Was he then insincere about his great love for liberty?
      Not at all: it is only necessary to understand what anarchist “liberty” means. Proudhon wrote: “The principle of liberty is that of the Abbey of Thélème [in Rabelais]: do what you want!” and the principle meant: “any man who cannot do what he wants and anything he wants has the right to revolt, even alone, against the government, even if the government were everybody else.” The only man who can enjoy this liberty is a despot ….
      The story is similar with the second “Father of Anarchism,” [Mikhail] Bakunin, whose schemes for dictatorship and suppression of democratic control are better known than Proudhon’s.
      The basic reason is the same: Anarchism is not concerned with the creation of democratic control from below, but only with the destruction of “authority” over the individual, including the authority of the most extremely democratic regulation of society that it is possible to imagine.… Anarchism is on principle fiercely antidemocratic, since an ideally democratic authority is still authority. But since, rejecting democracy, it has no other way of resolving the inevitable disagreements and differences among the inhabitants of Thélème, its unlimited freedom for each uncontrolled individual is indistinguishable from unlimited despotism by such an individual, both in theory and practice.
      〜 Hal Draper. Socialism from Below. Alameda, California: Center for Socialist History. 2001. Ebook edition.
      Pro–Bolshevik Rosa Luxemburg (1871-1919; MP3), née Rozalia Luksenburg, was, with Lev, among the numerous inspirations for third campism. She rejected capitalism and, while on friendly personal terms with Vladimir Lenin (Russian, Влади́мир Ле́нин, Vladímir Lénin), 1870–1924, combated Leninist and Trotskyist demagogic practices. As a radical democrat, Rosa upheld the legitimacy of direct and parliamentary workers’ councils. She further advocated for autonomous insurgencies or popular uprisings against the state and private industry. Rosa was one of the most charismatic communist luminaries to have ever lived and died a hero. Her Doctor of Laws (LL.D.) degree is commensurate with the U.S. Doctor of Juridical Science (S.J.D.), not the less advanced U.S. Master of Law (LL.M.). The latter is preceded by the U.S. Doctor of Jurisprudence (J.D.)—renamed, in the late 1960s and early 1970s, from the Bachelor of Laws (LL.B.). Most U.S. attorneys have earned only a J.D.
      In the birth year of the writer’s late father, Rosa was unfortunately assassinated by German paramilitary units (German, Freikorps, “free corps”). After being pummeled by a rifle butt and then shot in the head, her corpse was unceremoniously cast into Berlin’s Landwehr Canal. In the wake of an autopsy at Berlin’s Charité hospital, her cadaver was finally identified more than four months later. A memorial nameplate has since been erected along the canal. Had Rosa lived during the time of Stalin’s régime, she might have constructed her own tendency or even partnered with Stalin or Lev. One can obviously only speculate. Those possibilities notwithstanding, many comrades, ranging from one end of the communist panoply to the other, have continued to honor and to celebrate her splendid legacy of revolution from below.
      The renowned Polish/Jewish/German revolutionary [Rosa Luxemburg] was assassinated in January of 1919 by paramilitary groups mobilized by the social democratic government against the workers in Berlin. She was never an Anarchist, and in her writings, we find many criticisms of Anarchist ideas.
      〜 Michael Löwy and Olivier Besancenot, “Expanding the horizon: for a Libertarian Marxism.” The Radical Left and Social Transformation: Strategies of Augmentation and Reorganization. Robert Latham, Karen Bridget Murray, Julian von Bargen, and A. T. Kingsmith, editors. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2019. Pages 208–222.
      Third campism, as a vehicle for social emancipation, was defended by such activists as: the aforementioned Draper, Raya Dunayevskaya (1910–1987), Cyril Lionel Robert “C. L. R.” James (1901–1999), Martin Abern (1898–1941), and—before he took his sharp right–hand turn to the National ReviewJames Burnham (1905–1987). In addition, the Italian communist and political theorist Bruno Rizzi (1901–1977) converged, in his own perspectives, with many of the positions and proponents of third–camp socialism. Each of them, in her or his own way, made contributions to that tendency. Later in the present chapter, various forms of third campism, some formulated by both non–third campists and non–Trotskyists, shall be considered. The justification for accepting the ever–changing dyads of imperialist camps, particularly within the heterodox third–camp Trotskyist tendency, is a mystery to me. My previous acceptance of that current is, given my current thinking, even more inexplicable. However, humanness demands reevaluation.
      Class oppression and discrimination against women had heretofore naturally produced the struggle against capitalism and its oppressive, alienating regime, but where until now women’s oppression was attributed to capitalism’s patriarchal nature, this time the women directed the male–chauvinist epithet at the male left.…
      None could question the women liberationists’ credentials as opponents of the exploitative, racist, alienating system—whether we take, as our starting point, the year 1965, when the first charges of sexism surfaced in SNCC [Student Non–Violent Coordinating Committee] or the year 1967 when Redstockings and the New York Radical Women, who emerged from the white left, had expressed their total hatred for anything “male dominated,” not just as “man–haters” but as theorists of “consciousness raising”; or the year 1969, when the strongest presence came out of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Beyond any doubt, the centerpoint was the demand for freedom from male domination, for women’s autonomy, for decentralized existence, free of any and all male presence.
      〜 Raya Dunayevskaya. Rosa Luxemburg, Women’s Liberation, and Marx’s Philosophy of Revolution. Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press, Inc. 1982. Pages 99–100.
      Working–class women have a very special reason for their passionate interest in revolutions, not simply because they’re exciting events, but because they show working–class women in motion as shapers of history. The dialectical relationship of spontaneity to organization is of the essence to all of us as we face today’s crises. It is not only Portugal which is under the whip of counterrevolution that began Nov. 25, 1975. The global struggle for power between capitalist imperialism and state–capitalist societies calling themselves Communist, all nuclearly armed, has put a question mark over the very survival of humanity.…
      Be it something as “simple” as the question of women’s struggle for equality in the very midst of all the myriad crises, or the deep recession and racism in the U.S., what women are hungering for is working out the relationship of their creativity to a philosophy of liberation. We surely do not need yet one more form of elitism. What we do need is a unity of philosophy and revolution. Without it, we will not be able to get out from under the whip of the counterrevolution.
      〜 Raya Dunayevskaya. Women’s Liberation and the Dialectics of Revolution: Reaching for the Future—A 35–Year Collection of Essays—Historic, Philosophic, Global. Atlantic Highlands, New Jersey: Humanities Press International, Inc. 1985. Pages 88–89.
      I will … comment briefly on (1) [Raya] Dunayevskaya’s contribution to our understanding of [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel, [Karl] Marx, and dialectics, and (2) her work on what is today termed the intersectionality of race, class, and the struggle against capital….
      … Dunayevskaya broke completely with the Engelsian distinction between system and method in Hegel’s thought, arguing that Marx had critically appropriated Hegel’s dialectic as a whole.…
      … I have argued in this study that Marx developed a dialectical theory of social change that was neither unilinear nor exclusively class–based. Just as his theory of social development evolved in a more multilinear direction, so his theory of revolution began over time to concentrate increasingly on the intersectionality of class with ethnicity, race, and nationalism. To be sure, Marx was not a philosopher of difference in the postmodernist sense, for the critique of a single overarching entity, capital, was at the center of his entire intellectual enterprise. But centrality did not mean univocality or exclusivity. Marx’s mature social theory revolved around a concept of totality that not only offered considerable scope for particularity and difference but also on occasion made those particulars—race, ethnicity, or nationality—determinants for the totality. Such was the case when he held that an Irish national revolution might be the “lever” that would help to overthrow capitalism in Britain, or when he wrote that a revolution rooted in Russia’s rural communes might serve as the starting point for a Europe–wide communist development.
      〜 Kevin B. Anderson. Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity and Non–Western Societies. Expanded edition. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 2016. Google Play edition.
      During the 1940s and 1950s, [C. L. R.] James was a leader of the Johnson–Forest Tendency, an organization co–founded by, organized by, and intellectually sustained by two women: Raya Dunayevskaya and Grace Lee (later Boggs). Dunayevskaya and Lee – alongside a bevy of young workers in the interracial, interclass, intergenerational organization – endorsed self–determined freedom struggles of workers, women, and youth as part of “a second American Revolution.” The intersectional politics of the Johnson–Forest Tendency, as Adrienne Rich observes, “predated not only the Women’s Liberation Movement but the student movements and the escalation of the Black Struggle in the 1960s.” Women were instrumental to James’s intellectual development and personal emancipation. But in cultivating his political persona he struck them from the record.
      〜 W. Chris Johnson, “Sex and the subversive alien: The moral life of C. L. R. James.” International Journal of Francophone Studies. Volume 14, number 1 and 2, 2011. Pages 185–203.
      This movement for an independent Marxism [the Johnson–Forest tendency] broke with [Leon/Lev] Trotsky over the issue of defining the Soviet Union as “state capitalism” ([C. L. R.] James and [Raya] Dunayevskaya declared Stalinist Russia’s counter–revolution in which the Communist Party, not the people, owned the means of production and ran the economy and the labor unions). Johnson–Forest also “extended to women and youth its idea of the special role of the black movement.” This emphasis on Blacks, women and youth as major catalysts of change predated not only the Women’s Liberation Movement but the student movements and the escalation of the Black struggle in the 1960s.
      〜 Adrienne Rich, “Living the Revolution.” The Women’s Review of Books. Volume 3, number 12, September 1986. Pages 1 and 3–4.
      A particular approach to third campism is left Shachtmanism, from Draper, which extricates it from Max Shachtman’s (1904-1972) revisionism. He became a neoconservative, a Fabianesque socialist, and Director of the Department of International Affairs with the AFL–CIO. Rightward turns are precedented with communist elders and even youths or those who fall somewhere in between. Though I am a senior myself, moving to the right or, perhaps worse, to the extreme center has always been unimaginable to me. As the decades and generations passed by, I once, as previously explained in greater detail, partially identified, in my heart, as a Titoist, an international socialist or Cliffite, a Maoist–Left Refoundationist (നᴬᴼᴵˢ𖢵Ր𖨋), a third camp “left Shachtmanite,” and now, through ƉɱⱤ, as a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist.
      In the 1950s and 1960s, [Hal] Draper was the most prominent American advocate of third–camp socialism. His was a heroic but losing fight against the drift of the socialist movement toward accommodating and capitulating to Washington or Moscow. He wrote a stream of exposés of the ruling class’s actions, maneuvers, dynamics, policies, and aims for world domination. Some of his strongest polemics were against his former comrades of the WP/ISL, led by Max Shachtman and later Michael Harrington, as they integrated into the pro–Western camp.
      〜 Joel Geier, “Hal Draper’s contribution to revolutionary Marxism: Socialism from Below.” International Socialist Review. Issue 107, winter 2017-2018. Web.
      Third Camp socialists and communists pointed out that for one hundred years the goal of world government has been at the heart of the socialist program for peace. Yet, ripped away from the rest of the socialist program, the demand for world government was utopian and reactionary. Utopian because it traded on the illusion that wars were unfortunate misunderstandings which world government would end. In fact, as [Hal] Draper put it in 1952, “at the heart of world politics lies the contradiction between the essential interdependence of the world economy and the compartmentalization of the planet among competing national states.” It is the efforts of each rival ruling class to integrate the world politically, as an economic necessity, which leads to war. Reactionary because it sustained the illusion in the social nature of the two superpowers, neither of whom would embrace world government unless it was a cover for their own hegemony.
      〜 Alan Johnson, “‘Neither Washington Nor Moscow’: The Third Camp as History And a Living Legacy.” New Politics. Volume 7, number 3, new series, summer 1999. Pages 135–165.
      Trotsky usually insisted on strict adherence to his Marxist and communist theories. When people demonstrated a bit of independence, to challenge the boss, he sometimes, like Sigmund Freud, cut them off. That is, arguably, the major reason why Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ) has divided into so many currents. Despite Trotsky’s Weberian charisma, his dogmatism alienated many people. One might, therefore, argue that, since 𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ has never been implemented, Trotsky was shooting himself in the foot. Such a scenario played out for the third campists or Shachtmanites. Trotsky wrote that if one of them was a Trotskyist, he was not. After the founder of your tendency has written such harsh words, is there anywhere to go?
      In the case of the third campists, some of them continued defining themselves as Trotskyists. For others, the term “post–Trotskyist” seemed more appropriate. Prominent third campist Hal Draper had succeeded Max Shachtman as the leader, or one of two major leaders, of third campism. Toward the end of Draper’s life, he became an independent researcher. Shachtman, while continuing to characterize himself as a third campist, redefined the camps from the standpoint of a social democrat or progressive.
      Third campists, on the other hand, are pretty accepting of theoretical diversity. The British and Australian third–camp organization, Workers’ Liberty, openly advocates tolerance. As a result, after the time of Shachtman, third campism has remained pretty unified. The U.S.–based tendency, Solidarity, is also lenient and nondogmatic. But they have to be broad–minded. Some members of Solidarity are third campists. Others are not. The situation with Lev Trotsky and Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ) also reminds me a bit of the Old Order Amish and Old Order Mennonites. One Amish church factionalized (or fractionalized if you prefer) into two over the issue of having buttons on one’s clothing. Are buttons permissible in the sight of God, or are they not? The evident problematic of the button was, of course, neʾer addressed in either the Old or the New Testaments. But a rigid insistance upon right and wrong does not, it would appear, require textual authorization. Nevertheless, fundamentalism, while originally the approach to reading the Bible of a U.S. conservative Christian movement, is, when broadly defined, clearly not restricted to religion or, for that matter, to politics.
      It is undeniably a trivial point and not one which should be unduly emphasized. Still, this writer, while no longer a third campist, considers one of his major autobiographical influences to have been third–camp communism or left Shachtmanism, not a third–camp socialism or a right or center Shachtmanite. Beginning with the two unsuccessful runs of U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders for the Democratic presidential nomination (2016 and 2020), U.S. socialism has been broadened to include social democracy or, in other words, progressivism. The adverse consequences of this watering down of the term socialism might well continue for generations. These days, assuming one is actually a communist, the designation of “communist” would, as I see it, be more precise, and less prone to misunderstandings, than “socialist.” However, “revolutionary socialist” may suffice. Given that a hypothetical revolution has not yet started in the Third World or Fourth World of Indigeneity, programs similar to those advocated by some social democrats or progressives may, currently, ease the burdens of the Proletariat and the Subaltern globally.
      A third–camp communism, this writer once believed, offered hope for the Proletariat and, by extension, for all humanity over and above the failures of Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) or, pejoratively, far–right Tankism—in its various demographic or geographical adaptations:
      [Karl] Marx’s own critique of [Georg Wilhelm Friedrich] Hegel’s constellational monism and speculative illusion led him, moreover, into a serious miscalculation of the role of thought and ideas – astonishingly, given the part that “class consciousness” and social scientific theory were earmarked by his own work to play in changing the world. At the same time he had followed Hegel’s sociological reductionism of ethics, leading to a disregard for morality and constitutional procedures. Thus, there was no culture in the Soviet Union of discussing the ethical implications and presuppositions of the project for a new and fundamentally better society. Instead, the pretence that the regime was in some way introducing a different kind of society gave way, first, to the weak rhetoric of “socialist humanism” and then to an even weaker rhetoric to the effect that what was being developed in these societies was something that could be seen as a way of producing more and better material goods, such as washing machines, motorcars and holidays on the Black Sea! It was, alas, only too obvious that “actually existing socialism” was failing in these regards by the late 1980s.
      〜 Roy Bhaskar. Enlightened Common Sense: The philosophy of critical realism. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2016. Page 196.
      Even though Tony Cliff (1917–2000) never referred to the International Socialist Tendency (IST) as third campism per sē, his Marxist theory at least partially corresponded to it—including his appropriation of Joseph Carter’s, and later Shachtman’s, “Neither Washington Nor Moscow” adage. That aphorism was then adopted as the title for one of Cliff’s books. In a qualified sense, Cliff could be regarded as the European counterpart to Draper in the United States. On the other hand, in practice, IST was somewhat more authoritarian, while left Shachtmanism was more libertarian. Cliff also administered his charismatic authority over IST with an overbearing manner which, based upon the careful reviews conducted by this writer, Draper, in particular, would have never countenanced.
      Here are illustrations of the conventional versions of the “Neither Washington Nor Moscow” slogan. The mediocre rush–job 😇😈 logo on the left was designed by me:
      Neither Washington Nor Moscow (this writer’s edit) Neither Washington Nor Moscow but International Socialism Neither Washington Nor Moscow but International Socialism
      Click on Each of the Three Images to Enlarge
      Biographically, Cliff was born into a Jewish family in the Ottoman Empire’s Jerusalem territory. That is to say, he was a Palestinian, not an Israeli. His birth name was Yigael Gluckstein (Yiddish, יִגָאֵל גְּלוּקְשְׁטײַן [MP3], Yiḡāʾēl Gəlūqəšəṭạ͡yn). Tony Cliff was his Trotskyist alias. After immigrating to Europe in 1947, he lived both in the UK and the Republic of Ireland. Nevertheless, Cliff never became a citizen of either, or any other, country. He, consequently, remained a stateless individual for the remainder of his life. His national alienation was not by choice. Many leftists throughout the world have faced a similar fate. At one point, he expressed a strong fondness for Red Rosa Luxemburg and her scholarship. But he always identified himself as a Trotskyist. Unrelated to Cliff, and after his passing, controversies erupted over a genuine rape coverup. Such whitewashes of sexual crimes are, of course, deeply disturbing. Mass resignation and numerous factionalizations were the aftermath. Somehow, however, IST survived.
      In 1950 Britain’s three Trotskyist groups were divided between the Mainstream ([Gerry] Healy and [Ted] Grant’s groupings) and the Third Camp ([Tony] Cliff’s state capitalist group).…
      … Third Camp Trotskyism is … quite heterogeneous with considerable animosity between its two main British representatives, the SWP [Socialist Workers Party] and the AWL [Alliance for Workers’ Liberty].…
      [The] Third Camp [includes] Socialist Workers Party, Alliance for Workers Liberty, Counterfire, [and] rs21.
      〜 John Kelly. Contemporary Trotskyism: Parties, Sects and Social Movements in Britain. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2018. Page 72.
      Of the Third Camp Trotskyist groups, the SWP [Socialist Workers Party UK], Counterfire and the AWL [Alliance for Workers’ Liberty] are all promoting books by their respective members.
      〜 John Kelly. Contemporary Trotskyism: Parties, Sects and Social Movements in Britain. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2018. Page 100.
      Jacobin is a 21ˢᵗ-century non-partisan, center–Shachtmanite socialist movement. I am a lifetime subscriber to Jacobin magazine. However, back when I was a third campist or left–Shachtmanite, I might have been considerably further to the left than the overwhelming majority of persons—democratic socialists, social democrats, and supporters of U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders’ and the Squad’s bourgeois social democracy—who currently work for Jacobin. I was previously a Class Warrior (Jacobin’s highest membership ranking on YouTube) and a patron of Jacobin’s The Dig podcast. While I belonged to Jacobin YouTube for four months, I engaged, perhaps unwisely in retrospect, in an aboveboard left–Shachtmanite communist entryism and was then officially shunned by the Jacobin staff.
      In the late 1930s the Shachtmanites coalesced as members of the Socialist Workers Party. But in 1940, as the result of a process that sociologist Daniel Bell once called the “law of faction formation and fission,” the Shachtmanites soon split and formed their own smaller but purer Workers Party. Next, in 1949, they created an even tinier Independent Socialist League. Finally, in 1959, most of the remnants joined the Socialist Party, only to fragment within a decade when the Socialist Party itself split. As a result of this history, people with Shachtmanite political roots are today spread out along a spectrum of views from far left to neoconservative.
      〜 Alan Wald, “Party Lines and Passing Factions.– The Washington Post: Democracy Dies in Darkness. Newspaper. March 4ᵗʰ, 1990. Web.
      In 1947, the Johnson–Forest Tendency left the “Shachtmanite” Workers Party and rejoined the SWP [the Socialist Workers Party, U.S.), only to make a final break with that party, and Trotskyism as such, in 1951, creating the Correspondence Publishing Committee.
      〜 Saku Pinta. Towards a Libertarian Communism: A Conceptual History of the Intersections between Anarchisms and Marxisms. Ph.D. thesis (American English, dissertation). Creative Commons. 2019. Loughborough University. Loughborough, England. Page 219.
      Reflecting the turbulence of the era, by 1968, the SPA [Socialist Party of America] was fractured into three groups: Shachtmanite Cold Warriors [right Shachtmanites] who supported U.S. war efforts; the militantly antiwar [Eugene] Debs Caucus; and Harrington’s [center–Shachtmanite] Realignment Caucus, which opposed both the war and unconditional withdrawal.
      〜 Grady Lowery. The Rise of the Democratic Socialists of America: A Qualitative Analysis of the Contributing Factors to Insurgent Mobilization Analysis of the Contributing Factors to Insurgent Mobilization. Ph.D. Dissertation. December, 2020. University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Knoxville, Tennessee. Page 50.
      To be specific, when I was still a third campist, I attended a Friday afternoon question–and–answer session hosted by a Jacobin employee and his friend. I asked this question twice: “Since, [publisher] Bhaskar [Sunkara] is a third campist (as am I), is there a relationship between Jacobin and third campism?” And later, “… why are you avoiding my question?” and “I am a lifetime subscriber to Jacobin [magazine] and a Class Warrior on [Jacobin] YouTube. This behavior is completely unacceptable.” My Facebook message to Sunkara—“From watching you being interviewed by Michael [Brooks] on The Majority Report [podcast], I actually thought you had a good character [abridged]”—and my emails to Jacobin were both ignored. Jacobin, it appears to this writer, lacks professional ethics. Muting me on their now functionally defunct YouTube channel, and refusing to respond to my inquiries, was their own business. We all have agency. Needless to say, since I subsequently left third campism and returned to ѪŦШ and constructed the communist tendency of Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, closer to my own New Left roots as a defender of Mexican migrant workers, the issue has become moot. We learn, if we are fortunate, by making the right turns.
      Jacobin’s Marxist perspective—which resembles the Marxist theory, left refoundational regroupment, as first formulated by the originally third–campist Solidarity U.S.—is the antithesis of communist fundamentalist exclusivity. On the other hand, I have failed to grasp how any supporters of third campism, which includes some Jacobinites, could endorse a social democracy in place of revolutionary communism. But their decisions are their own. No one has the moral right to thought police other tendencies. Jacobin (MP4 video) has adopted a similar, and perhaps even a parodical, catchphrase to the previously mentioned slogan which had been coined by Shachtman himself. This screen capture, which features the revised slogan, was found on one of the page headers on the Twitter (now X) website for Jacobin:
      Neither James Franco nor Kim Jong–un, but international socialism.
      Click on the Image to Enlarge
      What I learned was that the “Third Camp” was really another name for the world’s working class in the broadest sense of the term, including the informal workers, mostly women, the landless peasants of the “Third World,” itself another outmoded term since the two other worlds have gone the way of the two other camps. In contemporary terms, what was our “Third Camp” is now the 99% of the Occupy movement.
      〜 Dan Gallin. Solidarity: Selected Essays by Dan Gallen. Geneva: Labourstart imprint of Global Labour Institute. 2014. Page 25.
      Note that the third camp has been substantively critiqued employing the heterodox Trotskyist theory of traditional and Stalinist–statified capitalisms. It was developed by the League for the Revolutionary Party—Communist Organization for the Fourth International. In Marxist as well as in political theory, “statification” is a neologism for the performance by a state. That designation is not a misspelling of “stratification.” On the other hand, in fairness to third campism, assorted comments reviewed from other sources, in research conducted for this writing, have, more often than not, been argūmenta ad passiōnēs. With that logical fallacy, which is regrettably often effective, one appeals to an individual’s emotions rather than to her or his rational judgment.
      Politics has often produced strange bedfellows. It is, on the other hand, extraordinarily divisive. Present–day communism is sadly mired in the Demireality of disunity, not quickened by the Nonduality of emancipation. James P. Cannon (1890–1974), League for the Fifth International, and Leon “Lev” Trotsky himself produced their own sober analyses of third campism. Moreover, since Lev himself rejected third campism, as formulated during the World War II period, it makes no sense at all, in this writer’s view, to regard that theory as Trotskyist. Lev passionately critiqued left–Shachtmanite third–camp socialism as established, specifically, by Shachtman and his associates. I agree with Lev on this point. Moving that critique up to the present day, why three times three? I am not accusing third campists of numerology. However, three successive sets of three camps, while excluding Mainland China and Saudi Arabia, are puzzling:
      … [There is a] light–mindedness and hollowness of … [the] new anti–Marxist grouping which appears under the label of the ”Third Camp.” What is this animal? There is the camp of capitalism; there is the camp of the proletariat. But is there perhaps a “third camp” — a petty–bourgeois sanctuary? In the nature of things, it is nothing else. But, as always, the petty bourgeois camouflages his “camp” with the paper flowers of rhetoric. Let us lend our ears! Here is one camp: France and England. There’s another camp: [Adolf] Hitler and [Josef] Stalin. And a third camp: [James] Burnham, with [Max] Shachtman. The Fourth International turns out for them to be in Hitler’s camp (Stalin made this discovery long ago). And so, a new great slogan: Muddlers and pacifists of the world, all ye suffering from the pin–pricks of fate, rally to the “third” camp!
      But the whole trouble is that two warring camps do not at all exhaust the bourgeois world. What about all the neutral and semi–neutral countries? What about the United States? Where should Italy and Japan be assigned? The Scandinavian countries? India? China? We have in mind not the revolutionary Indian or Chinese workers but rather India and China as oppressed countries. The schoolboy schema of the three camps leaves out a trifling detail: the colonial world, the greater portion of mankind!
      India is participating in the imperialist war on the side of Great Britain. Does this mean that our attitude toward India — not the Indian Bolsheviks but India — is the same as toward Great Britain? If there exist in this world, in addition to Shachtman and Burnham, only two imperialist camps, then where, permit me to ask, shall we put India? A Marxist will say that despite India’s being an integral part of the British Empire and India’s participating in the imperialist war; despite the perfidious policy of [Mohandas Karamchand “Mahatma”] Gandhi and other nationalist leaders, our attitude toward India is altogether different from our attitude toward England. We defend India against England. Why then cannot our attitude toward the Soviet Union be different from our attitude toward Germany despite the fact that Stalin is allied with Hitler? Why can’t we defend the more progressive social forms which are capable of development against reactionary forms which are capable only of de–composition? We not only can but we must The theoreticians of the stolen magazine replace class analysis with a mechanistic construction very captivating to petty–bourgeois intellectuals because of its pseudo–symmetry. Just as the Stalinists camouflage their subservience to national socialism (the Nazis) with harsh epithets addressed to the imperialist democracies, so Shachtman and Co. cover up their capitulation to American petty–bourgeois public opinion with the pompous phraseology of the “third camp.” As if this “third camp” (what is it? a party? a club? a League of Abandoned Hopes? a “People’s Front”?) is free from the obligation of having a correct policy toward the petty bourgeoisie, the trade unions, India and the USSR!
      Only the other day Shachtman referred to himself in the press as a “Trotskyist.” If this be Trotskyism then I at least am no Trotskyist. With the present ideas of Shachtman, not to mention Burnham, I have nothing in common. I used to collaborate actively with the New International, protesting in letters against Shachtman’s frivolous attitude toward theory and his unprincipled concessions to Burnham, the strutting petty–bourgeois pedant. But at the time both Burnham and Shachtman were kept in check by the party and the International. Today the pressure of petty–bourgeois democracy has unbridled them. Toward their new magazine my attitude can only be the same as toward all other petty–bourgeois counterfeits of Marxism. As for their “organizational methods” and political “morality,” these evoke in me nothing but contempt.
      Had conscious agents of the class enemy operated through Shachtman, they could not have advised him to do anything different from what he himself has perpetrated. He united with anti–Marxists to wage a struggle against Marxism. He helped fuse together a petty–bourgeois faction against the workers. He refrained from utilizing internal party democracy and from making an honest effort to convince the proletarian majority. He engineered a split under the conditions of a world war. To crown it all, he threw over this split the veil of a petty and dirty scandal, which seems especially designed to provide our enemies with ammunition. Such are these “democrats,” such are their “morals”!
      But all this will prove of no avail. They are bankrupt. Despite the betrayals of unstable intellectuals and the cheap gibes of all their democratic cousins, the Fourth International will march forward on its road, creating and educating a genuine selection of proletarian revolutionists capable of understanding what the party is, what loyalty to the banner means, and what revolutionary discipline signifies.
      Advanced workers! Not one cent’s worth of confidence in the “third front” of the petty bourgeoisie!
      〜 Leon Trotsky. In Defense of Marxism (Against the Petty–Bourgeois Opposition). New York: Pioneer Publishers. 1942. Pages 167–169.
      Oddly, Lev developed an original version of third–camp socialism in 1918. He tackled that subject from a somewhat, but not entirely, different angle than Shachtman, Draper, or their colleagues. Roughly two decades after Lev’s third–camp proposal, Shachtmanite third–camp socialism per sē was conceived during the World War II era (1939–1945). Using Ockham’s razor, the most one can legitimately say is that Lev apparently changed his mind. To go even further and honestly claim that he was lying or dissimulating would require evidence which is not at our disposal. This quotation provides, in exquisite detail, Lev’s own, and rather sophisticated, conceptual framework of third–camp socialism:
      The February revolution revealed the basic relation of forces: first, the combination of all the property–owning and ruling classes [the first camp], a combination headed by the Cadet Party, within which were dissolved all the contradictions, all the antagonisms between the different groups among the property–owners, precisely because the revolution posed sharply the root question of property as such, and thereby eliminated the differences among the property–owning classes.
      The compromising groups [infiltrators or moles] constituted the second major camp in the revolution — politically much larger than corresponded to its real social strength (for reasons about which I shall now say a few words). The third camp was made up of the working class, headed by our Party, and the working masses who were linked with it.
      I said that the compromisers’ camp, which set its fatal mark on the first phase of the revolution, appeared to itself and to others incomparably more powerful than actually accorded with the social nature of the stratum from which this camp was recruited: I mean the bourgeois and petty–bourgeois intelligentsia from which the compromiser parties drew not only their leaders but also their fighting cadres.…
      … we are calling into the ranks of the Communist Party, first and foremost, workers who are filled with clear understanding of the tasks imposed by history upon the working class [third camp], and then, after them, all the devoted and reliable friends of the working class. Let him who has doubt or hesitation in his heart stay out of our ranks. It is far more useful for us to have one well–tempered fighter than ten irresolute ones, because, when the fight begins, the ten irresolute will surround the one well–tempered fighter and hold him back: if the more resolute, welded into a single fighting team, hurl themselves against the enemy, they will, in their wake, draw the waverers into the fight. Therefore we call into the ranks of our army only those who have clearly understood that we have taken the road of protracted, irreconcilable struggle against the oppressors of all countries who have marched against us. In our midst there is no place for the compromiser, who would stand in the middle and appeal for conciliation. The policy of compromise is false. The bourgeoisie will never willingly surrender its domination and power, and the proletariat [third camp] will never again submit of its own free will to be its slave.…
      … the … group, the compromisers, ruined our country, above all, spiritually.
      〜 Leon Trotsky. The Military Writings of Leon Trotsky—Volume 1, 1918: How the Revolution Armed. Brian Pearce, translator. Pacifica, California: Marxists Internet Archive (Marxists.org). 1996. Ebook edition.
      Lev was the founder of the gradually unfolding movement of Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ), including his original perspective on permanent revolution. It progressed over the course of three stages: International Left Opposition (1930) ⟹ International Communist League (1933) ⟹ Fourth International (1938). I have collected five English–language videos of Lev (MP4 video one, MP4 video two, MP4 video three, MP4 video four, and MP4 video five). Two of them are merely different resolutions of the same recording. They offer an intriguing glimpse into his personal charisma. That endowment is considerably more evident in his Russian talks. In addition, here is a colorized silent video (MP4) taken during Lev’s final season of exile in México. I combined two colorized silent videos into one.
      Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ) was transformed, one might argue, into a current of esotericism or the arcane under the fascinating leadership of J. Posadas (MP3), the pseudonym or pen name of Homero Rómulo Cristalli Frasnelli (MP3), 1912–1981. The membership statistics for the tendency of Posadism, or formally the Posadist Fourth International, are unknown or perhaps simply unpublished. Posadism focuses upon the subjects of extraterrestrial life and flying saucers. Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ) was wedded to ufology. Theoretically, Leon Trotsky’s opposition to Joseph Stalin’s socialism in one country was developed, by J. Posadas, into a rejection of socialism on one planet. Before continuing with the important subject matter covered in this book, here—for contrast with our proposals for establishing communism or revolutionary socialism in the Third World and Fourth World of Indigeneity—are a few quotations on Posadism:
      In definitions given by [Karl] Marx, [Friedrich] Engels, [Vladimir] Lenin and [Leon] Trotsky, there is either capitalist State or Workers State, and no other form of State. But in this historic stage, the world revolutionary process advances, and will continue to advance, by creating local and global conditions of power dualities. States and governments keep their capitalist nature and motives, but in some countries, the State must adopt functions, structures, relations and property forms that escape the capitalist system. The fundamentals of those States — or most of the fundamentals — stay as in the capitalist system, but their new norms are not strictly capitalist. Indeed these are harmful to the capitalist system, and there is an internal process of power dualities.
      How do you define this evolution in history that Marx and Engels did not foresee? We call it the Revolutionary State. We do not say “Revolutionary Government” because governments change whilst the Revolutionary State does not. The latter challenges the existence of capitalism with property structures, modes of operation and interior relations rooted in conditions that no longer depend on the accumulation of capital. Anyone opposed to it must first launch a counter–revolutionary coup.”
      〜 J. Posadas. The Revolutionary State, Its Transitory Role and the Construction of Socialism. London: SCPE. 2012. Page 8.
      In definitions given by [Karl] Marx, [Friedrich] Engels, [Vladimir] Lenin and [Leon] Trotsky, there is either capitalist State or Workers State, and no other form of State. But in this historic stage, the world revolutionary process advances, and will continue to advance, by creating local and global conditions of power dualities. States and governments keep their capitalist nature and motives, but in some countries, the State must adopt functions, structures, relations and property forms that escape the capitalist system. The fundamentals of those States — or most of the fundamentals — stay as in the capitalist system, but their new norms are not strictly capitalist. Indeed these are harmful to the capitalist system, and there is an internal process of power dualities.
      〜 J. Posadas. The Revolutionary State, Its Transitory Role and the Construction of Socialism. London: Scientific, Cultural and Political Editions. 2014. Page 7.
      But since society must live and the proletariat and socialism must advance, these things stimulate people in the capitalist system to concern themselves with the existence of beings on other planets. So too in the workers’ states. The existence of flying saucers and living beings on other planets is a phenomena that the dialectical conception of history can admit. The most immediate consequence we can draw is that, if these beings do exist, they must have a societal organisation superior to our own. Their appearances are not the effect of bellicose or aggressive sentiments.…
      We must appeal to the beings on other planets, when they come here, to intervene and collaborate with Earth’s inhabitants in suppressing poverty. We must make this call to them. It is possible to make ourselves understood to them. We must not, of course, expect that they will understand immediately. But we must make appeals to them, if we believe that they can, indeed, exist. If we have any possibility of making contact with them, we must not fall into individual scientific curiosity, out of some desire to see where they come from and to visit other planets.
      We must unite with them, they who seem more powerful than human beings, such that they will come and help us resolve Earth’s problems. Then we can concern ourselves with going to see what other planets are like, how life and matter are organised, and everything regarding nature. But most important is first to resolve the problems of humanity on Earth. We do not have a fantasist or idealist position with regard to flying saucers. As we accept that they exist, we want to use all means at hand, including those from outside of this planet. When we seriously reach a scientific discovery, we must try to use it to the benefit of humanity.…
      Means of interpretation superior to Marxism will arise – not because Marxism is incorrect – but because humanity will reach some better understanding. The dialectic will be part of some superior tool. All these people who accept the existence of flying saucers do so without the impulse or the will to develop scientific understanding, but simply because they are obliged to recognise a real event for what it is. But they do not have the systematic spirit or the objectivity to make use of the understanding that they have, in the social terrain. For example, if life does exist on other planets, this means that there exist superior forms of social organisation, which do not oblige them to live as we do here, with wars. All those who accept the existence of flying saucers, have only reported them. Like someone projecting a light onto a wall and saying “this is a light.” They draw no conclusions.…
      … We believe that extra-terrestrial beings may exist, as well as flying saucers. This also holds, basing ourselves on the knowledge we have thanks to dialectics, with regard to the organisation of matter. There is no reason, for example, that reproduction must always take place by means of couples. There may also be self-reproduction, as is the case for the amoeba.”
      〜 J. Posadas. Flying saucers, the process of matter and energy, science, the revolutionary and working-class struggle and the socialist future of mankind (26 June 1968). David Broder, translator. Pacifica, California: Marxists Internet Archive (Marxists.org) ebook edition. 2012. Web. No pagination.
      [J.] Posadas was an Argentinean Trotskyist and, at one point, a relatively well known football player. During the 1940s and 1950s he came to the leadership of Fourth International affiliates in Latin America, known later for their role in the Cuban revolution. Beginning in the late 1960s Posadas also become quite renowned, or rather infamous, for his views on UFOs. Posadas’ logic flows in quite a simple way: as [Karl] Marx tells us, more technologically advanced societies are more socially advanced. Because of this, the existence of space aliens demonstrates the existence of intergalactic socialism, as the level of technology and social cooperation necessary to advance interstellar travel could only be produced by a communist society. The goal of the party, therefore, should be to establish contact with the communist space aliens, who would take part in furthering revolution on this planet. While [Leon] Trotsky argued against the possibility of communism in one country, Posadas took the technological fetish to its logical conclusion, that there could not be communism on one planet ….
      〜 Stevphen Shukaitis, “Space is the (non)place: Martians, Marxists, and the outer space of the radical imagination.” The Sociological Review. Volume 57, supplement 1, May 2009. Pages 98–113.
      The passages provided below allow the reader to briefly engage with Lev’s subjectivity. For instance, he recounts his personal experiences, as a secular Jew (also the family background of this writer), with antisemitism:
      The question of my Jewish origin acquired importance only after I had become a subject for political baiting. Anti–Semitism raised its head with that of anti–Trotskyism. They both derived from the same source—the petty bourgeois reaction against October [the Soviet October Revolution or Red October of 1917].
      〜 Leon Trotsky. My Life: An Attempt at an Autobiography. New York: Pathfinder Press. 1970. Page 361.
      The struggle against the Opposition was for the ruling clique a question of life and death. The program, principles, ties with the masses, everything was rooted out and cast aside because of the anxiety of the new ruling clique for its self–preservation. These people stop at nothing in order to guard their privileges and power. Recently an announcement was released to the whole world, to the effect that my youngest son, Sergei Sedov, was under indictment for plotting a mass poisoning of the workers. Every normal person will conclude: people capable of preferring such a charge have reached the last degree of moral degradation. Is it possible in that case to doubt even for a moment that these same accusers are capable of fostering the anti–Semitic prejudices of the masses? Precisely in the case of my son, both these depravities are united. It is worthwhile to consider this case. From the day of their birth, my sons bore the name of their mother (Sedov). They never used any other name–neither at elementary school, nor at the university, nor in their later life. As for me, during the past thirty–four years I have borne the name of Trotsky. During the Soviet period no one ever called me by the name of my father (Bronstein), just as no one ever called Stalin Dzhugashvili. In order not to oblige my sons to change their name, I, for “citizenship” requirements, took on the name of my wife (which, according to the Soviet law, is fully permissible). However, after my son, Sergei Sedov, was charged with the utterly incredible accusation of plotting to poison workers, the GPU [State Political Directorate] announced in the Soviet and foreign press that the “real” (!) name of my son is not Sedov but Bronstein. If these falsifiers wished to emphasize the connection of the accused with me, they would have called him Trotsky since politically the name Bronstein means nothing at all to anyone. But they were out for other game; that is, they wished to emphasize my Jewish origin and the semi–Jewish origin of my son. I paused at this episode because it has a vital and yet not at all exceptional character. The whole struggle against the Opposition is full of such episodes.
      〜 Leon Trotsky, “Thermidor and anti–Semitism,” in Leon Trotsky. On the Jewish Question. New York: Pathfinder Press. 1970. Pages 37–48.
      Lev’s full birthname was, furthermore, Lev Davidovich Bronstein (Ukrainian Лев Давидович Бронштейн, Lev Davidovič Bronštejn; Russian, Лев Давідович Бронштейн, Lev Davídovič Bronštejn; Yiddish, לֶעוו דּאַווִידּאָווִיטְשׁ בְראָנְשְׁטײַן, Lẹʿv̇ Dʾạv̇iydʾọv̇iyṭəš Bərʾọnəšəṭạ͡yn; or Hebrew, לֵו דָּוִדוֹבִיץ בְּרוֹנְשְׁטָיִין, Lēw Dāwiḏôḇiyṣ Bərônəšəṭāyiyn). His first name implies that, based perhaps upon an oral history, Lev, like this writer, descended from the tribe of the Levites (biblical Hebrew, לֵוִיִים, Lēwiyiym, “united ones”). Prior to the destruction of the Second Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE, the Levites would formally officiate, as operational attendants, to members of the tribe of the Kohanites (biblical Hebrew, כֹּהֲנִים, Kōhăniym, “priests”).
      Speculatively, those ancient ones had all abided in Unity upon the mythopœic Ark of the Covenant (biblical Hebrew, אֲרוֹן הַבְּרִית, ʾĂrôn hạ•Bəriyṯ; biblical common Greek, Κιβωτός της Διαθήκης, Kibōtós tēs Diathḗkēs; Arabic, تَابُوتُ العَهْد, Tābūtu ʾal•ʿAh°d; or Yiddish, אָרוּן פֿוּן בוּנְדּ, ʾĀrūn p̄ūn Būnəd). In the pure spirit of selfless service, they blissfully sailed upon the tranquil seas of Nonduality. Applying the perspective of ᙖᙍⴽ, the ᖘѫɌ, and ƉɱⱤ, that Ark of the Covenant functioned as a coupling mechanism. That is to say, it linked the Levites and the Kohanim, accompanied by constituents from each of the other tribes of Israel, to that grand and all–glorious Unifying Essence of Nonduality.
      … there are many useful aspects in [Roy] Bhaskar’s theory based on the philosophy of science and drawing heavily on Marxist concepts, both elements in common with [Alain] Badiou’s. But it so happens that, unlike Bhaskar, Badiou has never combined emancipation with religious or “new age” ideas.
      〜 David Brancaleone, “Alain Badiou’s Theory of Revolutionary Change.” Irish Marxist Review: A journal of socialist ideas published in association with the Socialist Workers Party. Volume 1, number 3, 2012. Pages 60–72.
      Three Tributaries of the Third–Camp Current
      The Two Major Tributaries of the Third–Camp Current in Alignment
      Below this paragraph is a tentative listing compiled by the writer. It incorporates many of the third camp’s historical and contemporary branches or schools of thought in the Western world. However, any item appearing in the list followed by an East Asian (Japanese, Chinese, or Korean) reference mark () has only been associated with a particular individual. An item accompanied by the Arabic star (٭) is historical, not contemporary. Each of the items specified, including the one formulated by this writer, is associated with either a living or deceased individual who has been, at least for a certain period of time, a Trotskyist after one fashion or another. Here is the alphabetized third-camp movement list:
      Directly below is this writer’s term for Lev’s own approach to third campism. It differs from left Shachtmanism. As considered earlier, it preceded so–called heterodox Trotskyist third–camp socialism by a generation. The two third–camp perspectives, nevertheless, have at least superficial similarities.
      Notwithstanding the critiques provided on certain schools of anarchist thought and related tendencies, the following list incorporates several approaches to anarcho–third campism and non–Marxist libertarian socialist third campism:
      Furthermore, the New Mutualism (Arabic, تَعَاضُد الجَدِيد, taʿāḍud ʾal•ǧadīd; or Sanskrit, नवनिर्मित अन्योन्याश्रय, navanirmita anyonyāśraya) had been inspired, at least to some degree, by the work of the anarchistic theorist Pierre–Joseph Proudhon. The specific goals of the New Mutualism are to transcend, first, the new right’s approach to (supposedly) free-market economics and, second, the old left’s state-managed socialism (or socialism from above):
      The Maximalists (Arabic, مُتَطَرِّفُونَ, mutaṭarrifūna; or Sanskrit, अधिकतमाः, adhikatamāḥ) were, on the other hand, an early 20ᵗʰ–century Russian, “quasi”–anarcho, third–camp terrorist movement. They have presented their own novel approach to third campism:
      Maryam Namazi (Persian, مَرْیَم نَمَازِی, Mar°ýam Namāzí), née 1966, and a number of other Iranians systematized a non–Trotskyist but a revolutionary third–camp Marxian tendency entitled worker–communism (Persian, کُمُّونِیسَم یَا مَرَامِ اِشْتِرَاکِیِ ازِ کَارْگَرِیِ اِیْرَان, ḱummūnísam ýā marām•i ʾiš°tirāḱí ʾaz•i ḱār°garí•i ʾꞮý°rān, “communism or communism/‘esprit de corps’ of Iran’s worker”; Tajik, коммунизм ё мароми иштирокӣ ази коргарӣи Эрон, kommunizm yo marom•i ištirokī az•i korgarī•i Éron, “communism or communism/‘esprit de corps’ of Iran’s worker”; Arabic, شُيُوعِيَّة العُمَّالِيَّة الإِيْرَانِيَّة, šuyūʿiyyaẗ ʾal•ʿummāliyyaẗ ʾal•⫰Ɪy°rāniyyaẗ, “Iranian worker communism”; Azerbaijani, İranın fəhlə kommunizmi, “worker communism of Iran”; Turkish, İranꞌın işçi komünizmi, “worker communism of Iran”; Turkman, Iranyň işçi kommunizmi, “worker communism of Iran”; then, finallly, Kazakh, Иранның жұмысшы коммунизмі, Ïrannıñ jumısşı kommwnïzmi, “worker communism of Iran”):
      Jean–Paul Sartre (1905–1980), Maurice Merleau–Ponty (1908–1961), Cornelius Castoriadis (1922–1997), Claude Lefort (1924–2010), and other Marxian scholars have individually developed a wide variety of perspectives on Francophone third–camp Marxism (French, troisième camp du marxisme francophone):
      Charles “C.” Wright Mills (1916–1962) was never a Trotskyist or, for that matter, even a communist. Nevertheless, he had been influenced, for a time, by Shachtmanism. That was obviously before Shachtman’s disaffection from his own tendency. Mills was also, along with the great Herbert Marcuse (1898–1979), among the intellectual giants of the American New Left. As a plain Marxist (arguably, a Weberian), adopting Mills’ coined term, and a public sociologist to boot, he formulated his own approach—roughly around the midpoint of his academic career—to third campism:
      Socialist International, an organization of organizations, has developed its own current within third–camp socialism:
      According to U.S. sociologist Howard Kimeldorf (né 1950) and, indirectly, U.S. historian and political scientist William H. Sewell, Jr. (né 1940), the English historian and socialist Edward Palmer “E. P.” Thompson (1924–1993) established his own approach to third–camp socialism. It is allegedly based upon the philosophy of experientialism (Arabic, تَجْرِيبِيَّةُ, taǧ°rībiyyaẗu; or Sanskrit, प्रत्यक्ष, pratyakṣa):
      Abraham Johannes “A. J.” Muste (1885–1967) was a noted pacifist. Although he was raised in the Dutch Reformed Church, he ultimately came to question some of the Calvinist dimensions of its wide–ranging, eclectic theology. Muste proposed his own version of third campism grounded in pacifism (Arabic, السِلْمِيَّة, ʾal•sil°miyyaẗ; Persian, صُلْحْجُویِی, ṣul°ḥ°ǧūýí; Tajik, сулҳҷуӣ, sulhǧuī; Pashto, دَ صُلْح پَسَنْدِي, da sul°ḥ pasan°dī; Sindhi, امَن پَسَنْد, ʾaman pasan°d; Urdu, مَذْہَب امَن, maḏ°hab ʾaman; or Hindi, शांति मार्ग, śāṃti mārga) or nonviolence (Sanskrit and Hindi, अहिंसा, ahiṃsā; Urdu, آہِنْسَا, ʾâhin°sā; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਅਹਿੰਸਾ, ahisā; Shahmukhi Punjabi, اہِنْسَا, ʾahin°sā; Pali, अविहिंसा, avihiṃsā; Bengali, অহিংস, ahinsa; or Sindhi, اھِنْسَا, ʾahin°sā):
      Obed Matlala (the pseudonym of a South African refugee who fled to Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, in 1964) referred to his own third–camp framework of African socialist democracy (Arabic, دِيمُقْرَاطِيَّةُ الاِشْتِرَاكِيَّة الأَفْرِيقِيَّة, dīmuq°rāṭiyyaẗu ʾal•ʾiš°tirākiyyaẗ ʾal•⫯Af°rīqiyyaẗ; or Sanskrit, समाजवादिन् लोकतन्त्रम् अन्तः कालद्वीपम्, samājavādin lokatantram antaḥ Kāladvīpam ) as “a third social force in the world”:
      The Discussion Bulletin Committee, affiliated with the Industrial Union Caucus in Education (Grand Rapids, Michigan), was a Marxist and an anarchist third–camp movement for industrial unionism. This faction of the Marxist–De Leonist Socialist Labor Party of America began after the expulsion of the splinter’s founder, Frank Girard (1926–2004), in 1981:
      Needless to say, Rosa was not a Trotskyist. Lev was a subordinate figure during Rosa’s time. The Trotskyist tendency was not yet established. Neither, for that matter, have any of the individuals now under consideration been Trotskyists. However, this writer would suggest that her scholarship might well be regarded as a distinctively prototypical third campism. Rosa vigorously supported Soviet communism, while occasionally critiquing its excesses, and, like all proponents of Bolshevism and other communists, repudiated Western capitalism. Given her sterling character accompanied by her personal charisma, she would, in the view of this writer, likely have initiated her own tendency over time. Rosa’s peculiar current is, however, obviously hypothetical:
      Thomas E. Weisskopf (né 1940) proposed an approach to market socialism (Arabic, اِشْتِرَاكِيَّةُ السُوقِيَّة, ʾiš°tirākiyyaẗu ʾal•sūqiyyaẗ; or Sanskrit, अवद्रङ्गः समाजवादः, avadraṅgaḥ samājavādaḥ). This framework, particularly designed for Eastern Europe, was elucidated as a synthesis of capitalism and socialism.
      Young People’s Socialist League and Socialist Youth League proposed a form of third–camp socialism which was not specifically Marxist:
      Distributism (Arabic, تَوْزِيعِيَّة, taw°zīʿiyyaẗ; or Sanskrit, प्रतिविभागः, prativibhāgaḥ) has been advocated, particularly but not exclusively, by many Roman Catholic intellectuals. It might be distinguished as an economic system which lies between capitalism, on the one hand, and communism, on the other:
      Associationism (Arabic, اِرْتِبَاطِيَّة, ʾir°tibāṭiyyaẗ; or Sanskrit, संसृष्टत्वम्, saṃsrṣṭatvam) has been advanced as a framework which is situated between the radical individualism of industrial capitalism and the state–countenanced collectivization of authoritarian communism (or communism from above):
      The social–and–solidarity economy (Arabic, اِقْتِصَاد الاِجْتِمَاعِيّ وَالتَضَامُنِيّ, ʾiq°tiṣād ʾal•ʾiǧ°timāʿiyy wa•ʾal•taḍāmuniyy; or Sanskrit, सामाजिक एकाग्रता च अर्थनीतिः, sāmājika ekāgratā ca arthanītiḥ)—frequently referred to more simply as the solidarity economy—is a proposed third–camp social system. Allegedly, it would be interposed between the two extremes of unbridled capitalism and authoritarian socialism:
      In the wake of the U.S. imperialist Indo–China War, the Vietnamese Buddhist scholar Thích Nhất Hạnh (né 1926) formulated a new perspective called engaged Buddhism (Vietnamese, Phật giáo dấn thân). He accordingly contrasted his activist Buddhist approach—which includes the common Buddhist idea of the sangha (Sanskrit, संघा, saṃghā, “community”; Pali, सङ्घ, saṅgha, “community”; or Vietnamese, tăng đoàn, “monastery”)—with U.S. capitalism and authoritarian communism:
      Some perspectives on third positionism—fascism (ʄ🕸) or extreme national renewal combined with certain aspects of social progressivism—adversely coincide with third campism. A fitting example is the Third International Theory (Arabic, نَظَرِيَّة عَالَمِيَّة ثَالِثَة, Naẓariyyaẗ ʾal•ʿĀlamiyyaẗ ʾal•Ṯāliṯaẗ) of Muammar Gaddafi (Arabic, مُعَمَّر مُحَمَّد عَبْدُ السَّلَام القَذَّافِيّ, Muʿammār Muḥammad ʿAb°du ʾal•Ssalām ʾal•Qaḏḏāfiyy), circā 1942-2011. The theory was considered by him in The Green Book (Arabic, كِتَابُ الأَخْضَر‎, Kitābu ʾal•⫯Aẖ°ḍar) with the text repeatedly revised by the author. The socialism of the Libyan worker is opposed, reading Gaddafi’s tract, to both the Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) of the former Soviet Union and Western democracies:
      And now to round out this subject, the English economist, historian, and political theorist George Douglas Howard “G. D. H.” Cole (1889–1959) established a third-camp, left-libertarian form of guild socialism (Arabic, اِشْتِرَاكِيَّةُ الطَائِفَة, ʾiš°tirākiyyaẗu ʾal•ṭa⫯yifaẗ; or Sanskrit, श्रेणि समाजवादः, śreṇi samājavādaḥ)—an occupational system based on trade guilds. The foundations of this innovative socialist proposal were, notwithstanding, neither Marxist nor anarchistic:
      My ancestry is Russian. I despise modern–day Russia but hold no ill will toward Russians per sē. Nevertheless, blaming Putin’s enduring popularity only on media propaganda is simply not credible. Russians have had more than enough time, before the crackdown on independent media, to know that state–controlled media cannot be trusted. No, the principal explanation for Putin’s enduring popularity is Russian ethno–nationalism, not propaganda. Faulting only Putin is inadequate. Unfortunately, some, but obviously not all, the citizens of the Russian Federation are collaborators. They deserve their share of the blame, though to a considerably lesser degree, for the Ukrainian atrocities, as well. Most importantly, Trotskyists, unlike most Marxist–Leninists, are generally willing to accept more than one imperialism. Therefore, just as Marxism–Leninism’s socialism in one country should be celebrated, so should a substantially broader, though non–Trotskyist in the view of this writer, perspective on imperialism. Trotskyists approaches commonly minimize the importance of the Third World.
      Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) is the only Marxist current which has served as the basis for governments: the former Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China, Vietnam, Cuba, and others. There has never been a Trotskyist government. As formulated by Stalin’s socialism in one country, socialism or communism needs to be adjusted to the requirements of any particular society. So, generally speaking, Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) is more philosophically flexible than Trotskyism. On the other hand, Trotskyists tend to focus on ideological purity. Trotskyist currents frequently break away from one another over what, to me, are relatively small issues. In other words, Trotskyists are usually dogmatists. Is that true of all Trotskyist tendencies? No. As with any other school of thought, there are variations. At one time, I was drawn to Third Campism partially because of its nondogmatic approach to other tendencies. But Trotskyist dogmatism is the polar opposite, one might say the dialectical absence, of flexibility. If one is dogmatic, one is unlikely to tolerate communist diversity. Since Trotsky did not, perhaps could not, support socialism in one country, Trotskyism was ill–suited to governance.
      The first of the following documentaries is specifically oriented towards third–camp socialism, while the second documentary shall provide a quasi–third–camp presentation:
      1. Russia: Hands Off Ukraine! Discussion hosted by the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty and Ukraine Solidarity Campaign (MP3)
      2. U.S.’s Bloody Fingerprints Are All Over Ukraine (MP3)
      What will now follow in the remainder of this chapter is the writer’s own ƉɱⱤ ӃД: There is, in fact, no single imperialism but imperialisms. The American, Russian, and Chinese imperialisms are currently preeminent, but there are many others as well. Winding through various thoroughfares, a Janus–headed imperialism has held the world hostage since the end of World War II. The problems are complex. Is there Russophobia? Should we ridicule the ugly American? Human prejudice, based upon manufactured stereotypes, is a distraction. It fails to address the underlying issue: The world order we intentionally constructed, through a dialectic between collective agency and structure, no longer functions adequatedly or was always incompetent for the task. A fitting example is the crisis in Ukraine. Trapped in a maze of angst and ethnocentrism, nations, and their alliances, try to insulate themselves from an uncertain future.
      Lawrence [O’Donnell of MSNBC], you are, of course, factually correct [on the prospect of mutually assured destruction resulting from a NATO no–fly zone over Ukraine]. However, the West promised to defend Ukraine if Ukraine gave up its nukes. Ukraine complied. If Ukraine still had nukes, Russia would never have invaded them. Sure, [Russian President Vladimir] Putin is evil. So is the West.
      〜 Lawrence O’Donnell, “The Last Word with Lawrence O’Donnell.” MSNBC. March 4ᵗʰ, 2022.
      Events do not occur in isolation. Russia has a legitimate reason to fear the West. After all, the Cold War itself began when, after World War II, the West refused Stalin’s offer for continued cooperation. As Russia witnessess Ukraine, regarded by Putin to lie within Russia’s sphere of influence (which partially explains the initial support Putin received domestically for his war on Ukraine), moving toward the West, he repeatedly expressed concerns. They went unheeded. Certainly, none of the above can justify the current war. It does, however, help to explain it. Similar events occurred during the Turkish–Cuban Missile Crisis when nuclear weapons were placed in Turkey and Cuba by, respectively, the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. However, let the battles between the imperialist powers and their proxies continue. Currently, as a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist, I care about the emancipation of the Third World and about Indigeneity, the emancipation of Indigenous peoples. The Proletariat—both the Russian soldiers, who by and large do not understand what they are fighting for, and the Ukrainian masses—are now the sacrificial lambs led to the slaughter for U.S. and Russian imperialisms.
      The great tug of war between the Hedgehog and the Bear over the Nightingale has been going on for years. Before the Russian invasion, Ukraine did not have the means to attack Russia. Those munitions were given to Ukraine in reaction to the Russian invasion. Did NATO provoke Russia? Of course. The Cold War, in slightly new attire, is the major military threat of the 21ˢᵗ century. Needless to say, the members of NATO are not suicidal. They would have never bombed Russia and triggered a possible thermonuclear war. Russia attacked Ukraine because, understandably, Vladimir Putin did not want NATO in its backyard. Nothing could be more obvious. But Putin also had his own expansionist goals. Nevertheless, I support only the Proletariat and the Subaltern. I reject NATO, Russia, and any other imperialist powers of the past, present, or future.
      The U.S., outwardly at least, presents a compassionate front toward Ukraine but not expecially toward non–Western countries, as in present–day Afghanistan and Syria. Whether concerns for Ukraine are actually heartfelt is not for this writer to determine. However, it is unclear if the U.S. is honestly troubled about Ukraine per sē. The U.S. does care about NATO—though merely as shorthand for the U.S. Empire. NATO is the American Empire just as the Warsaw Pact was the Soviet Empire. NATO is a vehicle for Pax Americana. Below is my response, inspired by third campism, to a statement made on March, 2ⁿᵈ, 2022, which opposed defending Ukraine. What reason was given? U.S. and NATO embroilment may start World War III. We have no collective security, and Ukraine is not at the table.
      ƉɱⱤ does not take sides in the East–West conflict. The solutions proposed by various nations and international bodies have failed us for generations. As Russia responds to NATO expansionism, NATO counters Russian expansionism. In this clash of Empires, Ukraine is caught in between. The die has yet to be cast on whether Ukraine shall end up under the domination of Russia or NATO. As to a third world war, the U.S. and Russia would both need to be suicidal. Nevertheless, no guarantees can now be offered. Through one miscalculation, the Russo–Ukrainian war could rapidly spiral downward into an abyss of World War III. No one knows who or what shall be left behind. The permutations of weapons, some never deployed, make factor analysis or regression analysis nearly impossible. In the view of this writer, only the workers of the Third World, acting in solidarity, could then build a communist new world–system.
      Almost immediately after posting the following comment, I promptly, indeed gleefully, unsubscribed from the Stalinist and Putinist Revolutionary Blackout YouTube channel:
      Forgive my disagreement, but, IMO [in my opinion], you are ideologizing the sufferings of real human beings in Ukraine. Scientific socialism begins with empirical observation, not ideology. Is NATO a hegemonic organization? Obviously. Is Empire (the U.S.) just as evil, if not worse, than Russia? Yes. Is the reaction against Russian atrocities solely a reaction by NATO? No. That reaction is almost universal. This situation appears to be moving in the direction of genocide. We need to focus on the facts on the ground, not on ideology.
      Beginning with Vietnam, the U.S. has lost most of wars in which it was the initiator or a participant. Ukraine, it now appears to the writer, will not be an exception. A victory in the Russo–Ukrainian war should also, ideally, not increase the reach of U.S. and NATO global power. Clearly, geopolitics is the primary reason the U.S. regime even cares about the fate of Ukraine. In light of the U.S. Empire’s quite minimal assistance to Ukraine, prior to the war of 2012, and, previously, that Empire’s abandonment of Afghanistan (Dari Persian, Iranian Persian, and Pashto, افْغانِسْتَان [MP3], ʾAfʾġānis°tān; and Tajiki Persian, Афғонистон [MP3], Afġoniston) after twenty years of occupation, the wider Japanese public might legitimately question the reliability of the American Empire, as represented by its master hegemons or power élites, to protect a non–nuclearized Japan:
      Japan grants, and the United States of America accepts, the right, upon the coming into force of the Treaty of Peace and of this Treaty, to dispose United States land, air and sea forces in and about Japan. Such forces may be utilized to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security in the Far East and to the security of Japan against armed attack from without, including assistance given at the express request of the Japanese Government to put down large–scale internal riots and disturbances in Japan, caused through instigation or intervention by an outside power or powers.
      〜 Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, Alexander Wiley, Styles Bridges, and Shigeru Yoshida. Security Treaty between the United States and Japan. (Japanese, 日本国とアメリカ合衆国との間の安全保障条約, Nippon•Koku•to•Amerikagasshū•Koku•to•no•ma•no•Anzen•Hoshō•Jōyaku.) September 8ᵗʰ, 1951.
      Turning now to Russian and Ukraine, NATO possesses strikingly superior nuclear capability over and against Russia. Most of us will, appreciatively, never be called upon to make truly consequential decisions on deploying nuclear weapons. If you are interested, please watch a remastered 1952 Duck and Cover public service announcement (MP4 video). According to apologists for various positions, Ukraine has acted as an unwilling proxy for the first camp, including NATO and the U.S. There is obviously a gross absence of innocent parties in either of the two dominant hypothesized camps and their myriad, intersecting oligarchies. Empire and its blocs of allies have been repeatedly established to be untrustworthy liars. Without hesitation, they must be judged and condemned as such. On the other hand, adopting Vladimir Putin’s talking points, without solid empirical evidence, is honestly unfortunate. As illustrations, you can listen to three back–to–back Marxist–Leninist podcasts (MP3]. Wars can rarely be reduced to childish games of cops and robbers. The global spread of fascism in German, Italy, and Japan preceded World War II, but the U.S. deployed nuclear weapons on Japan.
      Most governments lie or dissimulate in war. The express purpose of propaganda and misinformation, including in the Russo–Ukrainian War, is not to offer convincing statements. The intent is to make the information so damn cloudy that the average person throws her or his hands up toward the heavens and yells, “Everyone is saying something different. I don’t know what to believe.” The problem with propaganda is its effectiveness. Sooner or later, many, even most, people lose interest. At that point, the actions taken by the warmongers escape public scrutiny. Sooner or later, many news outlets with their supposed pundits become collaborators. If there is one thing the masses must avoid, it is complacency. Never fail to hold officials and media sources to account.
      Protection and aggression change and then change again. In the Russo–Ukrainian War, NATO was aggressive toward Russia and Serbia. Russia, moreover, is, as of this writing, malignant towards Ukraine. Even so, the Soviet Union attempted to secure Fidel Casto (1926–2016) from repeated U.S. assassination attempts in the 1962 Turkish–Cuban Missile Crisis. Both imperial powers, or war camps, look after their own interests. Yet, because of the veto, the United Nations has no ability to mediate. The current global order is in desperate need of a true dialectical transformation, but the Demireality of disunity and cleavage has kept the world of human affairs in a continuous state of instability and stagnation.
      Has World War III already started? Responding to that question entails great nuance. The only countries being attacked, as of this writing, are Ukraine and Russia. A conflict between only two states does not a world war make. On the other hand, Ukraine has become a proxy, or a pawn, for NATO. With little regard for global peace and security, that organization has lied to, and repeatedly poked, the bear. The presumed objective was to eliminate Putin’s regime. Not to exonerate Russia’s actions, Ukraine, now acting as NATO’s surrogate, has been armed to the teeth by NATO states. By phenomenologically bracketing Ukraine, we currrently have a world war between Russia and NATO. As such, even while the majority of the world has remained at peace, the Russo–Ukrainian War might be regarded as a preamble to a World War III between Russia and NATO. Perhaps, going further, we are now witnessses to the early stages of World War III.
      In summation, third campism is, unfortunately, much too limited and dogmatic in its model of camps to be particularly useful. This writer’s own formulation of ӃД may be regarded, in part, as a systematic negation of third campism, particularly its imperialist component. Why, for instance, have the number of imperialist camps been constantly fixed at two? There can be no justification for prescribing those camps at one, two, three, or more. In third campism itself, the imperialist camps have been modified three times, beginning with World War II and culmitating with the present era. Should not Mainland China or even Saudi Arabia be incorporated into the contemporary kyriarchal paradigm? However, major players—the U.S., Russsia, Mainland China, and the zionist entity among others—are attempting to acquire the spoils of a rapidly collapsing capitalist world–system. Before too long, they must recognize, the time for imperialist domination will have passed them by. Palestine is perhaps the most obvious and tragic contemporary victim.
      Furthermore, why is third campism limited in its scope to the 20ᵗʰ and 21ˢᵗ centuries? What shall we say about the period of capitalism prior to the 20ᵗʰ century? The issue of camps, if we continue utilizing that term, under capitalism should be left to individual writers and scholars to explore, not fixed at some predetermined number. On the other hand, the final so–called camp, within the capitalist world–system, would always remain as the Proletariat and the Subaltern. Different systems of ӃД could subsequently be formulated for the stages of human development prior to capitalism, such as feudalism. Indeed, feudalism never entirely became a mere historical memory. It is still predominant in certain parts of the world, such as the vast rural areas in Afghanistan. Finally, there is a critique of third campism on my blog.

      Return to the top of the page.

      5: Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism
      The Leninist movement of old has been struggling to survive. The original Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ) largely collapsed with the end of the U.S.S.R. and the transformation of Mainland China into a capitalist rival to the West. Politically, Trotskyism (𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ) has proven to be a profound failure as a Leninist alternative to ㅆㅡㄴ. Satirically, 𖤁ҽѵɨʂʍ has had more splits than all the gymnastics teams at the Olympics combined into one. An overemphasis on theoretical orthodoxy combined with an intolerance of theoretical diversity have been the major factors.
      Communist currents from the past must, when warranted, be reevaluated, reformed, or even rejected. Not a single communist system attempted has, regrettably, resulted in the beautiful efflorescence, the communization, of planet Earth. The consequences of living in a world dominated by capitalism and anti–communism are ubiquitous. Marxism has been surpassed by a series of revisions one by one. Classical ㅆㅡㄴ ended a few generations back. Trotskyism was never even a player. Their substantiated findings and productive insights should be retained. But scientific socialism, in order to remain scientific, must respond to our ever–changing material conditions.
      Meanwhile, the citizens of Mainland China are increasingly angry and disillusioned. That is particularly true with the younger generations. When it comes to entering the labor market, an ever–widening proportion of young people have become refuseniks. The exorbitant Angst—an originally German term for persistent anxiety and dread concerning the future—and alienation among the Chinese populace are, to dwell upon the obvious, less than favorable harbingers of things to come. The Chinese leadership, what’s move, is fully aware of the socially disintegratve problems within their populace. Yet, trapped in am allegorical cyclone of their own fashioning, they remain clueless as to the means required for remedying these ongoing dilemmas.
      Amidst a rapidly imploding capitalist world–system, similar human catastrophes can be observed throughout much of the world at large. That is to say, mega–capitalist Mainland China, which only the supreme fool of all fools would ever call communist, is the rule and by no means its exception. Whether blessed or cursed, albeit metaphorically, by the causal mechanisms of the dialectic, we are, I believe, collectively serving as eyewitnesses to the final days, or perhaps months, of a failed project: the capitalist world–system (ꀯꁁꌗ).
      The reasons for referring to my own construction of Maoism–Third Worldism as Ꭾⵞ𐌋ത𐌀𐒄ՇƜ should quickly become apparent while reading this first part of this chapter. In my view, the world as we know it will shortly, for those who survive, become the world as we once knew it. Authoritarianism is on the rise. My own country, the United States, is not the country I remember. Given the comedy of the Electoral College, the U.S. was never truly a democracy or a republic anyway. However, even the mere semblance of democracy is disappearing day by day.
      Imminently, I believe, an undesired localism, sometimes taking the form of neo–feudalism or a reimagined Habermasian refeudalization (German, Refeudalisierung), will be forced upon the largely Third World and Fourth World of Indigeneity remnant of an essentially universal cataclysm. Building, or rebuilding, and, hopefully, a revolutionary transition to a communist world–system, will be placed by fate into their hands. The initiation of localism shall, presumably, mark a painful transition at the start. Those who remember, members of the first generation, may experience the greatest testing. Subsequent generations, after civilization has ended, would have nothing to regret or to miss. They can can be free to focus upon the future through the material immediacy of the present. But the agonizingly long process of constructing a new civilization will require mutual aid. And mutual aid implies localism.
      There have been numerous attempts to bridge, or forge, relations between Marxism and anarchism. My own Ꭾⵞ𐌋ത𐌀𐒄ՇƜ is one such undertaking. Both post–civilization (“post–civ”) and mutual aid are primarily anarchist theories. However, given that I am a Marxist communist, not a Left anarchist, I endeavored to reformulate each of those theories to correspond with my Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ. There are, in general, notable differences between Marxism (ᘉᗗⵅ߁) and anarchism (ᚤɲɑɽͼɧ𝔦𝔰). But there are, by the same token, extraordinary divergences both within Marxism and within Left anarchism (𖧏𖧆). Adding to the confusion, Wayne Price’s anarcho–Marxism (𐤠𐊷), while primarily Left anarchist, is also Marxian.
      Mutual aid, not limited to anarchism, appears, at least to me, a far superior alternative to the right–libertarian practice of prepping or survivalism. The ontological grounding of mutual aid is Phenomenological Copresence. Prepping and survivalism are, on the other hand, generally founded upon the moral depravity, the disunity, the ontological splitting of Demireality. With some exceptions, those tactics are premised upon a type of Hooverian rugged individualism, the Jacksonian frontier thesis aka frontierism, and, arguably, selfishness. I see little point in prepping for dystopia. Personally, I pray to be among the departed.
      Post–civilized theory (ⱣҀҬ) is, it must be asserted, also not exclusively anarchistic. Assuming that a remnant of a nuclear holocaust, in the not–too–distant future, should somehow manage to survive, these individuals, perhaps widely scattered in largely remote places around the globe, will need to devote their lives to assisting, not attacking, one another. At such a time, the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity, or those regions once defined as such, will be liberated from the former capitalist world–system and the U.S.–dominated global Empire. Existing revolutionary or dialectical potential will now be uninhibited.
      If another project, the Soviet Birobidzhan project (Russian, Советский проект Биробиджана, Sovetskij proekt Birobidžana), had materialized, as it was originally conceived, the section of this chapter we are starting would have be been written a bit differently:
      The American Jewish Communist movement, active within the Jewish community for some three decades, included two left–of–center movements whose main aim was to provide support for the Soviet project to establish a Jewish socialist republic in the Birobidzhan region in the far east of the Soviet Union.…
      During the quarter century in which Birobidzhan figured prominently in American Jewish Communist propaganda, the image of the Jewish Autonomous Region [JAR] shifted over time: from its role as a Jewish national unit and counter to Zionism in the 1920s to a refuge from Nazism in the 1930s; from a vehicle by which to secure financial support for the Soviet struggle in World War II to a vision of the JAR as part of a post–war Jewish revival after the destruction of the Holocaust; and finally, as a partner with the new Jewish State of Israel in creating an independent Jewish future after 1948. After 1951, with the demise of Ambijan [American Committee for the Settlement of Jews in Birobidjan], it largely disappeared from view, even among most Jewish Communists.
      〜 Henry Felix Srebrnik. Dreams of Nationhood: American Jewish Communists and the Soviet Birobidzhan Project, 1924–1951. Brighton, Massachusetts: Academic Studies Press. 2010. Pages xiii and xvi.
      Bundism—an emancipatory movement we should passionately embrace with all of our hearts and our minds—is, in some quarters, called the Jewish Socialist Bund (Yiddish, יִידִישׁעְר סוֹצְיַאלִיסְטִישׁעְר בוּנְדּ, Yiyḏiyšʿər Sōṣəyạʾliyšəṭiyšʿər Būnəd; German, jüdischer sozialistischer Bund; Hebrew, פֶדֶרַצְיָה סוֹצְיָאלִיסְטִי יְהוּדִי, P̄ẹḏẹrạṣəyāh hạ•Sōṣẹyāʾliysəṭiy hạ•Yẹhūḏiy; Arabic, فِيدِرَالِيّ الاِشْتِرَاكِيّ اليَهُودِيّ, Fīdirāliyy ʾal•ʾꞮš°tirākiyy ʾal•Yahūdiyy; Pashto, دَيَهُودِي سُوسْيَالِيسْت يُووَالِی, da Yahūdī Sūs°yālīs°t Yuwālí; Persian, فِدِرَاسِیُونِ سُوسِیَالِیسْتِیِ یَهُودِی, Fidirāsiýūn•i Sūsiýālís°tí•i Ýahūdí; Tajik, Федеросиюни Сотсиалистии Яҳудӣ, Federosiyun•i Sotsialist•i Yahudī; Soranî or Central Kurdish, فِیدَرَاسِیۆنِی سۆسْیَالِیسْتِی جوولَهَٓکَهَٓکَان, Fídarāsiýōní Sōs°ýālís°tí Ǧûlahaḱahiḱān; Shahmukhi Punjabi, یَهُودِی سُوسَلِسَطَ گَٹھجُوڑَ, Ýahūdí Sūsalisaṭa Gaṭʱaǧūṛa; Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਯਹੂਦੀ ਸੂਸਲਿਸਤ ਗਠਜੋੜ, Yahūdī Sūsalisata Gaṭhajōṛa; Urdu, یَحُودِی اِشْتِرَاکِی اِتِّحَادَ, Ýaḥūdí ʾꞮš°tirāḱí ʾꞮttiḥāda; Hindi, यहूदी इश्तिराकी इत्तिहाद, Yahūdī Iśtirākī Ittihāda; or Sindhi, يَهُودِي ۾ سَام وَادِي طْهَاحٔ, Yahūdī Sām Wādī meṃ➦⁺ⁱᵃˢᵗ Ṭ°hā⫯ḥ).
      “Bund” is, moreover, a cognate of the English–language word “bind” along with its etymological siblings. For example, the (pre–Norman Conquest) Old English, bindeþ, was a past tense of “band.”
      Bundism poster
      Click on the Bundism Poster (1918) to Enlarge
      First–generation Bundism (Yiddish, אַלְגּעֶמײַנעֶר יִידִישׁעֶר אַרְבֶעטעֶר בוּנְדּ אִין לִיטֵע, פּוּילִין, אַוְן רוּסְּלאַנְדּ, ʾẠləgʿẹmʿạ͡ynʿẹr Yiyḏiyšʿẹr ʾẠrəbẹʿṭʿẹr Būnəd ʾiyn Liyṭēʿ, Pūliyn, ʾạwən Rūssəlʾạnəd; German, allgemeiner jüdischer Arbeiterbund in Litauen, Polen und Russland; Hebrew, אִיגּוּד הַכְּלָלִי שֶׁל הַפּוֹעֵלִים הַיְהוּדִיִים בְּלִיטָא, פּוֹלִין, וְרוּסְּיָה, ʾꞮygūḏ hạ•Kəlāliy šẹl hạ•Pôʿēliym hạ•Yəhūḏiyiym bə•Liytāʾ, Pôliyn, wə•Rūssəyāh; Arabic, اِتِّحَاد العُمَّال اليَهُود العامّ فِي لِيتْوَانِيَا ، وَبُولَنْدا ، وَرُوسِيَا, ʾꞮttiḥād ʾal•ʿUmmāl ʾal•Yāhūd ʾal•ʿĀmm fī Līt°wāniyā, wa•Būlan°da, wa•Rūsiyā; Persian, اِتِّحَادِیَهِ عُمُومِی کَارَگَرَانَ یَهُودِی دَر لِیتْوَانِی، لَهِسْتَان وَ رُوسِّیَه, ʾꞮyttiḥādiýah•i ʿUmūmí•i Ḱār°garān•i Ýahūdí dar Lít°vāní, Lahistān va Rūssiýah; or Tajik, Иттиходи Умумии Коргарони Яҳудӣ дар Литва, Лаҳистон ва Россия, Ittihodiy•i Umumi•i Korgaron•i Yahūdī dar Litva, Lahiston va Rossiya, “General Jewish Workers’ Union in Lithuania, Poland, and Russia”) was a non–zionist movement started by Moshe Gutman and others. However, Bundism, when thoughtfully considered, might specifically be regarded as a concrete formulation of Jewish socialism. Bundism once, to a previous generation, passed away. Configurated somewhat differently, Bundism has now has been reborn.
      Bundism, as Jewish socialism (Yiddish, יִידִישׁעְר סאָצְיאַלִיזְם‎, Yiyḏiyšʿər sʾoṣəyʾạliyzəm; German, jüdischer Sozialismus; Hebrew, סוֹצְיָאלִיזְם יְהוּדִי‎, sôṣəyāliyzəm Yəhūḏiy; or Arabic, اِشْتِرَاكِيَّة اليَهُودِيَّة, ʾiš°tirākiyyaẗ ʾal•Yahūdiyyaẗ), has, in one modern form, been thoughtfully reimagined by abrahim Weizfeld, Ph.D., among others. Bundism, given its support for Indigenist Palestine rather than for colonial hegemony, is Third Worldist or, arguably, Maoist–Third Worldist. Bundism does not, therefore, require its own independent chapter in this book. Furthermore, similar ideas to Bundism have been presented in a paper cowritten by Mohammed Bamyeh (Arabic, مُحَمَّد بَامْيَة, Muḥammad Bām°yaẗ) and Uri Gordon. It is a well–produced piece, and I recommend it highly. But let us move on. These are two relevant quotations:
      The Bund Party and the Zionist Labor Movement were two different—clashing and rival—versions of the idea of Jewish national revival in modern society. This study does not aim to examine the history of each version on its own merits; a series of important researchers have already done this in comprehensive studies. Its purpose is to contrast the two in regard to a main point in their national perspective: the attitude toward the Jewish nation at large or, as to use the term conventionally used in the public political debate of the time, Klal Yisrael [Hebrew, כְּלַל יִשְׂרָאֵל, Kəlạl Yīśərāʾēl, “public of Israel”].
      The term Klal Yisrael is the modern political twin of an ancient concept in Jewish tradition, ʿAm Yisrael ([śעַם יִשְׂרָאֵל, ʿẠm Yīśərāʾēl, “people of Israel”] Jewish people). It is used in the public discourse to furnish ʿAm Yisrael, an entity that threatens to disintegrate or fragment in modern society, with a conceptual political framework. In view of the widening rift between religious and nonreligious Jews, the growing chasm between Jews immersed in different national cultures among themselves and between themselves and the masses who maintain the particularistic Jewish culture, and the rise in discord among different worldviews in Jewish public life—the concept of Klal Yisrael is invoked to strengthen national commonality in two respects. One is the principled claim that, despite manifestations of difference and fragmentation in culture, civil status, religious faith, and so forth, the Jews are one nation or people. Second, in practical political terms, it attempts to unite all ideological streams and affiliations under one umbrella for struggle to secure or protect the civil rights of Jews in their countries of dispersion. Therefore, the concept has become a cornerstone and a symbolic marker not only in the overall national creed, but also a slogan for political action of various organizations at the national and international levels.
      〜 Yosef Gorny. Converging Alternatives: The Bund and the Zionist Labor Movement, 1897–1985. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. 2006. Page 1.
      “Bund was the answer.” This is what the filmmaker Eran Torbiner proclaimed when we met him one day in Tel Aviv several years ago. His loving documentary Bunda’im, about the aging Bundists in Israel, portrayed a forgotten Jewish labor movement that turned against both Zionism, Communism and the capitalist system. A party of “naysayers,” as they were called by the historian David Slucki in an article. And it is easy to get that impression of the once–powerful Jewish mass movement in the Russian Empire and interwar Poland. Both capitalism and Stalinist communism were among the movement’s sworn enemies, but also the rabbis’ religious teachings as well as Zionism’s quest for a Jewish nation–state. Opposition became the Bund’s condition of existence, but not opposition for its own sake. The Bund was founded on the conviction that the “Jewish question” could only be resolved through the liberation of the international working class from all oppression on its way to a world of equality, welfare and democracy without borders – a socialist social order. There, the broad strata of the population would rule, not capitalist elites or communist party despots.
      〜 Håkan Blomqvist. Socialism in Yiddish: The Jewish Labor Bund in Sweden. Huddinge, Sweden: Södertörns University. 2022. Page 11.
      The ongoing tragedy upon tragedies in Greater West Asia shall never end amicably, since Benjamin Netanyahu (né 1949) and Donald Trump, elected to a new presidential term, will unlikely, although for different reasons, shift course. At this point in time, I have stopped producing too many podcasts on this enigmatic spectacle, since they are obviously falling on deaf ears. Those individuals I am referring to here are not average viewers but power brokers in governments. I also find myself running out of words. Sometimes I feel like a fish in an aquarium. I am gazing out upon a world I obviously fail to understand. Although that sensation is not new to me as an Autistic, the context of the sensation is here entirely different. I proclaim my opposition to the capitalist world–system and the state of the non–state of Palestine. Hardly anyone seems to care. What should I say differently? What should I do differently? Perhaps I can strive to refocus my thoughts and my efforts in a fruitful direction. Even as a glistening light cast upon the infernal darkness of imperialism and colonialism, the Bundist spectrum, as delineated below, has now been broadened by the writer through the addition of a fifth tendency, namely Communism–Bundism (૮乃):
      … [The] four tendencies of Bundism are — Classical Bundism, Bundism (Jewish Demarchism), Marxism–Leninism–Maoism–Bundism and Anarcho–Bundism.
      〜 Black Minister 13 of Panther C.O.D.E., “Introduction.” The Manual of Revolution, Book One: From the Jewish Bundist Diaspora Movement. Version 47. abrahim Weizfeld, Ph.D., editor. Phoenix: Westwood Books. 2020. Page 22–25.
      In ૮乃, a central component of Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, Palestine’s dependency upon Israel is forthrightly acknowledged. Israel is a First World nation–state. The Palestinians of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank are Third Worlders and Fourth World Indigenists. We support Palestine but oppose none. Many Bundists argue that Yiddish (Yiddish, יִידִישׁ [MP3], Yiyḏiyš) is a Proletarian language. They prefer it over modern Hebrew. If so, they can speak and write in Yiddish. However, no tongue shall emancipate us from the capitalist world–system. As a former member of the Bundist Movement Vanguard, or leadership, I continue to regard the activities of the Bund (ፖዞⵉⴻᗸሀቦᗥ) as a social critique of imperialism as well as a community–building praxis within the larger current of Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ rather than as a politically partisan activity. Should others have another viewpoint, that is their business. I do not currently follow the Judæic religion.
      My parents, as nonpracticing Jews (Arabic, أَتْبَاعُ الدِّيَانَةِ اليَهُودِيَّة, ⫯at°bāʿu ʾal•Ddiyānaẗi ʾal•Yahūdiyyaẗ, “followers of the Religion of Judæism”), never joined a Jewish community center or, by extension, a Jewish movement. Regardless, Judæism remains my religious mother. If you, too, adore Bundism, notwithstanding your tendency on the Bundist spectrum, proclaim aloud the following affirmation of heartfelt commitment: We are Bund!
      I am now concluding each of my postings on Palestine, on social media, with the exclamation, We are Bund! I humbly encourage others to do likewise. My objective is to promote a new Internet meme. It is modeled after the We are Anonymous! meme of the Anonymous movement. However, there is little or no evidence for any isomorphism between the Bund (ፖዞⵉⴻᗸሀቦᗥ) and Anonymous movements. ૮乃 has a clear–cut objective. We are providing the Proletariat and the Subaltern with an alternative to zionism while not opposing any country. However, the targets of the Anonymous movement would appear to be as variable as the individuals who have, now or in the past, identified themselves with it. Is the Anonymous movement, from this standpoint, even a social movement? My response as a sociologist, is: “Yes, of course. Anonymous is a hacktivist movement.” But that endlessly riveting movement and its symbology are sidetracks. I am focused on the importance of propagating Bundism, especially ૮乃, through social media. Hopefully, you will find other, even more beneficial, approaches. Given the dire outcome of imperialistic colonialism, who has not heard of zionism? The same cannot be said of Bundism.
      Internet memes, like “We are Bund!,” can be powerful. By putting a playful twist on “We are Anonymous!,” “We are Bund!” is an ideal type of memes. Still, “We are Anonymous!” was itself compelling. How many people do not remember it? What made it an Internet meme was not just the three words but the symbolism of the Guy Fawkes mask and the YouTube videos. “We are Bund” would bring to one’s mind the mask, too. The helpfulness of the mask is an open question. Yet, I do not see how the mask association can hurt either. I have been creating Internet memes for a fairly long time. Being a sociologist has certainly been helpful, but I just stumbled upon them. If they are catchy, humorous, and people immediately recognize what they are pointing to, they can succeed. You make them, repeatedly post them, and then hope that others follow along. My best, from 2015, is Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ). It sounds like dialectical materialism but is a hybrid of Roy Bhaskar’s dialectical critical realism (ↁᙍⴽ) and his philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ). Coining that Internet meme was a total accident!
      But in this perilous moment, we must act with intentionality. Let us develop a new Maoist–Third Worldist Internet memetics. I strongly encourage you to repost these memetic phrases:
      • Just say “No” () to fascism! (Just say no to drugs!, a politically charged slogan originating in the 1980s U.S.)
      • The Empire has no clothes! (The emperor has no clothes!)
      • Maoism–Third Worldism has the answers!
      • Being Bund (Being There, a 1979 film with Peter Sellers)
      • Bund out! (Peace out!)
      • Bund, bet! (an expression of affirmation)
      • The zionist entity, from the river into the sea! (could cause you problems on some social media platforms)
      Hạ•Tạnạ″ḵə (Hebrew, הַתַּנַ״ךְ), designated as the Old Testament by most English–speaking Christians, recounts the creation narrative in seven allegorical days. Specific instances of divine creation ensue over the course of the first six days. God then rests from His labors on the seventh day, namely, the Sabbath (Hebrew, הַשַׁבָּת, hạ•Šạbbāṯ, “the stop”). Additionally, ૮乃 is a creation of sorts. As such, it is completely the product of human agency. ૮乃 might also be a groundbreaking creation. It is unabashedly communist and unreservedly Bundist. This synthesis of communism and Bundism presents challenges, but it also opens the door to new possibilities. The structure of a hypothetical communist world–system will, presumably, consist of associations. Some, but not necessarily all, of those associations could be federations. Association, federation, and union are correct translations of the German and Yiddish word Bund. Even though historically, Bundism and communism have been customarily regarded as distinct or even contrarian, words are linguistic tools and not, like you and I, objectively real. Words can be defined and then redefined repeatedly according to one’s preferences.
      Communist–Bundists support Palestine and the Palestinians, but, as politically nonpartisan revolutionaries and activists, we do not oppose any country. Instead, we oppose the capitalist world–system. It is bigger and more deadly than any one country. In due time, that system will die of its own imperialistic contradictions. Its expiration appears to quicken with each passing day. The demise of the capitalist world–system will truly be a day for celebration. But the First World is, as we can see, clinging for dear life onto the reins of power. Thankfully, that grasp has been dissipating. Violence is a sign of weakness, not strength. In a world which, to all outward appearances, has gone mad, the horrors we now observe in Greater West Asia, with immense mourning, may, as the months go by, expand well beyond it. Indeed, at least from my perspective, the capitalist world–system appears to be on the brink of an imminent and a catastrophic collapse. Please be aware that the following information is included for information only. One fights the Demireality of injustice in a continuous struggle for the Phenomenological Copresence of emancipation. A generalized disgust at the inhumanity of homo sapiens sapiens is intended in the next few paragraphs below, not partisan politicking.
      Righteous indignation is, at this very moment, understandable. Clearly, as a compassionate and a caring individual, I wish well for almost everyone—as individuals. And yet, as I am typing, we confront the social facts of apartheid (MP3) and genocide. Emancipation must be univeral. It can never leave behind the beloved Palestinians. However difficult to imagine by the average observer, and understandably so, Moshe Feiglin (né 1962), a former member of the zionist entity’s parliamentary Knesset (Hebrew, כְּנֶסֶת, Kənẹsẹṯ; Arabic, كِنِيسِت, Kinīsit; Amharic, ክኔሴት, Kənesetə; Eastern Syriac, ܟܢܸܫܝܵܐ, Kneshyaʾ; or Western Syriac, ܟܢܶܫܝܳܐ, Kneshyoʾ, “assembly or gathering”), is in solidarity with nazi policies of extermination. At some time, in the seemingly remote past, I might have considered that a man like this one, if he can justifiably even be regarded as a man, would be swiftly bannished to some remote corner of the globe. I know better now. Only slightly paraphrasing a tired old cliché, ignorance was bliss. This Feiglin has shamelessly displayed his callousness, his heretofore unimaginable inhumanity beyond inhumanity, for all the world to see (MP4 video):
      As Hitler said, “I can’t live if one Jew is left.” We can’t live here if one “Islamo–Nazi” remains in Gaza.
      〜 Former member of the Israeli Knesset Moshe Feiglin, “Former Israeli MK [member of Knesset] Quotes Hitler While Discussing Gaza War.” Haaretz. June 16ᵗʰ, 2024.
      The late–2023 hip hop song, Harbu Darbu (MP4 video), from the Israeli group Ness and Stilla, illustrates a common, while not universal, mentality currently pivotal in Israeli society. According to the true believers, all Gazans are now evil. I have been frequently amazed that almost no one, especially in the mass media, has been speaking out against an ever–increasing tragedy. Then I witness so many people being persecuted and prosecuted. All at once, it makes sense. A rapidly disintegrating First World has been transformed into a vast assemblage of dystopian societies. Although no easy answers are readily available, neither great men nor great women can, alas, become the matrix of our collective salvation. The actions by the Houthis (Arabic, الحُوثِيُّونَ, ʾal•Ḥūṯiyyūna) against ships headed to Israeli Ports can certainly be understood. Through intersectionality, particularly the sophisticated ᓰ爪 which was previously considered here in some depth, the beloved Third World and Fourth World of Indigeneity must, epistemologically, be shifted to the center of our thinking with the First World, no matter how dire the suffering of many of its inhabitants, placed, at least for now, onto the periphery of our deliberations:
      … exclusionary thinking has been increasingly challenged by scholars and teachers who want to include the diversity of human experience in the construction and transmission of knowledge. Those who ask us to think more inclusively want to open up the way the world is viewed, making the experience of previously excluded groups more visible and central in die construction of knowledge. Inclusive thinking shifts our perspective from the white, male–centered forms of thinking that have characterized much of Western thought. Thinking inclusively means putting the experiences of those who have been excluded at the center of thought so that we can better understand the intersections of race, class, and gender in the experiences of all groups, including those with privilege and power.
      〜 Margaret L. Anderson and Patricia Hill Collins, “Reconstructing Knowledge: Toward Inclusive Thinking.” Race, Class, and Gender: An Anthology. (First edition.) Margaret L. Anderson and Patricia Hill Collins, editors. Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company imprint of Wadsworth, Inc. 1992. Pages 1–5.
      This revolting MP4 video, displaying First World imperialism over the Third World and Fourth World of Indigeneity (Gaza), is so disgusting. The viewer may understandably question its authenticity (MP4 video). Would children, ages 6 to 12, recite such filthy lyrics? Sadly, yes. The video was recorded in late 2023 during a terrorist campaign in Gaza (Arabic, غَزَّة [MP3], Ġazzaẗ; or Hebrew, עַזָּה [MP3], ʿẠzzāh). I could never blame the children. They are, indeed, children. Rather, the adults who composed the song and recruited the children are the culprits. I would go even further. Those adults emotionally abused the children placed under their supervision. I cannot imagine how these children will, years from now, survive with the gruesome memory of serving as talent for this nefarious performance. Intersubjectively, I suspect that the spectacle might haunt me for my entire lifetime. I hope the children will someday recover from their acts of inhumanity. If, on the other hand, they were indoctrinated into the false hopes of militant colonialism, perhaps they will feel nothing at all. Such a heartbreaking 💔 closure must, when all is said and done, be but a single tragedy diabolically consumed by yet another. We are Bund! We are Bund! We are Bund! May God forgive them. Why did I hesitate?
      Oh Rascal Children of Gaza
      Click on the Image to Enlarge
      ૮乃 is not limited to Jews or even to those, like myself, from Jewish families. I suppose that zionism, irrespective of its heartlessness as an ideology, is a precedent. Not only are there Jewish zionists. Christian zionists are found, as well. Their reasons for being zionists differ, with dispensational premillennialist Christians often backing the zionist entity to conform to their eschatology, but fidelity to the modern Israeli nation is witnessed in zionists of both types. If zionism is not restricted to Jews, I see no reason to confine support for Bundism to Jews either. Possibly the primary exception which should be emphasized, if it needs to be stated at all, is that antisemites must never be considered as Bundists. However, setting neonazis and other antisemites aside, I can, at least on face value, identify no other stipulations or disqualifications. The wider, the more far–reaching and diverse, should the scope of the emergent Bundist spectrum become, the better shall be our lives. Communist–Bundists advocate for an inclusive and classless Jewish community without a Jewish state. Broadening Bundism into a sort of mega–Bundism, a New Convergence of “tribes” or cultural communities could offer anti–capitalist resistance and revolution.
      Many committed antizionists and even former zionists, now widening in number, have questioned the establishment of Israeli settlements in Gaza (MP4 video) and the West Bank. And factually, Israel is a colonial power to Fourth World Indigeneous Arab and Iranian Greater West Asia. Some, indeed, might challenge the right of any imperialist colonial power to exist in the modern era; but I will leave that inquiry open for others to answer. Moreover, similar conclusions may be made about imperialism, colonialism, and cultural hegemony the world over. Many war crimes, admittedly, are unenforceable. The explanation, sadly, has all too often come down to the nonsensical idea of only giving certain nations, but regrettably not all, a veto power in the United Nations. That nothwithstanding, no honest broker, whatever the ultimate cost might be, should hesitate to condemn war crimes, universally, with every ounce of one’s being. Condemning imperialism and colonialism, even without reference to particular countries, gives one the gift of humanity. Moreover, following one’s conscience, a moral compass grounded in the ethical reality permeating the fabric of the universe, is chief among the conditions which define us as human beings.
      I am reminded of the carcasses … the carcasses … the carcasses which extreme militant nationalism has continued to leave behind. Although I have never visited the once Holy Land, I love the holiness which the Holy Land might become once again. There are compelling reasons for contemplating a sojourn to the home of the Prophets. Sadly, my heart tells me otherwise. That conflict frequently rages inside of me. I simply could not bare it. Some have suggested that Israel should have been carved out of a post–World War II Germany. Such a proposition should, in my opinion, be contemplated by everybody. My constant writing is always cathartic. However, the only enduring catharsis would be an anti–colonial socialism from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ). One must reflect upon the unimaginable hardships which the Palestinians endure. Any country run by a people and primarily for that people, while selectively expelling others, is not without historical precedent but is often too disheartening for me to bear. Humanity is one, but the Palestinians must decide whether non–Palestinians will inhabit Palestine, from the river to the sea. The Palestinians’ love of the land, their Indigenism, is seen in futile ongoing attacks on a nuclear–armed country protected by other First Worlders.
      The Institute for Dialectical metaRealism (ɨƉɱⱤ™), an academic project by the writer, is the think tank of The MarkFoster.NETwork, a repository of online resources. ɨƉɱⱤ is nonpartisan—not affiliated with a political party. Despite our absence of authority, or legitimate power, we have a duty to take a principled stand on issues whether major or minor. In our view, Palestine is Indigenous land from the river to the sea. Palestine is a unitary entity and can never be divided into two. ૮乃 is essential. Given our opposition to colonialism, as the enemy of Fourth World Indigenism, we assert that non–Palestinians must receive a mandate from Palestine to reside within its territory. No such consent was requested or approved. The reappropriation of Palestine by the United Nations, destroying its legitimacy through this first major action, was repugnant and must be corrected. We condemn the decades–long genociding of the Palestinian people. The right to recognize statehood is usually regarded as belonging to countries and to countries alone. As a matter of international law, that is correct. However, each of us, and the organizations we run or belong to, can recognize Palestine and proudly announce it to everyone.
      For critics of Hamas (Arabic, حَمَاس [MP3], Ḥamās), which is an Arabic acronym for the Islamic Resistance Movement (Arabic, حَرَكَة المُقَاوَمَة الإِسْلَامِيَّة [MP3], Ḥarakaẗ ʾal•Muqāwamaẗ ʾal•⫰Ɪs°lāmiyyaẗ), we need to bear in mind that extremists, obviously not moderates, are the ones most likely to arise and then resist an occupation. Moreover, we are all witnesses to the drama of abused children. Those children are all grown up while repeating the mistakes, even the profanities, of their genealogical abusers, the nazis, on the innocent Palestinians among others. Here is an expansion of my initial impromptu response, via text messaging, to the targeted Israeli attacks on Hezbollah (Arabic, حِزْبُ الله [MP3], Ḥiz°bu ʾAl•Llꞌah; or Hebraized, חִיזְבְּאַלְלַּה [MP3], Ḥiyzəbəʾạləllạh, “Party of the Almighty”) in Lebanon (Arabic, لُبْنَان [MP3], Lub°nān; or Hebrew, לְבָנוֹן [MP3], Ləḇānôn), acting in solidarity with Hamas in Gaza. First, on September 18ᵗʰ, 2024, pagers were detonated. Second, on the following day, September 19ᵗʰ, 2024, walkie–talkies were exploded. My wording was gingerly tweaked for both grammar and style. I added some content, without changing the substance of the two paragraphs, in order to keep the story as up–to–date as possible:
      My goodness. What happened while I was writing, podcasting, and dining? You briefly turn away and two successive calamities are perpetrated …. These incidents could indicate that Israel has placed moles into Hezbollah. Israel’s state terrorism, even if few lives are lost, instills fear in the target population. Not knowing whom to trust, people become suspicious of everyone. That is a common so–called counter–terrorist (state terrorist in this case) tactic. The obvious first question is: Who supplied the devices? I assume Hezbollah will try to locate a different supplier. It is not hard to obtain a mole if one is willing to pay the right price. Hezbollah is poor. Israel is wealthy. Such an imbalance will continue to cause problems. The tactic may also someday lead people—say those who even slightly dislike a leader—to start their own factions. A social movement organization (SMO) can be systematically torn apart. Even on a higher socioeconomic scale, these problems are rampant and timeless. A new roster of Border Patrol agents fired for allegedly accepting bribes from drug cartels is published every month. Homeland Security is not going to make agents wealthy. The drug cartels can. We, therefore, have a problem with no immediate solution.
      One must be brought up properly to have the fear of God aka a sense of shame. It is not inborn and, therefore, cannot be universal. But those shameless Israelis should, instead, be gazing deep into a mirror:
      Verily I say: The fear of God hath ever been a sure defence and a safe stronghold for all the peoples of the world. It is the chief cause of the protection of mankind, and the supreme instrument for its preservation. Indeed, there existeth in man a faculty which deterreth him from, and guardeth him against, whatever is unworthy and unseemly, and which is known as his sense of shame. This, however, is confined to but a few; all have not possessed, and do not possess, it. It is incumbent upon the kings and the spiritual leaders of the world to lay fast hold on religion, inasmuch as through it the fear of God is instilled in all else but Him.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh. Epistle to the Son of the Wolf. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 2005. Ebook edition.
      The silence becomes more deafening day by day. There is tragically little that the average world citizen can do. Israel is a major trading partner for both Russia and China. Both countries have been more than willing to sacrifice the lives of Palestinians at the feet of their own economic self–interests. Neither has anything to gain economically by supporting Palestinians. Palestine is poor. Israel is wealthy. In the capitalist world–system, decisions, whether by action or inaction, are pragmatic. Objectively, Israel has been treated like a Greater West Asian outpost for NATO. For somewhat diverse reasons, the U.S. above all, Russia, and China have been complicit and, as things stand now, will continue to stand either in the cheering section or on the sidelines even as malignant state terrorism, imperialism, and colonialism progress. And where, for heaven’s sake, has been North Korea? That country, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (the DPRK), appears content to fire its rockets at fish swimming in the sea—and Ukrainians. Where in the world, whatever may remain of our world, have you been, North Korea? Even the mainstream media, always hungry for sensationalism, rarely pay much attention to you these days.
      … the earth was waste and empty, and darkness was on the face of the deep ….
      〜 Genesis 1:2. Darby Translation. John Nelson Darby and his students, translators. 1890.
      We live in a grand time of global crisis. Communism will, I believe, be constructed by the Third and Indigenous Fourth World Indigenous remnant of an earth–shaking calamity. Most residents of the First World along with many other humans outside the First World orbit will, under this speculative scenario, be annihilated. Such a cataclysm could take many forms. My personal intuition, take it as you like, is that such a far–reaching catastrophe will primarily involve thermonuclear war. Nevertheless, there is, I would suggest, nothing to fear but an end to these perilous times. Out of love, not partisanship, I am driven to defend the humanity of the Indigeneities: the Palestinians, Syrians, Iranians, Yemenis, and any targets of opportunity today, tomorrow, and The Day After. Evil intents may currently be observed among a considerable number of world leaders. Even in the short term, their own acts of malfeasance could, through a karmic or dialectical causal mechanism, precipitate their downfalls. Our current world disorder continues to confound their machinations over and over again. Although the following statement was, I believe, realized only in the recent past, its ominous implications shall, I expect, soon become apparent:
      From two ranks amongst men power hath been seized: kings and ecclesiastics.
      〜 Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1980. Ebook.
      Centuries to come, if the First World has largely perished, Third Worlders and Fourth World Indigenists, as a renewed race of humanity, might constitute the bulk of survivors of a nuclear, biological, or chemical (NBC) holocaust and, hopefully, the builders of communism. Localism will, out of sheer necessity, become the rule. Local networks may then, after the passing of considerable time, become assimilated into a socialist world–system. Presently, in a rapidly declining pre–cataclysmic world, given its dire shortage of revolutionary potential, fighting demireality and cultivating Phenomenological Copresence, even on a relatively small scale, can be genuinely worthwhile tasks. Although it is always good to do good for others—indeed the capitalist world–system affords us few socially benign alternatives—we have been presented with little more than a liberal do–gooder’s dream. By the same token, since we are now living on a planet dominated by the bourgeois First World, practicing the stop–gap measure of progressivism or social democracy, should, to any clear–thinking person, be better than nothing. Admitting the possible value of temporary procedures of reform must never be confused with an advocacy of progressivism or social democracy as an end in itself.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh in Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1980 revised edition. Ebook edition.
      On June 10ᵗʰ, 2025, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ told me a dream. I was in a restaurant with three others. Our table was cramped. We moved to a larger one. Only I was concerned that a guy did not return from the restroom. Did he think we had left him behind? I insisted on speaking, despite one strange interruption, approximately the following words: There have been many universal cycles on Earth. Prior to the end, its particular human species, after assuring that its genetically engineered human successors can initiate the next universal cycle, travels off to the stars. The Earth is laid waste and made desolate. The slate is wiped completely clean.
      In the present Adamic universal cycle, I then continued, Bahá’u’lláh is the Supreme Prophet of fulfillment. His cycle of fulfillment, as the final segment of the larger Adamic universal cycle, will be greater and perhaps even last longer than previous cycles of fulfillment within the universal cycles. He is, as such, the greatest Supreme Prophet of fulfillment to appear on this planet. We now stand at a turning point. Divine Judgment, a period integral to each cycle of fulfillment, is upon us. 𝓘𝓶𝓶𝓲𝓷𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓵𝔂, ❝͟𝕞͟𝕠͟𝕤͟𝕥❞ people will perish. The Earth will shortly, in my view, be largely depopulated. That is to say, only a small fraction of the planet’s multitudes will remain. Since, however, the current Adamic universal cycle will, according to the Will of God, continue, a remnant of our own human species, homo sapiens sapiens, shall survive.
      I decided to post that dream on four social media platforms. It was, in my view, extremely important to do so. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ has blessed me with a means to benefit others. Now, four days after the dream, I have had time to reflect more upon it. My translation with some minor revisions: Three of us were, metaphor intended, left behind in the restaurant. Only one escaped. Three quarters of Earth’s population will, I believe, be dead in the immediate aftermath of a Third World nuclear war and other cataclysms. Hopefully, a sufficient number of the Third World and Fourth World Indigeneities—the “meek” aka a “new race of men”—will be included among that single quarter. My dear friend, we need, as I see it, to be prepared. By “preparation,” I would not suggest that anyone becomes a prepper or a survivalist. Such agency is for far–right wingers intent on their own physical well–being. I am referring to prayerful, meditative, spiritual preparation. One might, for example, commune with beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ.
      As to myself, although I do not wish to survive, I surrender entirely to God’s Will, not to my own. Although my dream appears to place me among the annihilated three quarters, I am just speculating. Should my desire not be granted—if I am among those left behind in this world—I only hope to serve others. Perhaps after the next complete cleansing of our planet, before the dawn of a new universal cycle in half a million years, Earthlings will not abandon their home for the universe. Earth will, this time, finally join the interplanetary community. On the other hand, given the forces of Empire building, an unwinnable nuclear war might, in the immediate future, be in the cards. Warfare upon warfare is the rule of the day. Morality and integrity often call for great sacrifice. Israel possesses officially unacknowledged nuclear weapons. Its political neighbors have none. Keeping in mind that my beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ is watching me, I promised myself not to swear. But during these days of uncertainty, whom can I justifiably trust?
      Benjamin Netanyahu?
      • Hebrew and Ladino/Judæo–Spanish, בִּנְיָמִין נְתַנְיָהוּ, Binəyāmiyn Niṯạnəyāhū
      • Yiddish, בְנְיַמִין נְתַנְיַהוּ, Bənəyạmiyn Nəṯạnəyạyū
      • Arabic, بِنْيَامين نِتَنْيَاهُو, Bin°yāmīn Nitan°yāhū
      • Iranian and Dari Persian, Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, and Pashto, بِنْیَامِین نِتَانْیَاهُو, Bin°ýāmín Nitān°ýāhū
      • Tajiki Persian, Бенямин Нетаняҳу, Benyamin Netanyahu
      • Sindhi, بِنْيَامينَ نِتَنْيَاهُو, Bin°yāmīna Nitan°yāhū
      • Uyghur, بېنْيَامِىْن نېتَانْيَاخۇ, Ben°yāmiỳ°n Netān°yāẖu
      • Shahmukhi Punjabi and Urdu, بَینْیَامِین نَیتَنیَاحُو, Bēn°ýāmína Nētan°ýāhū
      • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਬੈਂਜਾਮਿਨ ਨੇਤਨਯਾਹੂ, Bain̄jāmina Nētanayāhū
      • Hindi, बेंजामिन नेतन्याहू, Bēñjāmina Nētanyāhū
      • Turkish, Binyamin Netanyahu
      • Azerbaijani, Benyamin Netanyahu
      • Turkmen, Benýamin Netanýahu
      • Kazakh (Turkic), Беньямин Нетаньяху, Benʹyamin Netanʹyahu
      • Soranî Kurdish, بِنْیَامِین نَاتَانْیَاهۆ, Bin°ýāmín Nātān°ýāhu
      • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Binyamîn Netanyahu
      Decried by his enemies as King Bibi:
      • Hebrew, הַמֶלֶךְ בִּיבִּי, hạ•Mẹlẹḵə Bi̇ybi̇y
      • Yiddish, דֵּער מְלְך בִיבִי, dēʿr Mələḵ Biybiy
      • Yiddish, דֵּער קֶענִיגּ בִיבִי, dēʿr Qẹʿniyg Biybiy
      • German, der König Bibi
      • Ladino/Judæo–Spanish, אֶל מֶלֶך בִּיבִּי, ʾẹl Mẹlẹḵ Biybiy
      • Ladino, אֶל רײַ בִּיבִּי, ʾẹl Rạ͡y Biybiy
      • Spanish, el Rey Bibi
      • Arabic, المَلِك بِيبِي, ʾal•Malik Bībī
      • Iranian and Dari Persian, شَاه بِی‌بِی, Šāh Bíbí
      • Tajiki Persian, Шоҳ Бибӣ, Šoh Bibī
      • Pashto, دَ بَاچَا بِيبِي, da Bāčā Bībī
      • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, بَادْشَاھ بِیبِی, Bād°šāh Bíbí
      • Sindhi, جَي بَادْشَاھَ بِيبِي, ǧay Bād°šāha Bībī
      • Uyghur, پَادِىْشَاھ بِىْبِى, Pādiỳ°šāh Biỳ°biỳ
      • Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَ بَادْشَاہَ بِیبِی, da Bād°šāha Bíbí
      • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦ ਰਾਜਾ ਬੀਬੀ, da Rājā Bībī
      • Urdu, بَادَشَاہَ بِیبِی, ʾal•Bādašāha Bíbí
      • Hindi, राजा बीबी, Rājā Bībī
      • Turkish, Şah Bibi
      • Turkish and Azerbaijani, Kral Bibi
      • Turkmen, Patyşa Bibi
      • Kazakh (Turkic), Биби Патша, Bibi Patša
      • Soranî Kurdish, شَا بِیبِی, Šā Bíbí
      • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Şa Bibî
      Or perhaps Donald Trump as Neocon Don? Although the U.S. has always been the cornerstone of NATO, Western alliances appear to be shifting. Why would leaders in Europe trust a country which re–elected a twice–impeached multiple–convicted felon after that protracted swan song at the end of his last term? Say I am incorrect: Post–civilization and neofeudalism are not just around the corner. A more conventional U.S. president is elected next time around. Even under those circumstances, how could anyone be sure that the following presidential election season will not produce someone like Trump? Perhaps the question will eventually be: Can Europe defend itself without Mainland China?
      But regarding the U.S. presidency, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ visited me again. On October 16ᵗʰ, 2025, in a dream which continued into wakefulness, I found myself saying, in response to someone’s questions, that, on one possible timeline, “A president Steve Bannon, no. A President Stephen Miller, yes. You have to really want to be president. Miller, but not Bannon, has that drive.” In a weak voice, the male questioner responded, “Uh huh.”
      Events on the ground now appear to provide greater clarity. My amateur biblical exegesis is unrelated to usages of these terms in certain contexts: Benjamin Netanyahu could, prophetically, be the end–times biblical antichrist or Satan. Members of the Israeli Defense Forces, among others, might be Satan’s demons in both this world and the world to come. Donald Trump, the master of falsehoods, could, to the contrary, be the false prophet. Despite Mr. Trump’s campaign promises to be the president of peace, he is, for the second quarter of the 21ˢᵗ century, the architect of a reinvented and reinvigorated Pax Americana—the post–World War II globalization of the Monroe Doctrine. Indeed, he has become, disregarding his quickly negated claims, the arch–neoconservative of neoconservatives. Trump and Netanyahu are, modifying an unfortunate designation frequently given to prison inmates on death row, two spiritually dead men walking. And I make each of those assertions with profound sorrow, not with delight.
      As a Bhaskarian critical realist, I genuinely desire universal emancipation. But I also believe in justice. Those two men may discover, after arriving on the other side, their spiritual isolation, complete loss of dominance, and sole comradery with tyrants of the past. The power they now appear to relish is merely an illusion—one crafted by the dust of the Earth. If they had even minimal insight into their possible fates, perhaps world affairs would be different. Perhaps the tragedies of the moment would be absent from our lives. Perhaps. One can only speculate on such matters. And perhaps that shall, in the long run, be for the best. When all is said and done, what could a mere human do with such knowledge? Nothing (as best I can tell).
      Despite President Trump’s self–evident displays of imperialism and personal ignorance, he is inadvertently, and presumably unintentionally, bringing down Empire. That is to say, his efforts will, in my view, imminently boomerang. Either he or members of his staff presumably regard Antifa—even though it is not a single entity and died several years ago as a social movement—as a danger to Empire. Fear among pols is often a sign of desperation. That is clearly evident in the U.S.; but ditto in spades for the zionist entity as the modern–day Məḏiynạṯ ʿÂmālēq (Hebrew, מְדִינַת עֲמָלֵק, “state of Amalek, i.e. a nation hostile to Ancient Israel”), not its official name, Məḏiynạṯ Yīśərāʾēl (Hebrew, מְדִינַת יִשְׂרָאֵל, “state of Israel”). That notwithstanding, some zionists have malevolently justified the war on Gaza by comparing the Gazans, rather than themselves, to the legendary Amalekites.
      There are inevitably consequences, frequently dire, for disobedience to the revealed Will of God. However, each Major Prophet is a Lawgiver. That divine Law, once revealed by a heavenly Messenger, should be taken seriously by His followers. To cite just a few examples:
      • They were codified, in Judaism, through the Torah (Hebrew, הַתּוֹרָה, hạ•Ttôrāh, the instruction or the teaching”) and in the later rabbinic, and therefore a product of human understandings, Halakha (Hebrew, הַהֲלָכָה, hạ•Hăllāḵāh, “the walk”).
      • The Epistles of Paul (Latin, Paulus, “small or, metaphorically, humble one”), a Messenger or an Apostle of God by His Own testimony, presented a culturally contextualized divine Law for the followers of Christ. The importance of St. Paul will be considered later in the book.
      • In Islam, that legislation was provided as the Shari⸌a (Arabic, الشَرِيعَة, ʾal•Šarīʿaẗ, “the well–trodden path or, perhaps more accurately, the path to the watering hole”).
      • Now, the divine Commandments of the Bahá’í Faith, along with mystical teachings, have been formulated by Bahá’u’llah as the Kitáb–i–Aqdas (originally Arabic, الكِتَاب الأَقْدَس, ʾal•Kitāb ʾal•⫯Aq°das, “the Most Holy Book”).
      Sadly, we are living during a time of widespread indifference to the spiritual virtues, presented in the Divine Philosophy or the Almighty Wisdom (Arabic, حِكْمَةُ الإِلٰهِيَّة, Ḥik°maẗu ʾal•⫰Ɪlꞌahiyyaẗ; or Hebrew, חָכְמָה הַאֱלֹהִית, Ḥoḵəmāh hạ•ʾĔlôhiyṯ), taught by each One of the Prophets of God. Such neglect is particularly notable in the treachery of many political leaders.
      Take my words for what you will, but I strongly suspect that life will very shortly become unimaginably ominous in both the zionist entity and my own godforsaken nation–state, the U.S. But both coutries, in my view, deserve nothing less. As a U.S. citizen and lifelong resident I may come to regret having made the following next statement. Then so be it. Nevertheless, at this ungodly hour in global history, I say: Let stuff happen. The U.S. and its partner in imperialism, the zionist entity, are, by far, the two most perilous and precarious countries in the entire world. Although I wish no harm on human innocents per sē, Empire is another matter. And it is the ubiquitous U.S. Empire which, like the spiritually bankrupt empires of old, must be toppled by the causal mechanisms of the dialectic.
      Over most of my life, a grasp of one of the passage below regarding the Jews had eluded me. Some, sadly, have read it as antisemitic. I dismissed that notion outright. Similar condemnations were made by the Author of that quotation against the followers of other religions. Failing to recognize a Prophet is no small thing. Suddenly, I am reading a prophecy of divine punishment, possibly with the fire of nuclear weapons, to modern–day Israel, not to a global Jewry residing outside that country. Although term “Israel” can, in these modern times, refer to either the postulated and mythological ancient biblical Kingdom of Israel or to the contemporary state, the latter, while not mentioned by name, is of concern. My beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ may have inspired me with that new turn in my knowledge through a dream. My sincere well–wishes go to anyone who might be impacted throughout countries lying in close proximity to the zionist entity, e.g. Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Egypt, and Syria. Divine judgement is ostensibly not bigotry.
      For clarity on this issue, a prophecy for, I believe, Israel and two similar ones addressed to other regions have been included for proper content. Bear in mind that the Writer of the first few quotation’s own lifetime was from 1819 CE until 1892 CE. He is the Prophet and Messenger of God for this Age and hour. Nuclear, in my view, flame or fire was also conspicuously foreshadowed in certain biblical texts as the fire and brimstone of, seemingly, Hell itself (biblical Hebrew, הַשְׁאוֹל, hạ•šəʾôl, “possibly ‘asking for the dead’”; or Koine Greek, ὁ ᾅδης, ho hā́ͅidēs, “the unseen, i.e. an Ancient Greek term for the underworld”). Moreover, in order to bury vast segments of humanity, countless sepulchers, each one of unimaginable proportions, may sorrowfully be necessary. We shall continue this discussion with two general predictions. Could those operators be the rulers of this age?:
      Strange and astonishing things exist in the earth but they are hidden from the minds and the understanding of men. These things are capable of changing the whole atmosphere of the earth and their contamination would prove lethal. Great God! We have observed an amazing thing. Lightning or a force similar to it is controlled by an operator and moveth at his command. Immeasurably exalted is the Lord of Power Who hath laid bare that which He purposed through the potency of His weighty and invincible command.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh. Tablets of Bahá’u’lláh Revealed After the Kitáb–i–Aqdas. Translated by a Committee at the Bahá’í World Centre. Haifa, Israel: Bahá’í World Centre. 1978. Pages 25–26.
      The time for the destruction of the world and its people,” Bahá’u’lláh’s prophetic pen has proclaimed, “hath arrived.” “The hour is approaching,” He specifically affirms, “when the most great convulsion will have appeared.” “The promised day is come, the day when tormenting trials will have surged above your heads, and beneath your feet, saying: ‘Taste ye what your hands have wrought!’” “Soon shall the blasts of His chastisement beat upon you, and the dust of hell enshroud you.” And again: “And when the appointed hour is come, there shall suddenly appear that which shall cause the limbs of mankind to quake.” “The day is approaching when its [civilization’s] flame will devour the cities, when the Tongue of Grandeur will proclaim: ‘The Kingdom is God’s, the Almighty, the All-Praised!’” “The day will soon come,” He, referring to the foolish ones of the earth, has written, “whereon they will cry out for help and receive no answer.” “The day is approaching,” He moreover has prophesied, “when the wrathful anger of the Almighty will have taken hold of them. He, verily, is the Omnipotent, the All-Subduing, the Most Powerful. He shall cleanse the earth from the defilement of their corruption, and shall give it for an heritage unto such of His servants as are nigh unto Him.”
      〜 Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1980 revised edition. Ebook.
      As the oldest of the so–called Abrahamic religions, Judæism has rejected more Prophets than any of the others. And in my view, zionism, properly regarded as a zionofascism, is in itself the extinction of the spirit of faith. That tragic death of faith in God is apparent in the zionist regime’s genociding of Gazans and with too many Israelis—through their seemingly oblivious engagements with the looking–glass self—referring to the beloved Indigenous Palestinians as, of all things, “nazis.” Moreover, after the forebears of the Israeli Jews rejected Jesus, Paul, and Muḥammad, those heartless zionists are now slaughtering the Muslim, Christian, and Samaritan Palestinians. All at once, the situation becomes clear: Political zionism is itself the product of those rejections. And, of course, as a man born of Jewish parents, my own ancestors presumably rejected those Prophets as well. However, I dearly love Jesus, Paul, and Muḥammad. I am also not, ⫯al°ham°du li•Llꞌahi! (Arabic, ٱلْحَمْدُ لِلَّٰهِ! ، [MP3] “praise be to the Almighty❗”), a zionist or a so–called Israeli.
      Here now is, to me, one of the key targeted passages, referring, in my opinion, to a nuclear atomized modern–day Israel, perhaps prophetically even using the designation of “Israel,” followed by another quotation possibly foreseeing a similar outcome in one or more Muslim–majority or Islamicate states. It is March 26ᵗʰ, 2026. ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ just reminded me, in a dream, that these prophecies are beginning to be fulfilled, in Iran and the zionist entity, right now. We are, indeed, in World War III. The nuclear weaponizied zionist entity, its potentially nuclear weaponized archenemy Iran, and the nuclear weaponized U.S. appear, at least to this writer, to have rapidly headed down a collision course. The first of these quotations may offer clarity on the needless tragedy of modern zionism, a product of internalized antisemitism and, especially, internalized nazism:
      … when the days of Moses were ended, and the light of Jesus, shining forth from the Day Spring of the Spirit, encompassed the world, all the people of Israel arose in protest against Him. They clamored that He Whose advent the Bible had foretold must needs promulgate and fulfil the laws of Moses, whereas this youthful Nazarene, who laid claim to the station of the divine Messiah, had annulled the laws of divorce and of the sabbath day—the most weighty of all the laws of Moses. Moreover, what of the signs of the Manifestation [Prophet of God] yet to come? These people of Israel are even unto the present day still expecting that Manifestation which the Bible hath foretold! How many Manifestations of Holiness, how many Revealers of the light everlasting, have appeared since the time of Moses, and yet Israel, wrapt in the densest veils of satanic fancy and false imaginings, is still expectant that the idol of her own handiwork will appear with such signs as she herself hath conceived! Thus hath God laid hold of them for their sins, hath extinguished in them the spirit of faith, and tormented them with the flames of the nethermost fire [emphasis mine]. And this for no other reason except that Israel refused to apprehend the meaning of such words as have been revealed in the Bible concerning the signs of the coming Revelation. As she never grasped their true significance, and, to outward seeming, such events never came to pass, she, therefore, remained deprived of recognizing the beauty of Jesus and of beholding the Face of God. And they still await His coming! From time immemorial even unto this day, all the kindreds and peoples of the earth have clung to such fanciful and unseemly thoughts, and thus have deprived themselves of the clear waters streaming from the springs of purity and holiness.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1988. Page 19.
      … His [God’s] malediction shall descend upon you [Muslims], and your curse shall afflict you, and your religion shall remain an empty word on your tongues. And when these signs appear amongst you, anticipate the day when the red–hot wind will have swept over you, or the day when ye will have been disfigured, or when stones will have rained upon you.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh in Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1980. Page 74.
      The first of the above two passages highlights one of the great dilemmas of my life: I love Judæism and would practiced Judæism, some kind of Judæism, had it not been for an issue I have termed the Malachi problem. I simply could not accept that Prophethood ended with Malachi (Hebrew, מַלְאָכִי‎, Mạləʾāḵiy) circā 5ᵗʰ century CE. So, after becoming a Bahá’í in late 1970, I could immediately relate to Bahá’u’lláh’s depressing statement.
      In my opinion, the United States escaped nuclear devastation in the 1960s through a series of measures instituted by President Lyndon Baines Johnson (1908–1973), a man capable of much good and, with Mainland Southeast Asia (Indochina), considerable evil. I remember well both his presidency and the assassination of John F. Kennedy (1917–1963) which made LBJ’s position as chief executive a reality. The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., though initially and understandably a skeptic, ultimately became LBJ’s political partner and coworker. The United States may, possibly above most or even all other countries, suffer the well–deserved dialectical consequences of initially granting civil rights to People of Color in the 1960s and then, step by miserable step, backtracking on those same commitments ❌🇺🇸❌. At this point, the situation has reached a fever pitch. The metaphorical nuclear egg timer may have finally run out, including with financial support by the U.S. for that Israeli genocide. Even though the entire letter is here, the following is a significant excerpt:
      … [There is] the stress and strain imposed on the fabric of American society through the fundamental and persistent neglect, by the governed and governors alike, of the supreme, the inescapable and urgent duty—so repeatedly and graphically represented and stressed by ‘Abdu’l‑Bahá in His arraignment of the basic weaknesses in the social fabric of the nation—of remedying, while there is yet time, through a revolutionary change in the concept and attitude of the average white American toward his Negro fellow citizen, a situation which, if allowed to drift, will, in the words of ‘Abdu’l‑Bahá, cause the streets of American cities to run with blood, aggravating thereby the havoc which the fearful weapons of destruction, raining from the air, and amassed by a ruthless, a vigilant, a powerful and inveterate enemy, will wreak upon those same cities [the most racist cities in the U.S.].
      〜 Shoghi Effendi. The Citadel of Faith: Messages to America, 1947–1957. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1965. Pages 83–84.
      The following statement is, I believe a prophecy which may soon, very soon, be fulfilled:
      From two ranks amongst men power hath been seized: kings and ecclesiastics.
      〜 Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1980. Ebook.
      I find myself in mourning for the imminent future. Two of Earth’s monsters, now attempting the build Empire, are the aforementioned President Trump and King Bibi. It will shortly be crystal clear, to even their die–hard supporters, that those emperors have no clothes. When they fail, which is a dialectical given, with our Earth having spun out of control, it will be too late. You and I, as mere bystanders, are powerless. Although their efforts shall ultimately come to naught, they will take much of the global population, both humanity and inhumanity, with them in defeat. Together, Trump and King Bibi have united the Third World against them. And, as you might suspect, I am in the cheering section for the Third World. Soon cannot come soon enough. The post–civilizational remnant of possibly imminent global nuclear catastrophes might be the Third World and Fourth World Indigenous residents of remote islands on our tormented planet, including those addressed by the Universal House of Justice, individuals from the South Pacific:
      Should they attempt to conceal His light on the continent, He will assuredly rear His head in the midmost heart of the ocean and, raising His voice, proclaim: “I am the lifegiver of the world!”
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh quoted in The Universal House of Justice, “To the Friends of God assembled in the Conference of the South Pacific Ocean.” May, 1971.
      “The day is approaching when God will have, by an act of His Will, raised up a race of men the nature of which is inscrutable to all save God, the All–Powerful, the Self–Subsisting.” “He will, erelong, out of the Bosom of Power, draw forth the Hands of Ascendancy and Might.” “Hands who will arise to win victory for this Youth, and who will purge mankind from the defilement of the outcast and the ungodly. These Hands will gird up their loins to champion the Faith of God, and will, in My name, the Self–Subsistent, the Mighty, subdue the peoples and kindreds of the earth. They will enter the cities, and will inspire with fear the hearts of all their inhabitants. Such are the evidences of the might of God; how fearful, how vehement is His might!”
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh quoted in Bahá’í World Centre, “A New Race of Men: Selected Extracts from the Letters of Shoghi Effendi and the Universal House of Justice.” Undated compilation. No pagination.
      Perhaps, for a time, in the stage of post–civilization, the Universal House of Justice will reside in the South Pacific, or a place similar to it, too. The electors of that Supreme Body may also live in the South Pacific region and, if possible, in other accessible areas. Of course, I am only speculating. Human knowledge is, by its nature, limited and flawed. However, I believe ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ inspired me with that knowledge, in a dream, on May 21ˢᵗ, 2026. That time is, I sense, not in the not–too distant future.
      Given recent global events, governments and corporations may cease to exist in a short while. For the former, President Dwight D. Eisenhower (Ike), 1890–1969, started the continuity of government (deep underground military bases or DUMBs) program. It has unfortunately often been coupled with odd conspiracy theories. Governments, nation states, may cease to exist in a short while. As to the tiny minority who survive, and are fortunate enough to live in a caring community, everything will be centered around localism. In the worst cases, neofeudalist gangs may become the new forms of governance. They will likely not be sustainable over the long term. For the latter, corporations depend upon resources. States can manage the allocation of resources, but they cannot be created out of thin air. Anyone with a head on their shoulders should have an escape plan. Personally, I do not expect to witness the devastation. If I am wrong, and things suddenly go south, I may drive down the road 4 miles into Mexico.
      We then return to a methodology, discussed at the beginning of the book, of ꌚꂦꌚ. Global distress might be about to increase exponentially. Living in Phenomenological Copresence, we need to be ready to assist one other. As might be imminently observed in the world of human affairs, a dialectic between Empire—including the U.S. and the zionist entity—and the Will of God may shortly be resolved, or absented, in destructive transformation:
      The world’s equilibrium hath been upset through the vibrating influence of this most great, this new World Order. Mankind’s ordered life hath been revolutionized through the agency of this unique, this wondrous System—the like of which mortal eyes have never witnessed.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh. The Kitáb–i–Aqdas. Translated by a committee. Haifa: Bahá’í World Centre, 1992. Ebook edition.
      O ye peoples of the world! Know, verily, that an unforeseen calamity is following you, and that grievous retribution awaiteth you. Think not the deeds ye have committed have been blotted from My sight. By My beauty! All your doings hath My Pen graven with open characters upon tablets of chrysolite.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh. Gleanings from the Writings of Bahá’u’lláh. Shoghi Effendi, translator. Wilmette, Illinois: U.S. Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1952. Ebook edition.
      I am typing past sunset on Friday. Gūṭ–Šạbboṯ (Yiddish, גּוּט־שַׁבָּת [MP3], “good–Sabbath”) to you. Consequential, albeit terrifying, debates over zionist complicity in nazism, even if superficial, cannot be delayed. But how the hell do I, as an aging fellow with late zionist relatives and former zionist friends, wrap my head around collusion? If, on the other hand, I were living under the Third Reich, and could, I feared, soon be slaughtered, like swine, by the nazi monsters besieging me, any realistic opportunity to be emancipated from the torment of a Hell on Earth would, I can scarcely imagine, be welcomed with delight. Few people desire to abandon their homes. Thus I, along with my fellow inmates, would be ensnared in a monumental dialectical contradiction. Accordingly, as an empathetic human being, how could I condemn the Jews in death camps for settling in Palestine? Nevertheless, once that horrible war was finally over, all of them, after apologizing to their gracious Palestinian hosts, should have left the Holy Land as soon as possible with territory plundered by any imperialists returned. That last sentence, if any clarification is required, was intentional dark comedy. I was not spawned on some distant planet.
      Fortunately, there is no academic consensus on the subject of collusion. Since that topic lies outside my areas of specialization in religious studies (𝓡𝓢) and social theory (ᏕᏖ), I am not qualified to offer an informed viewpoint. This chapter, by Jan Krasni, of a larger book counters the proposition of nazi–Jewish collusion. I sincerely hope, with all my heart, that Krasni’s refutation is correct. Here, however, are some quotations on that alleged collusion:
      … the German fascists welcomed the conceptions of the Zionists, with Alfred Rosenberg, the chief ideologue of the Nazi party, writing: “Zionism must be vigorously supported so that a certain number of German Jews is transported annually to Palestine or at least made to leave the country.” With an eye on such statements, Hans Lamm later wrote: “… it is indisputable that during the first stages of their Jewish policy, the National Socialists [nazis] thought it proper to adopt a pro–Zionist attitude.”
      〜 Klaus Polkhen, “The Secret Contacts: Zionism and Nazi Germany, 1933-1941.” Journal of Palestinian Studies. Volume 5, numbers 3–4, 1976. Pages 54–82.
      Adolf Hitler became Chancellor of Germany on January 30, 1933. Immediately thereafter, Jewish organizations began to agitate for and organize an international boycott of German goods to bring about meaningful changes or an end to the Nazi program that aimed at making Germany judenrein or “cleansed of Jews.”; While the international boycott efforts were underway and gaining momentum worldwide,the Anglo–Palestine Bank, under the direction of the Jewish Agency for Palestine (also Germany’;s main partner in the Luxembourg Agreement of 1952),and the Zionistische Vereinigung für Deutschland (the Zionist Federation of Germany) signed an agreement on August 7, 1933, with the German Ministry of Economics in Berlin. The signed document, called the Haavara–Transfer Agreement (Haavara was a new company created in Tel Aviv specifically for this purpose), allowed German Jewish citizens who intended to relocate to Palestine to liquidate their properties and convert the proceeds in foreign currency to be deposited in a German Jewish Trust for the purchase of German products to be shipped and sold in Palestine.
      〜 Samir Abed–Rabbo, “Germany’s Never–Ending Guilt Trip.” Arab Studies Quarterly. Volume 45, number 1, March 23ʳᵈ, 2023. Pages 8–33.
      As American Zionist organizations struggled to survive, Adolf Hitler began the long process that would result in European Jewry’s near–extinction. While no plans existed for the physical annihilation of German Jewry in 1933, Hitler certainly intended to segregate and impoverish the Jewish population to the point where they would be forced to flee. The Nazis quickly organized large–scale, anti–Jewish demonstrations, dismissed Jews from government positions, urged “good” Germans to boycott Jewish professionals and businessmen, and used all the resources of the German state to spread the anti–Semitic virus throughout the German populace.
      〜 Aaron Berman. Nazism, The Jews and American Zionism, 1933-1948. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. 1990. Page 19.
      How did Zionism react to the cruel Nazi measures? In effect, the Zionist movement also believed that Jews should not be part of Gentile society. This fact explains why the rise of Nazism resulted in greatly increased strength for Zionism among German Jews. It also explains why a convinced Nazi like Adolf Eichmann was able to be on cordial terms with Zionists, and even to describe himself as pro–Zionist. while remaining dedicated to the Nazi ideology.
      〜 Faris Glubb. Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany. Beirut: Palestine Research Center. 1978. Page 15.
      The results of Zionist co–operation with Nazism were disastrous for the masses of European Jews. “Wherever Jews lived, there were recognised Jewish leaders and this leadership, almost without exception, co–operated with the Nazis. The whole truth was that if the Jewish people had really been unorganised and leaderless, there would have been chaos and plenty of misery, but the total number of victims would hardly have been between four and a half and six million people.”
      The full story of the role of Zionism during the Hitler period is still not widely known, not only among the world at large, but also among Jewish communities. The effectiveness with which it has been suppressed, and the myth that the Zionists are defenders of Jewry has been circulated, is an indication of how successful the Zionist movement has been in the art of propaganda.
      〜 Faris Glubb. Zionist Relations with Nazi Germany. Beirut: Palestine Research Center. 1978. Page 82.
      I couldn’t believe what I had heard. The possibility of a Zionist–Nazi arrangement for the sake of Israel was inconceivable for a person of my background. My mother, as a girl, had been pushed by her mother through the vent of a boxcar on the way to the Treblinka death camp. She was shot by Nazi soldiers and buried in a shallow mass grave. My father had stepped out of line during a long march to a destiny with death. While hiding in the woods, he came upon a leg protruding from the snow. This was my mother. Together, by night and by courage, these two Polish teenagers survived in the forest for two years. When the war was over, they cautiously emerged from the woods believing that nearly all Jews may have been exterminated—except them. The question for them was whether there was still any use being “Jewish.” And yet—believing themselves to be among the last of their people—they decided to live on, as Jews, and never forget.…
      In July 1933, influential Anglo–Jewish leaders committed themselves to the Zionist solution of the German Jewish crisis. In so doing, they would help bring to sudden fruition the dream of Jewish nationhood. Unlike previous Jewish emergencies, this time Palestine would come first. When the next persecution descended upon a Jewish people, Israel would be there to receive them.
      〜 Edwin Black. The Transfer Agreement: The Dramatic Story of the Pact Between the Third Reich and Jewish Palestine. Washington, D.C.: Dialog Press. 2009. Google Play edition.
      When tackling the sensitive question, “Is modern zionism Jewish or Christian?,” no less than one major factor needs to be appreciated—and appreciated front and center: Political zionism, within present–day Israel, is a contemporary expression of outdated nationalism. Thus, zionism is a characteristic of Israel—much as the always unimaginable–to–comprehend American exceptionalist ideology. The nonsensical assertion that the United States is the world’s greatest country has long operated as a malignant trait of American nationalism and populism. That idiosyncrasy has been carefully adopted, particularly during the years which followed World War II, to justify imperialist adventurism and global domination. Precedents do matter. Nevertheless, when attempting to understand either nationalism or colonialism, any credible scholar must inescapably begin by studying the citizens of a particular nation–state. The entity’s zionism must, accordingly, invariably take precedence over Christian zionism in serious academic discourse. Antecedents and alliances would obviously be conceded by any clear–thinking social scientist or historian. That nothwithstanding, a consideration of possible zionist antecdents and alliances can wait.
      As to populism specifically, Donald Trump (né 1946) is a contemporary illustration of a populist. In his right–wing populism, he was driven by the crowds at his political rallies. His self–serving personality exemplifies why I dislike most forms of populism—whether to the right or to the left. The Proletariat and the Subaltern have been lied to repeatedly. False promises have come by the dozen. U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders (né 1941), a left–wing populist, twisted revolution into his twice–failed campaign slogan. After his second defeat, one of my students said that Sanders’ political revolution is continuing. I suggested that she was referring to the process of political evolution, not to political revolution. Another student in that class, after consulting a dictionary, confirmed my statement. Brutal honesty, which can elevate class consciousness, is truly consequential, not appealing to the fashionable sentiments of many gullible voters. All things considered, the evils cultivated by American populism have, even till the present day, been discernably worse for the Proletariat and Subaltern than any individual political office holder. Still, American populism remains a case study, not an exception. Nationalism is an outmoded Weltanschauung (MP3).
      To add some further clarity to the subjecct, the roots of zionism might be traced back to the Protestant Reformation and Protestantism. A precedent, if we might briefly return to that notion, for zionism was, in other words, established during the Protestant Reformation. Populism, during that period, became the hateful enemy of Middle European Jewry:
      Zionism was itself a Christian conception developed during the Reformation to differentiate Jewish residents from those who came to adopt the Christian ideology and its deity as the definition of the Nation. In the drive to form the independent Nation–States in revolt against the centralized Holy Roman Empire, the nationalist ideologies turned against the Catholic Church and the Jewish People as the populist rationale to form each particular identity. The Occidental national identities were formed by definition of the Protestant Churches which continued to preach hatred towards the supposed invasion of the Oriental cultures such as the Jewish People.
      〜 abrahim Weizfeld, Ph.D., “The new Bund on the old Antisemitism.” The Manual of Revolution, Book One: From the Jewish Bundist Diaspora Movement. Version 47. abrahim Weizfeld, Ph.D., editor. Phoenix: Westwood Books. 2020. Pages 28–32.
      Yesterday, December 12ᵗʰ, 2024, following Israel’s extensive bombing campaign on the city of Damascus (Arabic, دِمَشْق, Dimaš°q) in Syria (Arabic, سُورِيَا, Sūriyā), the government collapsed. The now toppled president of the country, Hafez Bashar al–Assad (Arabic, حافِظ بَشَار الأَسَد, Ḥāfiz Bašār ʾal•⫯Asad, né 2001), was granted political asylum in Russia. If the American Empire’s track record persists, and I am not implying the amateurish determinism of history repeating itself, a post–Assad Syria could either replace him with an individual of similar temperament, or conditions might get worse. Obviously, there is no way to conduct historiography in advance. The course I took while working to earn my Ph.D. in sociology and history, “Historiography and Historical Methods,” taught me that much. This Empire, though talented in bringing down governments, has not been spectacular in facilitating the formation of new ones. At this moment of massive imperialist and capitalist contradictions, it is, perhaps to emphasize the obvious, inopportune for a head of state, especially one in volatile Greater West Asia, being forced out in a coup d’état. The Great Unraveling, a term I have overused since my teens, might even accelerate.
      As a Marxist and a communist, I am a Leftist, not a progressive or a cultural liberal. I am, however, also intellectually honest. Well, at least I strive to be. It is not, therefore, for me to say whether someone, or anyone, is on the right side of history, including myself. Based upon my revolutionary theory and praxis, I can only hope that I will be fondly remembered by individuals who might inhabit the possible future. I always attempt to be humble. Sometimes I succeed. At other times, I fall miserably short. Nevertheless, as a fellow with a Ph.D. in sociology, as a major, and history, as a minor, there is one thing I can state with a fair degree of assurance: The history of the present moment cannot be written by those who live in that moment. Although I have dedicated myself to the wellbeing of my forebears, should they ever see the light of day, I cannot imagine the world they might abide in tomorrow. And I would, in all honestly, be comforted by merely knowing such a world will remain for them to inhabit. Yet, considering the course of current global events, with one’s eyes wide open, an abundance of pessimism is certainly warranted.
      Given provocative statements by President Trump, might there even be a coup d’état in the U.S.? The only people who could, not necessarily would, initiate such a coup are in the military. A majority of high–ranking officers would need to support that terrifying action. The implications of a military insurrection would, of course, be unimaginably catastrophic. The U.S., for even for a few days but likely much longer, would be transformed into a military dictatorship. The fears of the Founding Fathers, who opposed a standing army, would be realized. I am not implying that a coup, and its unforeseeable consequences, would necessarily be unjustified, but it would, of course, be completely unprecedented. And how might the U.S. return to being a bourgeois democratic republic? Would that be possible or desirable? A coup, as the most extreme constitutional crisis imaginable, would highlight a significant flaw within that same Constitution. Could U.S. voters, most of whom returned this twice–impeached multiple–convicted felon to the White House, ever be trusted again? Vitally, who can make such a judgment? Might the U.S., as we now know it, along with the capitalist world–system vanish overnight?
      It is presently November 7ᵗʰ, 2024 at 3:44 A.M. Central Standard Time in the U.S. I have been reflecting on the story for more than a day. I am entirely nonpartisan and did not support Harris, Trump, or any other U.S. presidential candidate. As always, based upon my communist principles, I did not vote. Nevertheless Kamala Harris (née 1964) might have had the easiest job in American political history. And yet she lost to a twice–impeached former president and multiple–convicted felon, Donald John Trump. That will forever remain Harris’ legacy. As to the reasons, these are three possibilities: First, poor advisors. Second, in our period of global turmoil, the intelligence briefings. Third, her undying support for Israel and its wars on the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds of Greater West Asia. I recall the old saying, Donors over voters. Why would too many Democrats show up at the polls? If my last suggestion has any merit, hiding under a rock might be too luxurious for the soon–to–be–former Vice President Harris. What else is there to say? Harris had the presidency handed to her on a diamond–laden platter. She literally defeated herself. I anticipate buyer’s remorse, as the contradictions in capitalism rapidly advance.
      Therefore, the one person with possibly the greatest amount of responsibility for the dangerous global situation we are entering is Harris herself. I am not suggesting that she would have made a great, or even a good, president. There is obviously no way to know. Harris is a centrist. She is also a capitalist. The dialectic, an actual causal mechanism within the universe, will now have its way with humanity. Genuine consequences, karma if you like, must emerge from our collective and individual decisions. Harris already made her choice. Even though no one can read her mind, I ponder, “Did she even want the job?” On face validity, however oddly it resonates inside my head, the most plausible response now seems to be a clear no. Is that even conceivable? Nevertheless, if she runs again for the U.S. Senate, which would certainly not be unprecedented, I doubt she can or will win re–election. But stranger things have occurred throughout American history, such as a twice–impeached former president and multiple–convicted felon returning to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. On November 5ᵗʰ, 2024, Trump beat Harris. The ramifications of that victory on the power and standing of the U.S. might be less than favorable.
      As I am writing, my computer clock just struck midnight on September 20ᵗʰ, 2025. Given the comments above, it seems appropriate to me that I return, very briefly, to my coined term, left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxist Toolkit (ᒐᔦዛጣ𝜏), discussed earlier in the book. This time, however, I shall consider Sorokin through a Bhaskarian critical realist and a Dialectical metaRealist lens. Back in 1941, in the midst of my father’s World War II, Pitirim A. Sorokin morosely pondered the crisis of our age. The Earth, engaged in the battle of the century, was mired, to Sorokin, in the Sensate Cultural Mentality of material attachments. In more recent years, his conservative critique of the West has been echoed by other public intellectuals and pundits (from the Sanskrit, पण्डित, paṇḍita, “wise or learned person”)—left, right, and center—including the brilliant thinker Christopher Lasch (1932–1994). Sensatism has robbed us of our benevolence, our Phenomenological Copresence.
      The theory of Maoism–Third Worldism (Lin Biaoism) will be directly explored. I termed this hybrid of socialism from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ), Third Worldism, and Fourth World Indigenism: Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ. As the hopeful future chapter of scientific socialism, we accept Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ’s isomorphism with reality. The writer, hardly a seasoned expert, instead assumes the posture of a humble student. More sophisticated expositions on Maoism–Third Worldism are provided by Jason Unruhe. Watch his seven–part series. His views on anti-colonialism have been explored on another page. He is, I believe, the international standard bearer for Maoism–Third Worldism. Few other scholars even come close. The approaches we have taken to Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, Third Worldism, and Fourth World Indigenism are based upon the author’s nuanced reading of Roy Bhaskar’s critical realism or, in my case, ƉɱⱤ. It is here expanded into ƉɱⱤ. The specifics were outlined earlier in this book. Nevertheless, for readers unacquainted with either critical realism or ƉɱⱤ, chapter 2 and the first several paragraphs of chapter 6 present an introduction.
      But social theory (ᏕᏖ) itself is a cousin to continental philosophy, not to analytic philosophy. Continental philosophy is European; while analytic philosophy is North American. Sociology originally developed in Europe, not in North America. The factors which came to distinguish analytic philosophy from continental philosophy did not have a significant impact upon sociological theory or ᏕᏖ. Most social, or sociological, theorists find analytic philosophy to be uninteresting or of little use. I am one of them. Of course, there are always exceptions. Additionally, philosophy overall is, unlike social theory, not generally formulated for the purpose of deducing testable propositions or hypotheses. For me, as a sociologist of religion and a social theorist, there is actually no point in theorizing if that theory cannot, at least to some extent, be incorporated into empirical research. Accordingly, theory, correctly defined as scientific explanation, and research cannot be legitimately set apart from one another. Engaging in research, whether pure (basic) or applied, is a pivotal element in theory development. Theory, any scientific theory, incorporates research. The numerous scientific methods begin and end with theory.
      For a Maoist–Third Worldist, scouring social media platforms can be immensely entertaining or endlessly frustrating. I vacillate between one emotion and the other. Why do some people apparently conclude that Maoist–Third Worldists accept, pardon my reference to the pejorative, the myth of the noble savage (MP3)? I am not, and could never, attribute savagery to people in the Third or Indigenous Fourth Worlds. No, all of us, throughout the globe, must constantly learn from one another. I, presumably like you, do not practice telepathy, but that nonsensical myth could be in the minds of certain of our critics. It is clear as day that human beings outside the First World are not innately angelic. We are just ordinary people—nothing more and nothing less. As I see it, the primary complication is the dialectical absence of a sociological imagination, C. Wright Mills’ (1916–1962) coined term. He observed that many of his students perceived societies only as particulars (like you or I), not as universals (like all of us). Without an understanding of differential social structures, we are ill–fated to be psychologistic. Even as a layman, I find psychology to be enjoyable, but discussions of dialectical potential transcend conversations on human potentiality.
      Maoism–Third Worldism, less frequently called Marxism–Third Worldism, can promote a comprehensive anti–imperialist program of transformations in power. It was in the aughts that I began referring to myself as a Third Worldist. As with many of us, my worldview has broadened over time. Substantively, however, I could never honestly reject Third Worldism. Specifically returning to the posture of a committed Third Worldist, beginning in June of 2023, required retracing my steps to a previously held anti–colonial framework. But I thoroughly accepted Third Worldism until only about a decade earlier. I genuinely adore my heterodox version of Maoist–Third Worldism in a manner absent from the third campism and other heterodoxies which occupied my thoughts over the previous decade. My partial change of heart away from Maoism–Third Worldism began at a time when I, as a Native New Yorker in the wake of 9/11, hoped that First World revolutions were then possible. Still, as with my varied other experiences, I truthfully learned a fair amount from my expeditions into third campism and elsewhere. Life experiences are learning experiences. They should always be appreciated and never depreciated.
      As to the question: “What are the reasons for the widespread support of communism and socialism, despite their problematic histories?” I would initially respond to that question with another question: “What are the reasons for the widespread support of capitalism and American exceptionalism, despite their problematic histories?” It is easy to critique the other and more difficult to critique one’s own nation–state. The U.S., the wealthiest country in the world, has the highest poverty rate of any industrialized country. NATO and the U.S. repeatedly subvert countries in which the instability was itself created by NATO and the U.S. Iraq, Afghanistan, and Ukraine come to mind. Accordingly, before I look in some else’s backyard, I need to look in mine. The reason I am a communist is because I uphold the principles of scientific socialism (Marxism) and Maoism–Third Worldism. Since I am not a proponent of American imperialism, I must resist my own county, the U.S., acting in the name of that nonsensical American exceptionalism. This ideology repeatedly demonstrates, throughout the world, the long and contorted history of the U.S. manipulating purportedly vulnerable countries for its own perceived nationalistic benefit.
      To the intersectionality of epistemologically shifting the center of our thinking must be added the even more momentous objective of ontologically shifting the center of our being. In ƉɱⱤ, we all divvy and partake of our shared beingness in Phenomenological Copresence, an existential condition of Nonduality. In the ontological state of Duality, you and are are unique beings, with our own distinct perspectives and experiences. Even so, we are never, on that plane of Nonduality, actually separated from one another. We are, accordingly, both one and many. It is, however, that oneness which, through the intentionality of Phenomenological Copresence, might be attained within the lives of each of us. Short of striving to remain in a perpetual state of Phenomenological Copresence, we are something less than human. Moreover, the reality of sociality can, at this time, only be realized in the Third and Indigenous Fourth World. It is, consequently, to those worlds, and the socialism or communism we hope will be established there, that we must recenter our very course. Nothing short of a dialectical transformation in humanity and a reorientation to the lands of forgotten peoples can suffice. I reside in the First World. I focus on the beings of the Third World and Indigeneity.
      As any fair–minded Leftist can distinctly observe, without effort, most of the Earth has remained mired in some decadent form of capitalism or another. Substituting the dominant capitalist world–system with an international system of grassroots and classless communism is, however, all that should really matter to us. Still, Maoism–Third Worldism has not gained much independent traction. If the people’s struggle for communism or socialism, within the Third World, follows a universal calamity, a revolutionary movement for human renewal might well involve a small and widely scattered remnant. Finding other human communities may, at times, appear hopeless. Speculatively, hundreds, even thousands, of years could then elapse before the dawn of a new socialism or communism. Ideally, the Indigenous Fourth World in the First World should also survive, but a barrage of nukes makes no distinctions. Indigeneity in the Third World will more likely endure. Nonetheless, the future is not yet written in dust or in stone. Our only guarantees are the dialectical extinction of the capitalist world–system and the disempowerment of the First World. In the wake of those tragedies, the dénouement of the dialectic will be left to human agency.
      Comparable to Immanuel Wallerstein’s world–systems analysis (S〰₳™), Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ) is strongly influenced by the dependency theories. Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) might itself be categorized as a Marxist dependency theory. However, that statement could be viewed as fairly controversial by some Maoist–Third Worldists. But I am only surmising. And there are so few of us. In Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, certain parts of the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds are, as a result of dependency, Proletarian to the bourgeois First World. Since the First World bourgeosie dominates the capitalist world–system, Wallerstein’s term, the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds of much of Latin America and beyond have become a Proletariat and Lumpenproletariat for First World bourgeois or capitalist production. Moreover, the quest for cheap labor facilitated numerous ongoing dependencies.
      As seen in the proliferation of customer support representatives in the Third World, with India and the Philippines standing out in my experience, these capitalist dependencies have subsequently extended appreciably beyond Latin America. I would, as a sociologist, expect that trend to continue. Those jobs, though undoubtably of some economic benefit to many individual workers, are, when examined more comprehensively, also exploitive of the human and material resources in the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds. Such is the miserable failure of global capitalism. Its total collapse is a dialectical inevitability.
      I always empathize with the oppressed, but I will never politically support particular countries. Given the Great Unraveling, which is clearly intensifying day by day, there is no need to do so at the present time. Partisanship is also, by definition, divisive. Even more importantly, why waste one’s time on unattainable objectives? Progressivism may produce some immediate benefits for the Proletariat and the Subaltern. All well and good. As a form of gradualism, however, progressivism or social democracy is a road to nowhere. And personally, being honest with the reader, it seems highly unlikely to me that, based upon my lifelong residence in the First World and the seniority of my age, I shall ever witness the possible revolutions in times to come. But nor shall anyone else now alive.
      Briefly introducting one of the guiding polestars of this volume, our principal thesis is that the Third World and the Indigenous Fourth World might, at some point, become the staging areas for communist activity. The Global South is an arguably depoliticized designation for the Third World. However, the First World, unlike sectors of the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds, has insufficent revolutionary potential. The end of First World dominance and of civilization itself, amidst rapidly accelerating dialectical contradictions, is, in my opinion, inevitable. Only the date remains a mystery. The Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds might one day become the matrix of social transformation. I promote the Proletariat as well as the Subaltern in the First, Third, and Indigenous Fourth Worlds.
      The post–Apocalyptic future appears quite close but has not yet arrived. And the post–civilizational component of Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism is derived from various sources. Post–civ anarchism, a Leftist current with its historical roots in anarcho–primitivism, is perhaps chief among those points of origin. Following the worldwide catastrophes just over the horizon, most of those who survive, and more importantly continue and prosper over the long term, will, in my view, likely reside largely in the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds. Being less reliant upon modern technologies, now often regarded as an economic disadvantage, that remnant can hopefully build the communist future.
      No one can know whether the revolutions leading to socialism or communism will be nonviolent. And yet, commensurate with the spiritual turn of libertarian Marxist communist Roy Bhaskar, violence must only be defensive, never offensive. Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, in that light, draws upon an additional anarchist tendency: anarchist philosopher Peter Kropotkin’s (1842–1921) theory of mutual aid. Thus, in Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, grounded in libertarian Marxist communist Roy Bhaskar’s ᖘѫɌ, an emphasis is placed upon the dual praxes of: nonviolence (Sanskrit, अहिंसा [MP3], ahiṃsā; and Pali, अविहिंसा [MP3], avihiṃsā) to our fellow humans and lovingkindness or compassion (Sanskrit, मैत्री [MP3], maitrī; and Pali, मेत्ता [MP3], mettā) to anyone we may encounter. Since, however, we are Maoist–Third Worldists and not anarchists, mutual aid theory (𖤬Ͳ) has, as discussed earlier, been modified. For most of those who survive, post–civilization and the elimination of central governance will likely be a nightmare. Even so, such a dystopian nonsystem appears, in the view of this writer, to lie just over the horizon.
      Revolutionary potential is always found in those who are dominated and only rarely among the dominators. In this broken capitalist world–system, which now appears to be out of control, the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity are dominated. Dialectically, those places which, to use Roy Bhaskar’s terminology, have an absence of socioeconomic status, indeed an absence frequently unimaginable to many First Worlders, are desperate for a mechanism to absent that absence. That mechanism is revolutionary socialism and, more broadly, the entire communist project. The transformation, or synthesis, which would then occur is human emancipation. ƉɱⱤ and Maoism–Third Worldism, when brought together, offer us, I believe, exceptional solutions. Here are some relevant quotations on Third Worldism:
      In its simplest terms, Third Worldism is a trend within Marxism which upholds that class analysis is as crucial as ever to the communist movement today. Third Worldists believe that without a clear understanding of who our real enemies and friends are, without uncovering the concrete relations to the forces of production that people really hold, then the communist movement in the First World will continue to stagnate. Namely, we believe that the vast majority of the world’s people — the masses of workers in the Third World along with a minority of people in the First World — are exploited and/or ground down by capitalism and imperialism to the point of being unable to flourish. On the other hand, we also believe that the vast majority of workers in First World nations have been “bought off” by imperialist super–profits. Monopoly capitalists in imperialist states glean most of their profits from exploitation of Third World labor, and they make such a killing on Third World exploitation that they can afford to pay their “own” workers in the First World a value well above what those workers themselves produce, while still maintaining average profit rates. In other words, high wages in the First World are supplemented with profit extracted from Third World workers. This means that class struggle has been largely deadened in the First World, because most workers in the imperialist core depend upon imperialism to sustain their current living standards. The contradiction between the working class in the imperialist nations and the bourgeoisie has become a non–antagonistic one. What this means for communist praxis in the First World is still somewhat of an open question.
      However, Third Worldists stress that the main contradiction globally today is that between imperialism and the oppressed nations, and within the First World itself, the principal contradiction is that between oppressor nations — such as the euro–amerikan nation — and the oppressed nations within the First World, e.g. the Captive Afrikan nation, Xican@ nation, and the Onkwehón:we nations within Occupied Turtle Island. Thus, we whole–heartedly support national liberation struggles in the oppressed nations, and we believe this is key for the First World communist movement, as we work “behind enemy lines” within the territories occupied by imperialist powers. Additionally, we seek to build a broad united front against imperialism where we live, and to engage in struggles which merge the long–term interests of First Worlders with the immediate, material interests of the proletariat at large.
      〜 Morton Esters. “Introduction.” The Weapon of Theory: A Maoist (Third Worldist) Reader. Revolutionary Ecology editorial team (location unknown). 2014. No pagination.
      The concept of the Third World is relevant in the post–Cold War era. The ten principles articulated at the Bandung conference especially “the five principles of peaceful coexistence” grounded the “cooperation among newly independent States stressing mutual respect and mutual benefit.” The structure of the contemporary international political economy is different from that which prevailed during the Cold War era. “The current international political economy has given rise to a situation in which all three segments are found in both the North and the South, and where their difference lies only in their relative proportion.” It is as a result thereof that the counter–hegemonic force that was created at the Bandung Conference by Third World states cannot remain confined to Third World countries. This is a new brand of Third Worldism that should aim to include non-state actors in the subaltern and the excluded segments of the Trilateral regions. Despite the political-economic eradication of the borders dividing the North and the South, the North/South divide is not filled. Thus, there is need for revival of the concept “Third Worldism”.
      〜 Sangit Sarita Dwivedi. The Emergence of the Third World. Delhi: University of New Delhi. Undated. Page 21.
      Rather than creating a theoretical fad, the introduction of the Global South concept represented a strategy to depoliticize the meaning of Third Worldism. The Global South is not defined by a positive agenda, but by a negative one because, after all, the North is also global, is it not? Thus, according to the new concept there is no sense in the existence of the Group of 77 [a coalition of 134 developing countries] or the Non–Aligned Movement. All Southern States would be diluted in globalization, and the largest nations would enjoy the status of “emerging markets.”
      〜 Paulo Fagundes Visentini, “Editor’s Note: Third World or Global South?” Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations. Volume 4, number 8, July/December 2015. Pages 7–8.
      The idea of the Third World, which is usually traced to the late 1940s or early 1950s, was increasingly used to try and generate unity and support among an emergent group of nation–states whose governments were reluctant to take sides in the Cold War. These leaders and governments sought to displace the “East–West” conflict with the “North–South” conflict. The rise of Third Worldism in the 1950s and 1960s was closely connected to a range of national liberation projects and specific forms of regionalism in the erstwhile colonies of Asia and Africa, as well as the former mandates and new nationstates of the Middle East, and the “older” nation–states of Latin America. Exponents of Third Worldism in this period linked it to national liberation and various forms of Pan–Asianism, Pan–Arabism, Pan–Africanism and Pan–Americanism. The weakening or demise of the first generation of Third Worldist regimes in the 1960s and 1970s coincided with or was followed by the emergence of a second generation of Third Worldist regimes that articulated a more radical, explicitly socialist, vision. A moderate form of Third Worldism also became significant at the United Nations in the 1970s: it was centred on the call for a New International Economic Order (NIEo). By the 1980s, however, Third Worldism had entered into a period of dramatic decline. With the end of the Cold War, some movements, governments and commentators have sought to reorient and revitalise the idea of a Third World, while others have argued that it has lost its relevance. This introductory article provides a critical overview of the history of Third Worldism, while clarifying both its constraints and its appeal. As a world–historical movement, Third Worldism (in both its first and second generation modalities) emerged out of the activities and ideas of anti–colonial nationalists and their efforts to mesh highly romanticised interpretations of pre–colonial traditions and cultures with the utopianism embodied by Marxism and socialism specifically, and “Western” visions of modernisation and development more generally. Apart from the problems associated with combining these different strands, Third Worldism also went into decline because of the contradictions inherent in the process of decolonisation and in the new international politico–economic order, in the context of the changing character, and eventual end, of the global political economy of the Cold War.
      〜 Mark T. Berger, “After the Third World? History, destiny and the fate of Third Woridism.” Third World Quarterly. Volume 25, number 1, 2004. Pages 9–39.
      An Exploited Nations’ Online Library of Marxism Third Worldism is a mass project aimed at archiving Third Worldist/Marxist works & promoting Third Worldism.
      Anonymous. The Online Library of Marxism Third Worldism. Location unknown: Arm Exploited Nations, MTW Library. April 10ᵗʰ, 2015. Web.
      … disjointed events—all, it is true, pointing in the same general direction—triggered a tremendous amount of ideological rethinking among Third Worldists. Much of this radical reassemnent came from outside the Third Worldist universe, yet so much came from within. For ideologies can be casualties of more than external assault alone. They can be victims of their own internal structure of argument, their expectations, their gauges of success. Third Worldism harbored dreams of a Utopian state, an impeccable embodiment of the national interest. Its standards of political purity were those of popular government, perfect equality and economic development. And yet, inequalities persisted, development stalled, poverty endured.
      〜 Robert Malley, “The Third Worldist Moment.” Current History. November 1999. Pages 359–369.
      The creation of the Third World was not simply about colonial conquest and incorporating these territories into European colonial empires. Rather (and especially), it had also to do with their active “underdevelopment” by the colonial metropole through the extraction of raw natural resources and labour for the exclusive benefit of the metropole, and with devastating consequences for local economies, polities and societies.…
      It cannot be emphasized enough thus that the idea of Third World is inseparable from the emergence of global capitalism via colonial conquest and exploitation. The integration of colonial societies into capitalist circuits has permanently changed and restructured local economies with tremendous consequences both for the short term and, more importantly, for the long term.
      〜 Alina Sajed, “ E–International Relations. July 2020. Pages 1–6.
      Fourth Worldism or Indigenism, which sometimes overlaps with Third Worldism, is the view that the Fourth World of Indigeneity might also be the platform for communism or revolutionary socialism. The mortal enemy of Fourth Worldism is colonialism. Anyone who migrates to an Indigeneity must honor its people without thought of a hiatus. NATO, the operating system of the U.S., has been the mortal enemy of both the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds for decades. The subject of Fourth Worldism is addressed in the following quotations:
      Very often in my writings and lectures, I have identified myself as being “indigenist” in outlook. By this, I mean that I am one who not only takes the rights of indigenous peoples as the highest priority of my political life, but who draws on the traditions—the bodies of knowledge and corresponding codes of value—evolved over many thousands of years by native peoples the world over. This is the basis on which I not only advance critiques of, but conceptualize alternatives to, the present social, political, economic, and philosophical status quo. In tum, this gives shape not only to the sorts of goals and objectives I pursue, but the kinds of strategy and tactics I advocate, the variety of struggles I tend to support, the nature of the alliances I”m inclined to enter into, and so on….
      It is the spirit of resistance that shapes the struggles of traditional Indian people on the land, whether the struggle is down at Big Mountain, in the Black Hills, or up at James Bay, in the Nevada desert or out along the Columbia River in what is now called Washington State. In the sense that I use the term, indigenism is also, I think, the outlook that guided our great leaders of the past: King Philip and Pontiac, Tecumseh and Creek Mary and Osceola, Black Hawk, Nancy Ward and Satanta, Lone Wolf and Red Cloud, Satank and Quannah Parker, Left Hand and Crazy Horse, Dull Knife and Chief Joseph, Sitting Bull, Roman Nose and Captain Jack, Louis Ríel and Poundmaker and Geronimo, Cochise and Mangus, Victorio, Chief Seattle, and on and on….
      … As Chief Dan George once put it, I “endeavor to persevere,” and I suppose this is a circumstance which is shared more-or-less equally by everyone presently involved in what I refer to as “indigenism.”
      Others whose writings and speeches and actions may be familiar, and who fit the definition of indigenist—or “Fourth Worlder,” as we are sometimes called—include Winona LaDuke and John Trudell, Simon Ortiz, Russell Means and Leonard Peltier, Glenn Morris and Leslie Silko, Jimmie Durham, John Mohawk and Oren Lyons, Bob Robideau and Dino Butler, Ingrid Washinawatok and Dagmar Thorpe. There are scholars and attorneys like Vine Deloria, Don Grinde, Pam Colorado, Sharon Venne, George Tinker, Bob Thomas, Jack Forbes, Rob Williams and Hank Adams. There are poets like Wendy Rose, Adrian Louis, Dian Million, Chrystos, Elizabeth Woody and Barnie Bush….
      Bonfil Batalla contends that the nature of the indigenist impulse is essentially socialist, insofar as socialism, or what Karl Marx described as “primitive communism,” was and remains the primary mode of indigenous social organization in the Americas.”
      〜 Ward Churchill. I Am Indigenist – Notes on the Ideology of the Fourth World. September, 2000. Retrieved on September 6ᵗʰ, 2015. Found also in Ward Churchill. From a Native Son: Selected Essays in Indigenism, 1985-1995. Cambridge, Massachusetts: South End Press. 1996. Pages 509-514.
      … having wholeheartedly accepted the European mainstream”s antidialectical premise that the human relation is paramount over all others in what are termed “external relations,” [Karl] Marx inevitably set out to discover that which occupied the same preeminence among “internal relations” (that is, those relations comprising the nature of the human project itself). With perhaps equal inevitability, his inverted hegelianism—which he dubbed “dialectical materialism”—led him to locate this in the need of humans to consciously transform one aspect of nature into another, a process he designated by the term “production.” It is important to note in this regard that Marx focused upon what is arguably the most rationalized, and therefore most unique, characteristic of human behavior, thus establishing a mutually reinforcing interlock between the relation which he advanced as being most important externally, and that to which he assigned the same position internally.
      〜 Ward Churchill. Acts of Rebellion: The Ward Churchill Reader. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2005. Page 230.
      One approach which has yet to be considered thoroughly is that of indigenism, which reflects creative linkages between place-based struggles and transnational networks as enactments of self-determination in reconfiguring international relations and challenging (neo)colonial hierarchies within the state and inter-state system …. Importantly, the “self” is not the sovereign man nor is the “nation” the demarcated body politic of the traditional imaginings of western political science. Rather, indigenism asserts an altogether different registry in which to understand relations within local and global landscapes.
      〜 Jacqueline Lasky, “Indigenism, Anarchism, Feminism: An Emerging Framework for Exploring Post-Imperial Futures.” Affinities: A Journal of Radical Theory, Culture, and Action. Volume 5, number 1. Pages 3-36.
      My interest here is in the way places are envisioned in relation-ship to two other paradigmatic phenomena of our times, indigenism and social movements. More than any other political and cultural orientation currently available, indigenism offers an indispensable critical perspective on the hegemonic assumptions that inform globalization. Social movements, on the other hand, offer a means to linking places in larger wholes that are important not only for overcoming the parochialism that is the predicament of place-based politics but also to answer to the demands of sustenance within political economic spaces that of necessity transcend places.
      〜 Arif Dirlik, “Globalization, Indigenism, Social Movements, and the Politics of Place.” Localities. Volume 1, 2011. Pages 47-90.
      … all of us [Black, Brown, and American Indian] are the indigenous people of this planet.
      〜 Minister Louis Farrakhan. “Farrakhan on “American Indians Truths” Radio Show – Justice Or Else!YouTube. July 13ᵗʰ, 2015. Retrieved on September 6ᵗʰ, 2015.
      Indigenism is a social movement with a strategic focus outside of states that seeks to activate rights to autonomy within states. In so doing, it imparts a new meaning to pluralism and a new challenge to the liberal project of recognizing differences.
      〜 Ronald Niezen. The Origins of Indigenism: Human Rights and the Politics of Identity. Oakland, California: University of California Press. 2003. Page 136.
      Until very recently, citizens in many countries including some Southeast Asian states are divided into “indigenous citizens” and “non–indigenous citizens.” They are first–class and second–class citizens respectively. This division is often linked to the concept of indigenism.
      The concept of indigenism is often considered nondemocratic as it gives special rights to one particular group in the population at the expense of the other groups. It has been argued that with globalization and democratization, this concept is gradually abandoned as reflected in the laws and regulations relating to the ethnic Chinese which were formulated in the course of globalization and democratization. How true is this argument?
      〜 Leo Suryadinata, “Citizenship, Indigenism and Ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia: Some Observations.” Chinese Heritage Centre (CHC) Bulletin. Issue 11, May 2008. Pages 1-7.
      Indigenousness is an identity constructed, shaped and lived in the politicized context of contemporary colonialism. The communities, clans, nations and tribes we call Indigenous peoples are just that: Indigenous to the lands they inhabit, in contrast to and in contention with the colonial societies and states that have spread out from Europe and other centres of empire. It is this oppositional, place-based existence, along with the consciousness of being in struggle against the dispossessing and demeaning fact of colonization by foreign peoples, that fundamentally distinguishes Indigenous peoples from other peoples of the world.
      〜 Taiaiake Alfred and Jeff Corntassel, “Being Indigenous: Resurgences against Contemporary Colonialism.” Politics of Identity. Volume IX. Richard Bellamy, series editor. Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing. 2005. Pages 597–614.
      Canada is in a crisis of epic proportions — and it’s killing our people. In every aspect life — culturally, politically, legally, economically, and physically — Indigenous peoples lives are needlessly put at risk. Culturally, 94% of Indigenous languages are at imminent risk of extinction. Politically, the federal government has taken an adversarial, last stand approach to dealing with Indigenous peoples — putting our rights, freedoms, and sovereignty at risk. Legally, though the Supreme Court of Canada continues to tell governments to work with Indigenous peoples — governments instead use the courts to stall real negotiations. Physically, federal and provincial laws and policies have created the impoverishment of our communities, which leads to our premature deaths (seven to twenty years earlier than Canadians); thousands of murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls; the over-representation of our people in prisons; the large scale transfer of 30,000 of our children into state care. Racism isn’t about political correctness — racism in Canada is killing our people.
      〜 Pamela Palmater. Indigenous Nationhood: Empowering Grassroots Citizens. Black Point, Nova Scotia, and Winnipeg, Manitoba: Fernwood Publishing. 2015. Kindle edition.
      In Ecuador, from June ᵗʰ, 1990, a widespread Indigenous uprising paralyzed the country. Nearly all major roads and highways were blocked, demonstrations and festivals of up to 50,000 spread throughout the country, despite massive police and military repression. Demonstrations were attacked, protesters beaten, tear-gassed and shot. Through the coordination of CONAIE (Confederacion de Nacionalidades del Ecuador)—a national Indian organization formed in 1986—a 16 point “Mandate for the Defense, Life, and Rights of the Indigenous Nationalities” was released. The demands included control of Indian lands, constitutional and tax reforms, and the dissolution of various government-controlled pseudo-Indian organizations. The government agreed to negotiations on the demands; the uprising had restricted food supplies to the urban areas, disrupted water and electricity supply, closed down schools, and occupied oil wells, airports, and radio stations. The Indigenous uprising had effectively shut down the country.
      〜 Gord Hill. 500 Years of Indigenous Resistance. Oakland, California: PM Press. 2009. Page 68.
      Many scholars have been uneasy about the celebratory announcement of recognition-cantered identity politics under the banner of indigenism. One worry has been the fact that today”s progressive indigenous movements seem to be tapping into the same discursive repertoires as majoritarian, racist indigenous movements such as the British National Party … or Hindutva [Hindī, हिंदुत्व, Hiṃdutva, “Hinduness”] nationalists …. Though it is arguably misleading to equate majoritarian indigenous movements, attempting to assert racist privilege, with movements of dispossessed people trying to “resist discrimination and achieve progress towards equality” …, the culturalist turn that many activists have followed instead of an ineffective or discredited class agenda is not without consequence. A way of studying these consequences more concretely has been through theoreticallyinformed ethnographies that are sensitive to the “frictions” … – a combination of grip and irritation – that discourses of indigeneity produce for political subjects and that reveal the limits to the political aspirations that can be articulated within the “indigenous slot” …. The wider framework informing such research is that of “articulation” theory, tracing the hegemonic processes behind political claim-making by looking at how ideological elements cohere into a certain discourse and are in turn taken up by certain political subjects ….
      〜 Luisa Steur, “Traveling models of indigenism and Kerala’s emergent “adivasi” politics.” Anthropological Notebooks. Volume 17, number 2, 2011. Pages 91-109.
      As the 1980s progress, modern states are increasingly being forced to come to terms with their indigenous minorities. In a process hastened by the constant improvements in electronic and satellite communications, there is a trend towards indigenous collectivity on a global scale. A clear example of this was the creation in 1975 of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP), officially sanctioned by the United Nations as a non–governmental organization. At the Inaugural meeting of the WCIP, George Manuel introduced the concept of the Indigenous Fourth World, a phrase employed to describe indigenous minorities throughout the earth.
      〜 Muzafar Ahmad Pandit and Shamas ud Din Malik, “The Voice of Subaltern–Fourth World Literature.” Research Journal of English Language and Literature (RJELAL). Volume 6, issue 4, October–December 2018. Pages 413–415.
      The Fourth World emerges as each people develops customs and practices that w ed it to the land as the forest is to the soil, and as people stop expecting that there is some unnamed thing that grows equally well from sea to sea. As each of our underdeveloped nations begins to mature, we may learn to share this common bed without persisting in a relationship of violence and abduction. Such mutuality can come only as each respects the wholeness of the other, and also acknowledges his own roots.
      〜 George Manuel and Michael Posluns. The Fourth World: an Indian reality. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press. 2019. Page 7.
      Integral to Fourth Worldism, the notion of decolonization as resurgence has served as an influential and contested philosophical rubric for Indigenous anticolonial struggles (especially but not exclusively in the Canadian context). One of its pitfalls is that some of the more infl uential subsequent claims on this political vocabulary such as those of Mohawk scholar Taiaiake Alfred treat “resurgence” and “Fourth World” theory as approaches beholden to a relatively static and infl exible paradigm frequently associated with an emphasis on pure autochthony, or as a stereotypically masculinist model of political struggle. Th is is oft en referred to as “Indigenous traditionalism.”
      〜 David Myer Temin. Remapping Sovereignty: Decolonization and Self–Determination in North American Indigenous Political Thought. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. 2023. Pages 102–103.
      It remains the task of communists to unite various struggles, both immediate and long–term, into a movement for revolution. From the destruction of the environment, to the ongoing dispossession of Indigenous lands, to the pauperization which threatens the masses of the Third World, to police terrorism against and the criminalization of oppressed nations within imperialist countries, and patriarchy in all mundane and depraved forms, communists must unite the struggles against these and many more problems into a single world-wide movement capable of seizing power away from the imperialists and reactionary parasites. Only through revolution can we lay the foundations for a world without oppression or rampant destruction of the natural environment.
      Pragmatically, however, one can do even more. As discussed previously, the Portugese term conscientização (MP3), anglicized as conscientization (MP3), is taken from the critical pedagogy (𖥐ꚪ) of Brazilian educator Paulo Freire (MP3), 1921–1997. That coinage is based upon the French word “conscience” (MP3) which can be rendered as either “conscience” or “consciousness”. This French word conscious, as a conscionable consciousness – conscious conscience, acknowledges that discernment is informed by one’s moral compass and vice–versa. For historical reasons unknown to the writer, not trained in linguistics, no French cognate for the English–language consciousness exists. In the women’s liberation movement of the 1960s and 1970s, conscientization (Ɔ˙C) was generally referred to as “consciousness raising.”
      In addition to Freire, the term, Transcendental Conscientization (𐌕𐌂), was inspired by Roy Bhaskar’s transcendental dialectical critical realism (ⵃↁᙍⴽ) and by the various transcendentalisms. Those in the First World, Third World, and Indigeneity, can phenomenologically engage in 𐌕𐌂 as a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist praxis. One of the ways in which I have frequently engaged in 𐌕𐌂 is through podcasting. These podcasts can be viewed and discussed around the globe. Another activity is my writing. Perhaps each one of us might reflect upon some of the ways in which we could apply our specialized talents and interests to the social dynamics of 𐌕𐌂.
      In many Third World societies, the rulers, frequently without any actual power themselves, are economically and politically compelled to aimlessly follow the dictates of the leaders of the First World or industrialized world. In other instances, Third World tyrants often oppress the masses within their own societies. In the language of game theory, it is a lose–lose situation for the average residents of Third World societies. For Third Worldist socialists from below, the praxis 𐌕𐌂 must now be accelerated. Time may be short before the dominant First World begins crashing down. Most people appear to be completely unaware of the process of dissolution and, as entire communities and societies begin tumbling down, will be gripped by shock. That ignorance must be regarded as a tragedy. Ɔ˙C may be the only instrumentality and agency available for preparing Third Worlders, primarily by other Third Worlders but secondarily by each of us, for that possibly imminent onslaught of capitalist devastation. Simply waiting around and absorbing the latest news headlines—which chronicle the ongoing daily process of social fragmentation and personal demoralization—helps no one. If continued human existence is desired, then 𐌕𐌂 is vital.
      The Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds will likely be hamstrung in its regenerative activities until the First World is altogether out of the picture. The Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds would then become the global remnant. Obviously, that is just my personal opinion. My take on that particular subject is, I will openly admit, innovative. Communism has, however, thus far been primarily dominated by First World perspectives. We aim to change that. It is one of the greatest pleasures of my life to be here. Once again, even though I entertain little hope of surviving the Great Unraveling of the capitalist world–system currently proceeding all around me, that aspiration is not where my heart lies. If my destiny were placed entirely in my hands, I would not, as a senior citizen, elect to remain a minute longer in this mortal world. I long to be with my Black–eyed Maiden of White Light—the Awakener for the present age—in the Great Beyond. In the time between times, we now commune phenomenologically. Her mystical home is the spiritual reality of our dreams.
      Nevertheless, even in the midst of the capitalist world–system, some revolutionary activity can be attempted. My proposal focuses on an area of the Third World or Indigenous Fourth World under extreme imperialist domination. As I write this text, Gaza and Ukraine have come to mind. A possible revolutionary praxis can be democratic centralism. Revolutionaries, Proletarians, and the Subaltern with a significant degree of class consciousness, would constitute a vanguard. Their decisions are always made democratically. Dissenters are free to differ and pursue their own activities. They must, however, clearly state that they are pursuing their own independent projects.
      The emphasis, at least initially, should not be on opposing or even directly challenging imperialist domination. That may be feasible later. The vanguard first needs to get its own house in order. Officers can be elected. Decisions related to collectivization—such as supporting the sick and starving ones in the community—can be made and carried out. As such, reliance on the imperialist oppressor is reduced. If effective, the vanguard will gain wider support. The ultimate intent is undermining capitalism and establishing socialism or communism. But those could lie a long time off.
      We stand at a confluence (Sanskrit, युगे, yuge, “yoking of two ages”). The circumstances succeeding the great unraveling of ƗᏨ remain unknown. Although the dialectic shall destroy capitalism, communism is not foreordained. However, by the persistent application of ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ, the long–awaited eudæmonia (Ancient Greek, εὐδαιμονία, e’udaimonía, “flourishing, positive spirituality, or, literally, good spirit of fortune”), anticipated by some religions, can become a reality. Even so, before that virtuous and judicious eutopia of equity and equanimity can materialize, the Pollyannish distortions of our rose–colored glasses should be resolutely abandoned.
      Eudæmonia demands restructuration (尺丂) or transformative agency, not only the formulation of new ideas, no matter how beneficial. Such (尺丂) will, we hope, occur in the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds (MP3). Although the future, we believe, belongs mostly to them, small pockets of survivors from the cataclysmic end of the capitalist world–system in the First World could also remain. Human agents of the times, possibly arising along many horizons, may restructurize communities which can, in due course, be securely established. But that falls beyond the purview of our current knowledge and capacities.
      “The good society” (Sanskrit, साधु समाजः, sādhu samājaḥ; or Arabic, مُجْتَمَع الجَيِّد, muǧ°tamaʿ ʾal•ǧayyid)—a term which has been utilized by a variety of authors from wide–ranging sociological and other perspectives—refers, within the philosophy of critical realism, to a concrete utopia supported by eudæmonia (Sanskrit, कल्याणम्, kalyāṇam; Arabic, اِزْدِهَار, ʾiz°dihār; Hebrew, לִבְלוּב, liḇūḇ; or Yiddish, וּדּאַיְמאָנִיאַ, yūdʾạyəmʾoniyʾạ). In order for a concrete utopia or eudaæmonic eutopia of nondual Phenomenological Copresence to emerge out of the ashes of today, proletarian class consciousness, leading to revolutionary agency in the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds, must increase dramatically. There is some class consciousness in the First World, but is it sufficient for a revolution? No. For that, one must turn to oppressed populations, not to imperialist ones. While Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ does outline the passageway to a concrete utopia, its nature could be characterized as premature. That nothwithstanding, how might we boldly use Maoism–Third Worldism in service to humanity and to absent absences?
      Sociality necessarily implies solidarity, with or in self–emancipation and an orientation to the totalizing depth praxis to universal human emancipation which will usher in the good society, oriented to concretely singularized universal human autonomy.
      〜 Roy Bhaskar. Dialectic: The Pulse of Freedom. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2008. Page 266.
      … I [Bhaskar] think the great mistake of the revolutionary movements I was associated with in the 1960s and 1970s was to think you could overthrow capitalism merely by mobilising social hatred. That might produce a revolution, but would it produce the good society? If you are going to build a society based on love and co–operation, the end must be prefigured in the means. Or, as Gandhi put it, “You must be the change you want in the world.”
      〜 Roy Bhaskar with Mervyn Hartwig. The Formation of Critical Realism: A personal perspective. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2010. Page 42.
      Since the next brief set of quotations offers a series of speculations on the characteristics of a good or great society, my recommendation is to take all of these statements with a healthy grain of salt. However, that theme dominated U.S. President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s, 1908–1973, Great Society speech (MP3) on May 22ⁿᵈ, 1964. Here are the passages:
      … it was not until the industrial revolution had altered the traditional mode of life that the vista was opened at the end of which men could see the possibility of the Good Society on this earth.
      〜 Walter Lippmann. The Good Society. Guildford, England: Billing & Sons, Ltd. 1944. Page 194.
      In the good society all of its citizens must have personal liberty, basic well–being, racial and ethnic equality, the opportunity for a rewarding life.
      〜 John Kenneth Galbraith. The Good Society: The Humane Agenda. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. 1996. Page 4.
      A good society is a free society, or a free world, in which relationships are based not on coercion but on agreements—contracts—voluntarily entered into because all parties consider them to be in their interest.
      〜 Robert Bellah et al. The Good Society. New York: Vintage Books imprint of Random House, Inc. 1992. Ebook edition.
      The very idea of a good society depends on the ability (1) to demonstrate that there are certain core values that provide maximum freedom to individuals with maximum responsibility to future generations; (2) that core values must provide standards of action based on agreed–upon social norms; and (3) that public policies will be enacted by representatives of the people to facilitate and reinforce the core values and the social norms.
      〜 Robert Perrucci and Carolyn C. Perrucci, “The Good Society: Core Social Values, Social Norms, and Public Policy.” Sociological Forum. Volume 29, number 1. Pages 245–258.
      This essay explores some of the elements of what makes for a good society—or community—from a communitarian viewpoint, with consideration from a combination of social facts as seen by a sociologist. Additionally, ethical considerations, with special attention paid to exclusivity and to equality, are addressed.
      … a good society is … one in which strong communal bonds are balanced by powerful protections of self.
      〜 Amitai Etzioni, “The Good Society.” Seattle Journal for Social Justice. Volume 1, issue 1, article 7. Pages 83–96.
      An authentic concrete utopia will require the instrumentality of Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ. That notwithstanding, a supposed First Worldist concrete utopia is merely a flight of fancy. The First World, undergirded by the capitalist world–system, has become a tragic nightmare of dystopian Demireality. There appears to be no turning back. Given our existing material conditions, the First World cannot, I believe, be rescued from its imperialist lunacy. It is simply too late. Still, my track record as a human oracle is very poor. Perhaps the First World will only experience a partial devastation.
      In reimagining the good society as the E͙u͙d͙a͙i͙m͙o͙n͙i͙c͙ ͙E͙u͙t͙o͙p͙i͙a͙™ (ꗛꗍ) or good place of flourishing—a concrete utopia contemplated through the sacred lexicon of Pure Land Buddhism (Mandarin, 淨土宗, Jìngtǔ•Zōng, “Pure Land Sect”; Cantonese, 淨土宗, Zing6tou2•Zung1, “Pure Land Sect”; Japanese, 浄土仏教, Jōdo•Bukkyō, “Pure Land Buddhism”; Korean, 정토교, Chŏngt’o•Gyo, “Pure Land Sect”; or Vietnamese, Tịnh Độ Tông, “Pure Land School”)—we should recognize that a genuine cosmopolitan civilization will ultimately be constituted by our successors, not by ourselves. Consequently, a Proletarian’s ability to imagine a hopeful concrete utopia remains, at least for now, pure speculation.
      A true libertarian Marxist and internationalist communist civilization promotes eudæmonia, in a society structured around Nonduality or pure unity, through emancipation from ƗᏨ. The condemnation of particular nations and politicians by name is not concrete, material, real, or grounded in the relations of production. Instead, condemnation is ontologically idealistic. Approached in that light, Roy Bhaskar and Ernst Bloch (1995–1977) have, each in his own way, conjectured upon the not–yet–realized concrete utopia or ethical pure land (Sanskrit, मूर्त बुद्धक्षेत्र, mūrta buddhakṣetra, “concrete pure land/‘concrete world–system of an awakened one’”; Mandarin, 具体的淨土, jùtǐ•de•jìngtǔ, “concrete pure land”; Cantonese, 具體的淨土, geoi6tai2•dik1•zing6tou2, “concrete pure land”; Japanese, 具体浄土, gutai•jōdo, “concrete pure land”; Korean, 구체적인 정토, kuch’ejŏgin chŏngt’o, “concrete pure land”; Vietnamese, cụ thể tịnh độ tông, “concrete pure land”; or Arabic, مَدِينَةُ الفَاضِلَة المُحَدَّدَة, madīnaẗu ʾal•fāḍilaẗ ʾal•muḥaddadaẗ, “concrete virtuous city”; or Hebrew, אוּטוֹפִּיָה הַמוּחָשִׁי, ʾūṭôpiyāh hạ•mūḥāšiy, “concrete utopia”):
      In a way, you see, coming into your dharma is an ongoing process. To be fully in your dharma you would need to live in a society that accepted the principle of everyone being in their dharma everywhere. If you had such a society it would be a eudæmonistic society, a society in which the free development of each is a condition of the free development of all. And to achieve that the first thing you need is survival, which for many people is a continuous struggle, including to some extent for me. But once you have survived then you need to flourish, and that is wholly possible, I do believe, in a spirit of concrete utopianism. We have to overcome the material constraints that prevent humanity having the fine future that it could still have. Ecological sustainability is a high priority for that, and of course having a mode of production, consumption, settlement and care and a way of organising our economic life that does not involve the exploitation of human beings in the ways that our current capitalism does is another.
      〜 Roy Bhaskar in Roy Bhaskar with Mervyn Hartwig. The Formation of Critical Realism: A Personal Perspective. London and New York: Routledge imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2010. Page 20.
      MH [Mervyn Hartwig]: Did you borrow the concept concrete utopia from Ernst Bloch?
      RB [Roy Bhaskar]: It might be a concept that I initially picked up from somewhere else, but I gave it my own meaning. Indeed, I was implicitly using it when I was teaching economics in Oxford in the late 1960s and early 1970s.…
      RB: … an emancipatory praxis needs the concrete utopian moment, specifying how the world would, or could, be a better place if and when the constraint or absence that binds the agent is itself absented (or constrained).
      〜 Roy Bhaskar with Mervyn Hartwig. The Formation of Critical Realism: A Personal Perspective. London and New York: Routledge imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2010. Page 113.
      Where the prospective horizon is omitted, reality only appears as become, as dead, and it is the dead, namely naturalists and empiricists, who are burying their dead here. Where the prospective horizon is continuously included in the reckoning, the real appears as what it is in concrete: as the path–network of dialectical processes which occur in an unfinished world, in a world which would not be in the least changeable without the enormous future: real possibility in that world. Together with that Totum which does not represent the isolated whole of a respective section of process, but the whole of the subject–matter pending in process overall, hence still tendential and latent. This alone is realism, it is of course inaccessible to that schematism which knows everything in advance, which considers its uniform, in fact even formalistic, stencil to be reality. Reality without real possibility is not complete, the world without future–laden properties does not deserve a glance, an art, a science any more than that of the bourgeois conformist. Concrete utopia stands on the horizon of every reality; real possibility surrounds the open dialectical tendencies and latencies to the very last. By these the unconcluded motion of unconcluded matter — and motion is, in that profound phrase of Aristotle, “uncompleted entelechy” — is arch–realistically pervaded.
      〜 Ernst Bloch. The Principle of Hope. Volume One. Neville Plaice, Stephen Plaice, and Paul Knight, translators. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. 1954. Page 223.
      The ultimate, enduring insight of [Karl] Marx is that truth does not exist for its own sake but implies emancipation, and an interpretation of the world which has the transformation of the world as its goal and meaning, providing a key in theory and leverage in practice. Whoever finds this orientation of philosophical theory to humanistic practice (and to nothing else) superannuated is a supporter of things as they are for whom little can be done. Essential Marxism contains in its past so much that is future still unfulfilled: it is as if everything that it intends under world improvement were still ahead of us even in our world of alluring achievements. But of course, in accordance with the Marxist theory of the maturation of history, remote from all abstract utopian outlines. Yet not, as Marx himself thought, requiring the absence of any utopia at all; for what lies before us is the beginning of that which cannot grow old and cannot be outdated—the beginning of the way to the actual, the concrete utopia.
      〜 Ernst Bloch. On Karl Marx. John Maxwell, translator. New York: An Azimuth Book imprint of Herder and Herder. 1971. Page 168.
      … the inner glow won for us elsewhere may certainly not glimmer only on high here, but must move back far into the medial life all around. From this place of the self–encounter, so that it may become one for everyone, there consequently also springs, inevitably, the arena of political–social leadership: toward real personal freedom, toward real religious affiliation. Here, then, a second point has been attained, where the “soul,” the “intuition of the We,” the content of its “Magna Carta,” streams responsibly into the world. To be practical in this way, to help in this way on everyday life’s structural horizon and put things into place, precisely to be political–social in this way, is powerfully near to conscience, and is a revolutionary mission absolutely inscribed in utopia.
      〜 Ernst Bloch. The Spirit of Utopia. Anthony A. Nassar, translator. Werner Hamacher and David E. Wellbery, editors. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. 2000. Pages 236–237.
      Pure Land Buddhism () inspires me on so many levels. If I were to be a Buddhist, I would, without question, be a Pure Land Buddhist. I truly love . My major problem with it, as with most Buddhist denominations, is the absence of theism. From my preteen years, ethical monotheism was deeply engrained in me. Although there are a few, and only a few, theistic, or quasi–theistic, versions of Buddhism, they are 20ᵗʰ–century innovations. Buddhism has not, historically, been centered on a divine Creator. I do, however, accept Buddhism for what it is, and in its many flavors, not for what I might personally desire.
      In , the chanting of namo Amitābha Buddha (Sanskrit, नमो अमिताभ बुद्ध [MP3]), namo Amitābhāya Buddhāya (Pali/Pali–Sanskrit hybrid, नमो अमिताभाय बुद्धाय [MP3]), or namu•Amida•Butsu (Japanese, 南無阿弥陀仏, namu•Amida•Butsu; なむ あみだぶつ, namu Amida•Butsu; or ナム・アミダブツ, namu·Amida•Butsu [MP3]), “I bow to the Buddha or Awakened One of Infinite Light,” is called the nen•Butsu (Japanese, 念仏 [MP3], “mindfulness/remindfulness of the Buddha”). This is my chant of the Japanese version (MP3).
      With that brief preface, I just woke up on January 23ʳᵈ, 2026. I believe the divine Awakener ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ told me, in a dream, that She is, in Buddhist terms, a Bodhisattva (Sanskrit, बोधिसत्त्व), an awakening Esssence, to me. Her pure land is the Valley of Wonderment. I enter that pure land when I sleep. After death, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ will guide me, through Her pure land of Wonderment, into the world to come—the Valley of True Poverty and Absolute Nothingness. Therefore, although I am a Bahá’í, not a Buddhist, Pure Land (Japanese, 浄土, Jōdo), without the Buddhism (Japanese, 仏教, Bukkyō) per sē, has become the essence of my spiritual practice. Now I finally understand, through the grace of the Lady, my attraction to .
      Ultimately, capitalist nation–states must be dismantled. The creation of a global communist collective, grounded in the self–direction of the Proletariat and the Subaltern, is the end objective of all human agency or ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ. At a time after the great unraveling of capitalism and imperialism, the Proletariat and Subaltern could autonomously develop the configuration (German, Gestalt; or Yiddish, גּעֶשְׁטאַלְטע, gʿẹšəṭʾạləṭʿ) or configurations (German, Gestalten; or Yiddish, גּעֶשְׁטאַלְטְען, gʿẹšəṭʾạləṭəʿn) of communism. ƉɱⱤ promotes, in Maoist language, a global people’s war or worldwide nuclear war to come, not the Trotskyist formulation of a permanent revolution.
      The current of ƉɱⱤ is, one might say, the emerald path to libertarian communism and, assuming the standpoint of critical realism, a causal mechanism of socialism. To this writer, communism can only be attained through the instrumentality of ƉɱⱤ or some like–minded perspective. ƉɱⱤ supports the Third World and the Fourth World of global Indigeneity (ꗕꘞꔀ). These peoples, among many others, are regarded among the latter: Canada’s First Nations, Native Americans, New Zealand’s Māoris, Inuit of the frozen North (Greenland, Canada, Siberia, and the U.S.), Native Hawaiʿians, and Australia’s Aboriginal peoples.
      In order to win a people’s war, it is imperative to build the broadest possible united front and formulate a series of policies which will ensure the fullest mobilization of the basic masses as well as the unity of all the forces that can be united.
      〜 Lin Piao, “Long Live the Victory of People’s War.” Peking Review. Volume 36, September 3ʳᵈ, 1965. Pages 9–19.
      The libertarian Marxist tendency of ƉɱⱤ was reimagined by this writer as he moved, once again, to Third Worldist perspectives on societies. Beginning with my personal Jewish ancestry, on all sides of my family, one of our greatest blessings (Hebrew, בְּרָכוּת‎ [MP3], bərāḵōṯ) is to support the human rights of all colonized peoples in the Third World, including Palestinians. Why have so many of my ethnic sisters and brothers not learned from what happened to our forebears in nazi Germany? A prison camp here. A prison camp there. While it is, indeed, a truism that history redux never occurs precisely, to anyone with a moral compass, the parallels are too stunning to ignore. Past can be prologue. My habitually cynical conscience has precluded me from stepping foot into any nation filled with militant nationalism. I suppose the U.S. is an exception. My excuse: I was born and raised here and am neither young nor middle aged. While I have traveled abroad, I never lived in another country. Moving internationally would be fraught with difficulties, including access to Medicare. I will admit that the U.S. is usually a haven for my body; but México, which feels to me like a home away from home, is the sanctuary for my heart.
      Through the Students’ Democratic Coalition, I became a New Left (ꚡꛚ) communist at only twelve–years old in 1968. And that was my preparation for Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ. Many New Leftists, misguided to be sure, sincerely believed that the Democratic Party could become revolutionary. I know. I was one of them. One of the primary activities of our chapter of that coalition on Long Island was to protest the oppression of Mexican migrant workers in California. They were, indeed, little more than slave labor on grape farms. Methodologically, we would ask people to sign petitions pledging not to buy California grapes. My parents were so–called progressives using the common definitions of the term during that era. They refused to sign the petitions. If my memory serves me correctly, they were afraid of ending up on some list. Perhaps they recalled the Army–McCarthy Hearings. I was disappointed, even indignant, at the time. As would shortly be revealed, their fears might have been, when all things which should have been considered were taken into my deliberations, not entirely unfounded. Unfortunately, any realization of our burgeoning police state did not occur to me until several years, or decades, later.
      And so, while picketing a nearby supermarket, our names were taken down by plain–clothed officers. Not knowing any better, we willingly gave them the information without batting an eyelash. They were, in retrospect, probably from the FBI. Their demands that we walk in a circle defeated our efforts. Boycotts are rarely successful, and our project failed, as well. The plight of migrant workers is even worse than before. Why does almost no one seem to care? In the eighth grade, I looked for my coalition. It was gone. The New Left (ꚡꛚ), marred by disappointments, became the New Communist Movement (NCM), including the Black Panthers. I never heard of the Black Panthers, as a child in working class white suburbia. Many turned inward, and the ontologically idealist New Age Movement, a apocalyptic devolution to its core, was born. There was nowhere else to go. All hopes for a better future, among most of my former comrades, abruptly ended. As to myself, I entirely lost contact with Stephie, the president of our chapter of the coalition, and the other members. The school was relatively large, and I sadly do not recall ever meeting Stephie again. Thankfully, after a year or two, I, unlike the majority of New Leftists, managed to continue my praxis in other contexts.
      There is no such thing as Antifa. And yet that is what I am. Antifa began in Germany and was reborn in the U.S. through the New Left (ꚡꛚ). If there ever was an Antifa movement, it is dead. In the Western world within the First World, the Left died, for all intents and purposes, in 1985. By that time, the Feds in the U.S., marking one of the greatest tragedies of the 20ᵗʰ century, had successfully killed off the NCM. Yet, I still walk around with Antifa caps and t–shirts. I generally wear them while making my podcast episodes, too. But I do so largely to demonstrate defiance in the face of a collapsing capitalist world–system. As I have previously stated, I belong to a communist movement myself—a branch of the Maoist–Third Worldist tendency. Nevertheless, I fully expect that if the feds imagine my own Maoist–Third Worldism as a potential threat, they will search every corner for a way to destroy us. McCarthyism, it turns out, never really ended in the U.S. As the U.S. has changed, McCarthyism too changed. And then it just changed and changed again. If there is to be an immediate or even a distant future for my own despicable country, which I sincerely and gratefully doubt, I would anticipate that process of repeated permutation to continue.
      The U.S. ꚡꛚ along with other student protest movements have never risen to the exalted heights of communist revolutions. Those will likely begin in the Third World and in Indigeneity. That is to say, no communist or socialist society has resulted from the numerous student movements against the capitalist world–system. The activities of the U.S. ꚡꛚ, arguably, compelled President Richard Nixon (1913–1994), ignoring the crying pleas of his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (1923–2023), to end the Indochina War. The current positive relations between Vietnam and the United States are a demonstration of the blatant immorality of that war. With the rise of Occupy Wall Street and the larger occupy movement which was spawned, the police had successfully learned their lesson. They killed the occupy movement. As I write this text, law enforcement has been working overtime to crush the pro–Palestinian protests which span the globe. The students are regarded as a major threat to economic and political stability. If the students are dangerous, the causal mechanisms, and the agency which activates them, must be undermined. Therefore, supporting an aggressor nation, the zionist entity, appears, ultimately, to be a matter not worth considering.
      From two ranks amongst men power hath been seized: kings and ecclesiastics.
      〜 Bahá’u’lláh quoted in Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, Illinois: Bahá’í Publishing Trust. 1980. Ebook.
      I retired to the Lower Rio Grande Valley (el Valle del Bajo Río Grande) of Deep South Texas in June, 2022. México is precisely 4 miles away. The Valley continues on the Mexican side of the Rio Grande River. I adore the Third World. It is now a part of me. I travel half an hour to Nuevo Progreso, México, one of the safest border towns in the country. The people of México are largely wonderful. They are also disproportionately poor. But living on the gateway between the First World and the Third World is always inspirational. Subjectively, I am, perhaps for the first time in my life, truly home. That is, indeed, the way I have come to feel. Though I truly wish I had could have moved here years ago, I had to follow my career. One cannot live on air alone. Sadly, the Valley, on both sides of the border, is filled with all sorts of corruption. I confront and fight it regularly. Always being vigilant is far from pleasant, but that is the only option. A few decades ago, poor roads made travel to other parts of Texas and the U.S. a lengthy chore. My area was once a suburb of Reynosa, México. No longer. The threats posed by Mexican drug cartels now virtually seal the border.
      Some drug cartel kingpins own mansions right here in Hidalgo County, Texas. That notwithstanding, poor Mexicans without work permits are routinely rounded up by Border Patrol. So–called Israel, meanwhile, has continued to wage its endless territorial warfare with an apparent impunity. And how many nation states would openly oppose the zionist entity for conducting so many alleged counter–terrorist ops against either Hezbollah or Hamas? Perhaps stochastic terrorism and lone–wolf terrorism are also matters of personal judgement. My point: If Hezbollah or Hamas carried out the same or similar ops, they would be regarded as acts of war.
      But the Fanonian wretched of the Earth, the beloved Palestinians, were placed under lock and key. Many have been massacred, in possibly the single most uninhabitable borderlands of the world, by one of the foremost enemies of humanity. Granting statehood to that internalized nazi beast, while understandable given the human devastation in Middle Europe’s Holocaust, may have been the most dire mistake of the 20ᵗʰ century. And then situating the country in Palestine was involuntary manslaughter. State terrorists have committed the most virulent acts of mass murder in generations. Regrets can provide no remedy for a tortured region of the Third World and Indigeneity. At this moment, we all need to find our paths to be Fanons.
      As I stroll across the short bridge over the Rio Grande River, passing by the international line, cars drive to and fro along the two middle lanes. A sense of inner peace—a soft breeze—envelops me. I then instantly realize, I am no longer in the state of Texas, U.S. I am now in the state of Tamaulipas, México. These are not my first journeys to the Third World. In the late 1970s, I spent two weeks working for the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa, Zaire. It is now the Republic of the Congo. Making the short voyage into México is, however, a completely different experience. I literally take a single step and am instantly transported from one world to another. Such boundaries are, of course, the social constructions and creations of our own imaginations. Yet, these borderlands, lamentably, continue to divide us one from another. Multinational corporations benefit enormously from such divisions. However, the average person, particularly in the Third World, inevitably suffers economically. That disparity is unforgivable. It is, in the capitalist world–system, also inevitable. Engels was right. There, indeed, are no, and never can be, any ideal utopias. The Third World may offer some refuge from great evils, but selectively placing lands on pedastals is for the simpleminded.
      In order to add some clarity to our discussion of the Third World, we shall consider communism from below and communism from above. A broad spectrum of writers, representing several tendencies, have distinguished between them. Following critical realism, the main causal mechanism for establishing communism from below is a revolution from below. Historically, communism from below has been regarded as both a system and a revolution directly from the masses and not from the élites. ƉɱⱤ firmly accepts that perspective, as well. It has, regrettably, never been thoroughly successful. Heretofore, all historical expressions of communism have been established upon the arguably unsound basis of top–down governance. Communism from below must be considered as a goal, not as a given. Nothing can be guaranteed when considering the confluence of agency and social structure. We can, nevertheless, work toward certain constructions of communism from below or, in other words, new systems of democratic communism.
      Regarding the contemporary Third World, in ƉɱⱤ, we transform, once again, the typology of communism from above and communism from below. In the contemporary Third World, communism from above, the reference, once again, is to authoritarian or totalitarian societies. Their élites possess the single–handed power to command. The masses, on the other hand, have virtually no power at all. They are, effectively, human chattel to their masters. Even the Proletariat and the Subaltern of the contemporary Third World or developing world are absent any real power. Within the context of the capitalist world–system itself, institutionalized poverty, currently distributed on a widespread scale, is an exceptional focus for those wishing to challenge the various embedded systems of socioeconomic advantage. Communism from below in today’s Third World is, with a few exceptions here and there, essentially nonexistent. At some time unknown, but perhaps centuries or millennia in the future, that communism from below in the Third World may become a realistic possibility. I continuously yearn for that great age. That notwithstanding, I am now an old man. And yet, even if I were a newborn baby, I would, unfortunately, not live long enough to witness it.
      Most Marxists appear to ignore the Third World. Why has communism suffered an ongoing series of successes and reversals? Because communists have, by and large, placed their faith in the bourgeois First World. Rather than building a qualitatively different society, a few forms of socialism were depicted as a moderately improved form of the existing social order. Despite the broad influence of these gradualist doctrines, certain Marxists remained committed to the conception of communism from below. One might argue that the most important of these Marxists, though not herself a Third Worldist in disposition, was the Polish–cum–German revolutionary Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919). In fairness, one should point out that, obviously, no form of Third Worldism existed in her time. She should, for that reason, not be blamed for being, arguably, a First Worldist. Born into a German–speaking family in Poland, she was, subsequently, naturalized a German citizen. Consequently, her experiences were limited to Europe. My term, Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, pointing to the tendency commonly known as Maoism–Third Worldism, allows me to reference both her and her communist thought. She was a classical proponent of socialism from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ).
      This truly magnificent lady, affectionately referred to as Red Rosa, was coincidentally, but nevertheless meaningfully to me, brutally assassinated during the year my father was born. In the Europe of her generation, addressing even recent acquaintances by their first names was eminently fashionable. That splendid, egalitarian folkway only took root in North America decades later. For reasons unknown, I somehow sense that the two of us are, at this very moment, the closest of friends. Is that strange? Well, as an Autistic, I am strange. So, I will always adore you, my beloved, my dear Red Rosa Luxemburg. Soon, very soon, our spiritual bodies, the vehicles of your immortal soul and mine, will commune with one another. I shall see you shortly, O great heroine, perhaps even more hastily than my mind, no my heart, can fondly imagine:
      The events of 1989 provide a historic opportunity for socialists to reclaim the genuine tradition of socialism from below of Karl Marx, Frederick Engels, Rosa Luxemburg, [Vladimir] Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Antonio Gramsci.
      〜 Anthony Arnove, “The Fall of Stalinism: Ten Years On.” Internationalist Socialist Review. Issue 10, winter 2000. Online edition.
      We stand in the the tradition of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, Roza Luxemburg, Leon Trotsky, Antonio Gramoci and others. This tradition combines a revolutionary opposition to capitalism with a democratic and internationalist conception of socialism. Often summed up in the phrases “revolutionary socialism from below,” this orientation bases itself on the working class as the only group in society which has the power to stop capitalism dead in Its tracks, and rebuild society on a new basis. The working class is an international class and can only consolidate its power through the creation of a new world–wide economic and social system.
      〜 Editor, “Draft Joint Fusion Statement.” Socialist Action. Issue 10, winter 2000. Online edition.
      … she [Rosa Luxemburg] remained committed to the Marxist conception of the party as the culminating political expression of the working class. But due to certain aspects of her thought and her revolutionary action, we consider her close to a libertarian culture. For instance, her critique of the bureaucratic authoritarianism at the heart of the worker’s movement; her anti–militarism; her anti–nationalism; her confidence in the spontaneity of the masses; her insistence on a proletarian revolution from below and her passionate defence of both personal and collective freedoms. It is no coincidence that one of the most prominent thinkers of libertarian socialism, Daniel Guérin, dedicated a book on the subject ….
      〜 Michael Löwy and Olivier Besancenot, “Expanding the horizon: for a Libertarian Marxism.” The Radical Left and Social Transformation: Strategies of Augmentation and Reorganization. Robert Latham, Karen Bridget Murray, Julian von Bargen, and A. T. Kingsmith, editors. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2019. Pages 208–222.
      We shall now turn to the words of various authors, perhaps most famously the erstwhile heterodox Trotskyist Hal Draper (1914–1990). Some referred to communism from above or communism from below. Others preferred the terms socialism from above or socialism from below (𐠰𐠡ଓ). Because of recent usages of socialism which conflate it with social democracy or progressivism, we have chosen, for clarity, to use it interchangeably with communism. Either term, when approached in a left libertarian sense, makes explicit the revolutionary, not reformist, system intended throughout this book. Therefore, 𐠰𐠡ଓ refers to a revolutionary socialism, below the bourgeoisie, in the Proletariat and the Subaltern. 𐠰𐠡ଓ is also a designation for revolutionary socialism below, at least for now, the First World. That is to say, revolutionary socialism must begin in the places with the greatest dialectical and revolutionary potential—the Third World and the Indigenous Fourth World. Here are some relevant quotations:
      What unites the many different forms of Socialism–from–Above is the conception that socialism (or a reasonable facsimile thereof) must be handed down to the grateful masses in one form or another, by a ruling elite which is not subject to their control in fact. The heart of Socialism–from–Below is its view that socialism can be realized only through the self–emancipation of activized masses “from below” in a struggle to take charge of their own destiny, as actors (not merely subjects) on the stage of history. “The emancipation of the working classes must be conquered by the working classes themselves”: this is the first sentence in the Rules written for the First International by Marx, and this is the First Principle of his life–work.
      It is the conception of Socialism–from–Above which accounts for the acceptance of Communist dictatorship as a form of “socialism.” It is the conception of Socialism–from–Above which concentrates social–democratic attention on the parliamentary superstructure of society and on the manipulation of the “commanding heights” of the economy, and which makes them hostile to mass action from below. It is Socialism–from–Above which is the dominant tradition in the development of socialism.…
      … [It] is the exploited class, the working class, from which comes the eventual motive–force of revolution. Hence a socialism–from–below is possible, on the basis of a theory which sees the revolutionary potentialities in the broad masses, even if they seem backward at a given time and place. Capital, after all, is nothing but the demonstration of the economic basis of this proposition.
      〜 Hal Draper. Socialism from Below. Alameda, California: Center for Socialist History. 2001. Ebook edition.
      For over thirty years, Antonio Negri has sought to build a new approach to communism out of a Marxism reworked via [Baruch] Spinoza and the Italian political experiments of the 1970s. The Empire trilogy that Negri coauthored with Michael Hardt offers an affirmative, non–dialectical reconceptualization of labor, power, and the State, a new theory of communism from below.
      〜 Jodi Dean. The Communist Horizon. London and New York: Verso imprint of New Left Books. 2012. Page 9.
      … the most visible aspect of [Daniel] De Leon’s role as theoretician and activist was the dichotomy between his constant advocacy of democratic socialism–from–below and an elitist, sectarian practice.
      〜 James J. Young, “H.M. Hyndman and Daniel De Leon: The Two Souls of Socialism.” Labor History. Volume 28, issue 4, fall 1987. Pages 534–556.
      Instead of imposing communism from above, the path [Edward] Abramowski chose was to assemble it from the existing egalitarian and self–governing elements. Secondly, Abramowski strongly emphasized the necessity to develop subjective dispositions that would make individuals capable of leading a communist life. Here the Polish philosopher might have been the most ahead of his time. Although his texts are entangled in the language and concepts characteristic of the positivism of the time and of the philosophy of the will, he managed to articulate a crucial problem for contemporary post–structuralist philosophy: the production of subjectivity.
      〜 Cezary Rudnicki, “An Ethics for Stateless Socialism: An Introduction to Edward Abramowski’s Political Philosophy.” Praktyka Teoretyczna. Volume 1, number 17, 2018. Pages 20–33.
      … in his early writings, [Karl] Marx was outspoken about the fact that authentic communism was not about the state or the community taking over all property and employing all workers at equal wages. Rather than getting rid of capitalism, this would merely change its form. Rather than workers being dominated by individual capitalists, now society or the state would “be conceived as an abstract capitalist,” or, as he put it some pages later, as the “universal capitalist.” Marx thus rejected variants of “socialism” that pursued state control over the economy but left workers alienated, disempowered, and controlled from above. In contrast, his socialism from below pivoted on democracy and human freedom.
      〜 Dario Azzellini. Communes and Workers’ Control in Venezuela: Building 21ˢᵗ Century Socialism from Below. Ned Sublette, translator. Leiden, the Netherlands, and Boston, Massachusetts: Leiden. 2017. Page 11.
      While workers usually see it [coöperative management/co–management] as an intermediate step toward workers’ control and the construction of a new socialism from below, many officials see it more as a mechanism for reducing conflict at work and improving the processes, thus taking advantage of the labour force’s subjectivity without allowing it true participation. This experience has also been repeated in the creation of the Socialist Workers’ Councils (CST) in state enterprises and institutions since 2008. The deeper the process of change and/or popular mobilisation, the greater the contradictions. Conflicts over comanagement and problems in its practice emerged especially in the firms taken over and expropriated, and in state enterprises where there was a worker initiative for more workers’ participation or control.
      〜 Dario Azzellini. Communes and Workers’ Control in Venezuela: Building 21ˢᵗ Century Socialism from Below. Ned Sublette, translator. Leiden, the Netherlands, and Boston, Massachusetts: Leiden. 2017. Page 174.
      It was not until the late 18ᵗʰ century that the idea began to emerge that human beings could themselves refashion society. Only with the rise of capitalism in Europe and the emergence of the modern working class did critics of society began to think in terms of a human transformation of social life. And it was with these developments that the idea of socialism from below emerged. But at the start, socialism was largely elitist and antidemocratic in character. It was only through several decades of working class struggle that socialism took the form of a movement devoted to the self–emancipation of the oppressed.…
      〜 David McNally. Socialist Politics in the Age of Trump. Second revised edition. February 20ᵗʰ, 2010. Winnepeg: New Socialist Group. Ebook edition.
      … in his early writings, [Karl] Marx was outspoken about the fact that authentic communism was not about the state or the community taking over all property and employing all workers at equal wages. Rather than getting rid of capitalism, this would merely change its form. Rather than workers being dominated by individual capitalists, now society or the state would “be conceived as an abstract capitalist,” or, as he put it some pages later, as the “universal capitalist.” Marx thus rejected variants of “socialism” that pursued state control over the economy but left workers alienated, disempowered, and controlled from above. In contrast, his socialism from below pivoted on democracy and human freedom.
      Socialist and democratic principles were not imposed from above … but developed from below through a gradual and often slow process of education and discussion. In this way, land was redistributed to women and people of previously oppressed groups who never before had a right to this means of Survival. Oppressive feudal marriage laws were changed to give women more power.
      〜 Amrit Wilson, “Socialism from below.” New Statesman & Society. Volume 4, June 7ᵗʰ, 1991. Page 10.
      While [Pierre–Joseph] Proudhon urged a “revolution from below”, he also rejected violence and insurrection. While later anarchists like [Mikhail] Bakunin and [Peter] Kropotkin embraced the class struggle, including strikes, unions and revolts, Proudhon opposed such means and preferred peaceful reform. However, they shared a common vision of change from below by working class self–activity ….
      Given the nature of the state as a centralised, top–down structure organised to maintain class society, joining the government to achieve socialism was, for Proudhon, contradictory and unlikely to work ….
      This suggested a bottom–up approach, socialism from below rather than a socialism imposed by the state ….
      For Proudhon, “revolutionary power … is no longer in the government or the National Assembly, it is in you. Only the people, acting directly, without intermediaries, can bring about the economic revolution.” It is this vision which was taken up and expanded upon by later libertarians.
      〜 Anarcho, “I am an Anarchist”: 170 years of anarchism. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. August 27ᵗʰ, 2010. Page 6.
      Ideally, a group of organizations from both the organized and social–movement Leftists would agree to host a Left–rebuilding initiative. Some efforts in this direction have been attempted but have not succeeded. Our conclusion from this is that insufficient trust existed between organizations in order for them to place time and resources into such a project, or to engage their own base in the idea.Additionally, there is often a lack of urgency.These efforts also seemed to come undone in part due to different views on how a party can and should come about. One classic example of this was referenced earlier, i.e., an almost evolutionist view that a party will spontaneously emerge from mass struggle when conditions are ripe.Thus, there is no need to develop a strategy for party building because when the time is right, it will rise. For these and other reasons we have concluded that party building must be driven from below.
      〜 Editor. Which Way Is Left? Theory, Politics , Organization and 21ˢᵗ–Century Socialism. New York: Liberation Road (left–libertarian Maoist). 2017. Page 35.
      The foundation of any libertarian Marxist project is socialism from below. No society has, as of yet, fully achieved it. But socialism from above, a term referring to various dictatorships over the Proletariat and the Subaltern, has, once realized, dissolved many times. China and the U.S.S.R. (later reduced to Russia), the one–time captains of socialism from above, abandoned Marxism. Rather than creating permanent workers’ states, those countries devolved into the centralized, and frequently oppressive, bureaucracies or directorates which we can observe today. Stalin, the mastermind of Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ), sincerely tried to build a Proletarian system. It ultimately collapsed. The unexpected destination, while perhaps foggy to its early wayfarers, then gradually became clear. Any socialism from above, disconnected from the class interests of the Proletariat and the Subaltern, cannot succeed over the long run. Poor forethought and execution, not malice, were the causes. We believe that a process of rebuilding can, if initiated by those Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds, be notably more successful than previous attempts at communization.
      The major nuclear safe–zones exist in Australia, New Zealand, and Canada. In the Third World, those zones are few and far between. That is, in my view, largely irrelevant. Even surviving areas of the First World will still be far too dependent on the electrical grid; while remove areas may be more self–sufficient. Thus, the beast of the capitalist world–system could be devastated. Then the First World and, with it, the capitalist world–system will, like old Humpty Dumpty, have a great fall. A self–proclaimed King Donald (um, Trump), the personification of Humpty Dumpty, cannot prevent Empire from falling after all. And ⫰Ɪb°līs (Arabic, إِبْلِيس) is Satan (Arabic, شَيْطان, Šay°ṭān), not ʾAl•Llꞌah (Arabic, , “the Almighty”). Political leadership must, therefore, originate from some place else. But from where? Given the absense of dialectical or revolutionary potential in the First World, the Earth might, for a time, spin out of control. But the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds, previously hamstrung but now relatively unimpeded, are presented with a grand, and splendid, opportunity. Whether they will seize it is, of course, unknown. While not a superstitious fellow, I will, for the remainder of my earthly existence, keep my fingers crossed.
      As cultural studies scholar Stuart Hall (1932–2014) wisely expounded, guarantees can never be provided. I would contend that 21ˢᵗ–century revolutions might, if humankind is so fortunate, usher in revolutionary socialism or communism. Lands, brimming with dialectical and revolutionary potential, may, after the demise of the capitalist world–system, emerge out of the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds. Now? The Third World in particular has largely been bullied into complacency and internalized oppression by the U.S. and its allies. That Third World frequently mirrors some of the unfortunate characteristics of Empire. The agency of the Indigenous Fourth World is, in most places, similarly constrained.
      Regarding the First World, whether most or, indeed, any of it shall survive is unknown. Even though I, through an accident of birth, am a resident of the First World, I do, to be completely honest, hope it expires for good. But would Stuart Hall, who has been associated with the postcolonial school of Third Worldism, agree with me? To my knowledge anyway, and I am speaking out of my field, he did not, in the context of discussing his anti–inevitableist or anti–necessitarian posture of Marxism and socialism without guarantees, address that particular subject. The dialectical destruction of capitalism is inevitable and in process. Communism is not. Hall approached Marxism and socialism from cosmopolitan or universal perspective. In his own words:
      I do not want to rely on the rhetoric or received wisdom of the past, because one of the requirements of a socialism without guarantees must be to rethink what socialism might mean in the 1980s and 1990s. But nevertheless, one thing it has always meant is a fundamental reshaping of the social relations and the institutions in which men and women live.
      〜 Stuart Hall. The Hard Road to Renewal: Thatcherism and the Crisis of the Left. London and New York: Verso imprint of New Left Books. 1988. Page 183.
      The problems that stand in the way of getting socialist ideas rolling again as a popular force in society. I think they are profound. I think one has to confront them head on — but with a socialism which is without guarantees, that is to say a socialism which does not believe that the motor of history is inevitably on its side. One has to fasten one’s mind, as [Antonio] Gramsci said, “violently” on to things as they are: including, if things are not too good, the fact that they are not too good … So that is why I started with the negative. In the more positive section, I have tried to talk about where socialism needs to begin to grow again. Not yet in terms of programmatic demands, but in terms of the root values, the root concepts, the root images and ideas in popular consciousness without which no popular socialism can be constructed. If you have working people committed to the old ways, the old relations, the old values, the old feelings, they may vote for this and that particular reform but they will have no long term commitment to the hard graft of transforming society. And unless socialists understand the strategic role of this level of struggle — the struggle to command the common sense of the age in order to educate and transform it, to make common sense, the ordinary everyday thoughts of the majority of the population, move in a socialist rather than a reactionary direction, then our hearts may be in the right place but our relation to the task of putting socialism back on the historical agenda is not all that different from that of the besieging armies at the city of Jericho who hoped that seven times round the city wall, a blast on the trumpet and a quick prayer to the gods would bring that ancient “Winter Palace” tumbling to the ground.
      〜 Stuart Hall. The Hard Road to Renewal: Thatcherism and the Crisis of the Left. London and New York: Verso imprint of New Left Books. 1988. Page 195.
      Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, as First Worldists, predicted First World revolutions for the late 19ᵗʰ century. The Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds were not even a footnote. What became of the 20ᵗʰ–century communist revolutions? The U.S. and its Empire demolished communism. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) is now simply a historical memory. Vietnam is also largely capitalist and on generally good terms with the U.S. and, more broadly, the West. Meanwhile, a post–Fidel Cuba has been rapidly abandoning communism. But the First World, including China, is now in tatters. The zionist entity, notwithstanding its outward displays of military power, is, internally, an economic disaster. Increasing numbers of Israelis emigrate each year. Global capitalism, initiated in the late 19ᵗʰ century through the shipping industry, is on its last legs. The first and second world wars, in which the First World consumed itself from within, were but a harbinger of things to come.
      Previous versions of Maoism (𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩), returning to Mao, were largely First Worldist. That was demonstrated when Mao Zedong himself—a brilliant man who should have known better—unwisely welcomed U.S. President Richard Nixon (1913–1994) into Mainland China. I have, many times, recalled his old nickname, which was further justified through Watergate, “Tricky Dick.” Well, Mao accepted Nixon’s sly bargain: We will withdraw our objections to your UN membership and will accept Mainland China as the only China. Thus, Nixon ditched the Republic of China, which from that point on became known in the West as Taiwan, for the People’s Republic of China. He adroitly brought Mainland China into the capitalist world–system. Well, in Mao’s defense, China was in bad financial shape.
      Now Mainland China is—like Russia which once served as the nucleus of the former Soviet Union—an authoritarian capitalist country. The country’s official name, the People’s Republic of China (Mandarin, 中华人民共和国, Zhōnghuá•Rénmín•Gònghéguó), is a relic from the past and an idealistic fantasy. Communism has not endured, and will likely never endure, within the capitalist world–system and, what’s more, its global domination. However, the welcome demise of capitalism can only be a prerequisite, and not a guarantee, for a communist world–system.
      “North Vietnam,” a country which the U.S. fought during the 1960s and early 1970s, is united with the “South Vietnam.” My extremely low draft lottery number was around 3! As an Autistic, then called a child schizophrenic (technically, schizophrenic reaction, childhood type), I would not likely have been drafted anyway. That fact never occurred to me. But I was mentally prepared to immigrate to Canada. The U.S. and Vietnam, which has been rapidly transitioning to a capitalistic economy, have equitable ongoing political relations. What a disgusting waste of human lives.😠
      After Fidel Castro’s death, or actually even earlier when he became ill, Cuba began to abandon Marxism–Leninism (ㅆㅡㄴ). As it turns out, a communist Cuba was sustained by the political charisma, the strong magnetic personality, of Fidel. So where is Marxist communism in today’s world? I ask that as a Marxist communist. It is sadly almost nowhere to be found. Because the U.S. and its allies demolished communism, revolutions must await the end of the capitalist world–system. They shall either begin in the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds, or they may not begin at all. The First World, especially the U.S., is imperialist to its very core. The incompatibly of imperialism with communism leaves us with few options.
      To be honest, I am not optimistic and could rarely understand the positivity displayed by others. We have seen communism taken down over and over again. Of course, my own country, the U.S., is the major antagonist. And the Left, even the faux leftishness of progressivism, seems invariably to be right in the bull’s–eye. Richard Nixon, as I just wrote, escorted the People’s Republic of China into the First World. If he were still alive now, perhaps he would regret that. It is hard to tell. Once again, however, the, U.S., living up to it well–deserved reputation as a hit man for the capitalist world–system, bankrupted the former Soviet Union under Ronald Reagan. Pehaps, therefore, my views are counterintuitive. But time, to me, does not appear to be on the side of the capitalist world–system. It has simply been on the decline for too long. Unfortunately, that system has, until the present day, been invariably propped up when at the brink of an apparent cataclysmic collapse. Yet here I am, in our perilous age, personally waiting and watching to see whether something, anything, newsworthy happens, particularly over the short term. Strangely, I am metaphorically crossing my fingers. And we have been cursed to simply stand by.
      Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) is theoretically distinct from postcolonial theory (). The poststructural vis–à–vis Marxist sources of postcolonialism () have been previously addressed by other writers. And Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ) is correctly, in my view, considered as incompatible with the linguistically reductionist poststructuralism (ܨ). Now, somewhat commensurate with my own ƉɱⱤ—a framework grounded upon ƉɱⱤ and incorporating Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ—a postcolonial critical realism has been formulated. The article remedies, through its author’s critical realist praxis of Lockean underlaboring, many of the endemic flaws in ܨ. As a result, a sophisticated new version of , similarly grounded in Roy Bhaskar’s critical realism, was produced. If other Third Worldist and Indigenist perspectives could also be systematically transformed by critical realism, so much the better. Please read the original article for proper context, but here are some excerpts:
      Postcolonial critical realism provides a framework for making sense of the social, economic, and political legacies of empire. It integrates a critique of colonial discourses, an analysis of their material manifestation, and a call for anticolonial liberation. The ontology of the climate crisis, I argue, is such that its origins lie in the domain of the real—as colonial discourses that continually produce, and are produced by, racial capitalism in its material form. The real produces events in the domain of the actual, including the global climate crisis. That crisis, in turn, holds varying implications for lived experiences in the domain of the empirical. Yet through emergence, people may draw from their experiences to intervene in the domain of the real. To resolve a climate crisis that threatens the very future of life on Earth, the climate movement must overcome the colonial discourses that made the crisis possible.…
      Because postcolonial theory is widely associated with postmodernism and poststructuralism, critics argue that it undermines the potential for collective struggle. Universalizing ideologies, including Marxism, are dismissed as Eurocentric, such that the colonized are left with no basis upon which to unite against colonial oppression.…
      … these critiques are linked to postcolonial theory’s supposed failure to engage with the domain of the real. Yet an explicitly critical realist framework answers these critiques and enriches the project of postcolonial theory in at least three ways: first, CR [critical realism] qualifies the power of colonial discourses by foregrounding the relationship between discourse and “real” social structures; second, it provides an understanding of causality that is contextualized in time and space but carries lessons for new expressions of colonialism; and third, it creates space for subaltern individuals to disrupt hegemonic structures of domination. This holds implications for the prospects for liberation in postcolonial theory.… Yet a critical realist approach to postcolonial theory makes sense of both the discursive and material facets of racial capitalism.…
      PCR [Postcolonial critical realism] equally provides insights from postcolonial theory for critical realism. First, it takes up the call of critical discourse analysts to theorize the causal power of discourse to shape social institutions and practices. Second, and by extension, PCR is attentive to power in general, and to coloniality specifically. Presenting colonial knowledges as the discursive framework underlying the domain of the real gives a historical dimension to CR. It also emphasizes the violence that maintains the social world.
      〜 Meghan Tinsley, “Towards a Postcolonial Critical Realism.” Creative Commons. Critical Sociology. Volume 48, issue 2, 2022. Pages 235–250.
      I conclude this chapter with my observation as a sociologist of religion. One of the generally ignored challenges to Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) comes from the pentecostal Seven Mountains dominion theology. It is, more broadly, a branch of the New Apostolic Reformation. Like the proponents of ѪŦШ, supporters of the Seven Mountains movement have a vision of a desirable future. Unfortunately however, that vision directly contradicts the Maoist–Third Worldist opposition to First World imperialism. Even a superficial reading of Seven Mountains literature reveals its problematic, even dangerous, identification with each of those mountains of Empire. Christianizing the U.S. is a major objective. The reelection of President Donald J. Trump, a multiple convicted felon, was regarded as a victory.
      Below is a selection of brief quotations. All but the last three were written by adherents to Seven Mountains theology:
      … [the] seven mountains—the religion/impetus mountain, the family/values mountain, the education/ equipping mountain, the government/empowering mountain, the business/finance mountain, the arts and entertainment/prophetic mountain, and the media/watchman mountain—must be targeted with reformation in mind. We must begin to have a vision that we can run with for each one. We must have a prayer strategy from the Courts of Heaven to begin to undo the powers that control these spheres and put into place the right things of the Lord. We must also be proactive in developing reformers and commissioning them into the mountain of their calling.
      〜 Robert Henderson. Impacting the Seven Mountains from the Courts of Heaven: Kingdom Strategies for Revival in the Church and the Reformation of Culture. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2023. Ebook.
      The writer of the great Book of Hebrews … speaks of this city [Jerusalem]. In Hebrews 12:18–24 the writer, inspired by the Holy Spirit, compares the two mountains with the two cities. One is Mount Sinai, with its fear, darkness, and bondage of religion. The other is Mount Zion, with its joy, light, liberty, and a multitude of dancing angels.…
      After Jesus had fed the multitude, He sent them away. He then went up into the mountains to pray, having already sent the disciples over to the other side of the Lake of Galilee in a boat. The disciples ran into a violent storm in the middle of the lake and were in danger of sinking, but Jesus came to them walking on the water.
      〜 Alan Vincent. The Kingdom at War: Using Intercessory Prayer to Dispel the Darkness. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2011. Ebook.
      The Seven Mountain revelation helps us strategically identify different aspects of society so that cultural transformation can become a manageable task. All of us are called to at least one of these seven mountains: religion, arts, media, business, government, family, and education. When we relegate ministry to the religion mountain, we forfeit the opportunity to influence the rest of our culture. We wonder why movies, books, politics, schools, and families are lacking Christian values, and yet we do not empower believers who live and work in these realms to see themselves as active agents of change who can establish strongholds of truth and justice in the world. We need believers in positions of power—at the peaks of these mountains—in order to see our communities impacted by the presence of the King and His Kingdom.
      〜 Lance Wallnau and Bill Johnson, “Introduction.” Invading Babylon: The 7 Mountain Mandate. Lance Wallnau and Bill Johnson, editors. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2013. Pages 9–17.
      We believe that through intensive, focused, day–and–night prayer and fasting, principalities and powers were shifted, and God got His pro–life man to the top of the Supreme Court Mountain. Those kids had one job description—through prayer and fasting, to rule over the principalities and powers influencing the Supreme Court to legalize abortion. In similar fashion, years ago my friend, Tom Hess, fasted and prayed in a condo facing the Supreme Court building for a pro–life judge. On the 39th day a pro–abortion judge, Justice John Marshall Harlan, resigned and a pro–life judge, Justice William Rehnquist, took his place.
      〜 Lou Engle, “Creating a Culture of Life.” The Reformer’s Pledge. Ché Ahn, compiler. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2010.
      I will discover which of the seven mountains of culture (religion, family, business, government, education, the media, and arts and entertainment). God has designed me to climb, and I will do my part to bring sustained social transformation to those areas to which I am called.…
      Here … [is one of the] salient points to keep in mind as we embrace the message of the seven mountains.
      The business of shifting culture or transforming nations does not require a majority of conversions. We make a mistake when we focus on winning a harvest in order to shape a culture. Together, Protestants and Catholics make up a 70 percent majority of the U.S. population, and as such already have a majority consensus on key matters affecting marriage and abortion. Yet they are still incapable of being more than a firewall to the minority, who are advancing a same-sex ideology. If we do not need more conversions to shift a culture, what do we need? We need more disciples in the right places, the high places. Minorities of people can shape the agenda, if properly aligned and deployed. The greatest gains in gay rights occurred during 10 years of our most conservative presidencies, and their movement has never been larger than 5 to 6 percent of the population.
      〜 Lance Wallnau, “The Seven Mountain Mandate.” The Reformer’s Pledge. Ché Ahn, compiler. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2010. Ebook.
      You will note that in order to know what to reform, you need to understand where our societies have taken a turn away from God. This helps us know what needs changing and where we need to start in each mountain. In order to do so, we need to understand God’s Word.
      〜 Cindy Jacobs. Reformers Arise: Your Prophetic Strategy for Bringing Heaven to Earth. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2021. Page 17.
      Our definition of kingdom in a geographic sense is any entity or any mountain of culture that is operating contrary to the will of God. [?] In a spiritual sense, a kingdom is any area of culture that is occupied by humanism or any other –ism that is contrary to the knowledge of God. There are areas and spiritual high places that are not under God’s jurisdiction.
      In a legal sense, “The earth is the Lord’s, and the fulness thereof ” (Psalm 24:1 KJV). God owns the earth—He has the title deed to that domain. But trespassers are possessing the domain or territory that God owns, much like the Canaanites before the Israelites took possession of Canaan. Binding and loosing is God giving power and authority to His seven–mountain representatives to be process–servers who serve legal notice and dispossess the wisdom&–based trespassers. Then marketplace ministers repossess the land and bring it back under God’s jurisdiction. Binding is the trespassing notice and loosing is giving it back to its legal owner.
      〜 Ed Delph and David Lake. Redefining Rhema: Responding to God’s Voice, Releasing His Purposes on Earth. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2017. Ebook.
      Our foes wield astonishing power. They have mountains of money, unlimited connections, and enormous influence. Will they destroy nations and borders? Will they drive the Church underground? Is it possible that they can indeed plow under the entire moral foundation of America, and even the world?
      They are on schedule for world domination. But there is good news for those who will follow God into battle against this tyranny.…
      Where this ends hinges mostly on you and me. If we remain silent. if we leave quietly, then they have already destroyed us and our families. It is time to expose them. It is time to ignore those things that appear to be impossible and follow God into battle. He has plans to destroy their plans, and His plans depend on our participation.
      〜 Mario Murillo. Do Not Leave Quietly: A Call for Everyday People to Rise Up and Defeat Evil. Shippensburg, Pennsylvania: Destiny Image Publishers, Inc. 2022. Ebook.
      God is speaking to prophets to call the modern–day Church to “rise up” and to awaken. It must awaken to the reality that the people are not called to just come to a church building, but we are called to go into all the world around us and be the Church in professions and communities and world systems and structures. We are to become micro–groups: going into school board meetings, executive offices, school halls, state departments, and more! A house for the nation is a Church that engages the Seven Mountains of influence by identifying, supporting, and resourcing the body of Christ located at the front lines of the battle of influence. A house for the nation will require a coming together of many leaders.
      〜 Lance Wallnau. God’s Chaos Code: The Shocking Blueprint that Reveals 5 Keys to the Destiny of Nations. Keller, Texas: Riller Sheep Media, Inc. 2020. Page 33.
      National suicide is the path that America is on, and the 2016 election will determine if that future can be altered. I believe it’s the wrecking ball—Donald J. Trump—that has been sent to stop the momentum of this self–destruction.
      〜 Lance Wallnau. God’s Chaos Candidate: Donald J. Trump and the American Unraveling. Keller, Texas: Killer Sheep Media, Inc. 2016. Page 29.
      The mission of America is more than preaching salvation. The fact that there are underground churches all over the world is a testament to the Gospel being preached faithfully for generations. In addition, the Gospel is accessible on satellite, internet, radio and print media like never before. America has played a role in this, supporting work around the world. But is our assignment finished? I say no. The redemptive gifts of this nation include “innovation” and “leadership.” The mission movement has been stagnant for years because we missed the window to the next phase of the Great Commission. The call to “go into all the world” is no longer simply geographic. We must go into all the “systems” of this world—the seven mountains or seven mind> molders of culture. We must become a “7m™ [Seven Mountain]” movement.
      〜 Lance Wallnau. God’s Chaos Candidate: Donald J. Trump and the American Unraveling. Keller, Texas: Killer Sheep Media, Inc. 2016. Page 142.
      In your person, you bear Christ, the hope of glory. Nothing is more powerful than His presence. Whatever mountain stands before you is reduced to dust before the One who lives inside you. So, keep your eyes on Him. Continue peering into the unseen. Listen to what He is saying, and shout it from every platform He provides. Allow Him to shape your perspective and to use you in unlikely ways and in unexpected moments.…
      We think real faith is seen when mountains move. God honors faith that prays and that speaks to the mountain, even when it doesn’t seem to move at all. Remember that Moses accomplished his mission, but it took forty years. In fact, Moses did not live to see the people physically enter the Promised Land. When God met Moses at the burning bush, He explained that I Am was sending him as a deliverer. (See Exodus 3:7–15.) In other words, “I am in the now. You won’t find Me in the slavery mind–set of Israel’s past or in some future date when you think the grass will be greener. I Am, Moses. I just am.”
      〜 Bob Hazlett. Think Like Heaven: Change Your Thinking, Change Your World. New Kensington, Pennsylvania: Whitaker House. 2015. Ebook.
      … the four kingdoms motif … was a larger Near Eastern motif depicting a series of empires and which was originally distinct from Daniel.…
      Watching the first inauguration of Donald Trump was heartbreaking enough. A second inauguration means that by the time you read this, the worst predictions of his second term may already be coming true.
      Many of those predictions came from a plan called Project 2025, which you may have heard about during the campaign and in the months following. It is a collection of actions Trump’s allies wanted the new president to undertake within the first 180 days of his administration. Many of those actions became Trump’s executive orders signed in his first week. Implementing fully the wide-ranging playbook would eliminate some cabinet-level agencies, slash the power of others, and erode the civil rights of many Americans. Supporters of Project 2025—which include the organization at the heart of this book—want to erase what they see as a decades–long political and social weaponization of government against conservative values.
      But that massive change in government is not the only goal for the people and organizations involved in the seven mountains mandate movement. Government is just one of seven “mountains” of culture the movement wants to radically change. That more expansive strategy is grounded in an ideology called Christian nationalism. Who is included in that label, what they believe, and how deep those beliefs go was analyzed in depth throughout the 2024 campaign.
      This book won’t repeat that debate. What this book will do is lay out the movement’s sweeping plan to Christianize America that now has its champion controlling the levers of government. But the plan long predates Trump. Since the 1970s it has been gaining ground within evangelical churches, schools, and media. And while not secret, advocates of the plan have become so despondent for total cultural power that if they lose one mountain, they revolt. See the 2021 [U.S. Capital] insurrection.
      Now that Trump has won again, advocates of the seven mountains mandate have success for all the mountains within reach. But Trump isn’t the only reason for that. Much of the success can be linked to a conservative youth political outreach group started in a small garage in Illinois by a teen more than ten years ago. Now in his thirties and armed with boundless political influence, this man has become the mandate’s heir.…
      More than thirty years ago, when the seven mountains mandate movement was still in its infancy, one of the first observers of the plan asked a disturbing question about its sweeping claims and outsized goal to Christianize America.
      〜 Matthew Boedy. The Seven Mountains Mandate: Exposing the Dangerous Plan to Christianize America and Destroy Democracy. Louisville, Kentucky: Westminster John Knox Press. 2025. Ebook.
      The separation of Church and State, something vital for democracy, has eroded significantly in the United States since 2016, and it is hard to overestimate the effects. It was clear from the very beginning of his administration that White Christian nationalists had finally achieved the foothold in government they had been looking for since Richard Nixon became their first “sponsored” president in the 1970s. Trump’s spiritual advisor, Paula White, even delivered the invocation on inauguration day, January 20, 2017, becoming the first religious person in history to swear in a president. White is heavily influenced by the New Apostolic Reformation (NAR), a movement that was marginal until Trump came to power. The NAR has spread the belief that a spiritual battle is taking place on the “seven mountains” of family, government, the church or religion, education, business community, entertainment, and popular culture. Deeply embedded in the White House, she was appointed to establish a religious network at the core of the government via Trump’s newly established Faith and Opportunity Initiative at the Office of Public Liaison. She was charged with placing a faith director in every department and every agency, something unprecedented, and heretofore unimaginable.
      〜 Greta Olson and Melanie Kreitler, “Introduction How Will the 2024 U.S. Presidential Elections Affect Diversity Issues Transnationally.” Diversity Issues in the USA Transnational Perspectives on the 2024 Presidential Elections. Melanie Kreitler and Greta Olso, editors. Bielefeld, Germany: Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld. 2024. Pages 11–40.
      For some evangelicals, it is not enough to force your beliefs upon an unwilling majority in your own country. They are determined to stand atop the seven mountains of family, government, church, education, business, entertainment, and popular culture – not just in the United States but all over the world. To restore moral order, the symbolic Wall needs to extend from one continent to the next, as enemies new and old could appear anywhere. This militarized zealotry has given rise to the world crusader.
      〜 K. Allison Hammer, “How to Make an Enemy: Transmisogyny and the 2024 Presidential Election.” Diversity Issues in the USA Transnational Perspectives on the 2024 Presidential Elections. Melanie Kreitler and Greta Olso, editors. Bielefeld, Germany: Transcript Verlag, Bielefeld. 2024. Pages 224–225.
      The next quotation, unrelated to the exegetical topic of Seven Mountains theology, discusses those seven mountains from the academic perspective of a religious studies scholar on Second Temple Judaism. Oddity of oddities, given the foregoing commentary, is that, to her, the seven mountains represent one of the beasts—the monster depicted with ten horns and seven heads—referenced in the Apocalypse. This particular beast, she wrote, was a symbol for Ancient Roman imperialism.
      The collapsing of the four kingdoms motif into a one kingdom motif … occurs in … [a] text that reacts to Roman rule—the book of Revelation. Dating to the early 90s ᴄᴇ, its eschatological character and its references to Daniel mean that the book should be considered alongside Jewish apocalypses. In Revelation 12, a dragon that represents Satan stands on the shore (12:18) and then a beast with ten horns and seven heads comes forth (13:1). The dragon then gives the beast his power and his throne and authority (v. 2). In Revelation 17, the seven heads are interpreted as “seven mountains … and they are also seven kings” (17:9–10). The seven mountains are those seven hills upon which Rome was famously built. The beast, therefore, represents imperial power and, more specifically, the Roman Empire.
      Alexandria Frisch, “The Four (Animal) Kingdoms: Understanding Empires as Beastly Bodies.” Four Kingdom Motifs before and beyond the Book of Daniel. Andrew B. Perrin and Loren T. Stuckenbruck, editors. Leiden, the Netherlands, and Boston: Brill imprint of Koninklijke Brill ɴᴠ. 2021. Pages 56–80.
      To anyone seriously concerned about the anti–capitalist, anti–imperialist, anti–colonialist interests of the Third World and the Fourth World of Indigeneity (丁山⸺下), and for all those seeking genuine emancipation, the Seven Mountains theological advocacy for the global dominance of Western values, including the social and cultural supremacy of right–wing neo–evangelical Protestant Christendom, must be actively and fervently opposed. The life of a revolutionary is not a parlor game. A Maoist–Third Worldist resistance is the cry of the hour. To be frank, however, people rarely pay attention to my writings or my podcasts. But I am, I personally believe, writing and speaking primarily to the future. I may, if God so wills, also communicate my ideas, as an infinitesimal portion of the leaven (Arabic, الخَمِير [MP3], ʾal•ẖamīr) as an agent of leavening or fermentation (Arabic, عَامِل التَخْمِير [MP3] ʿāmil ʾal•taẖ°mīr) in the Kingdom beyond, to this outermost world of dust—a realm beset with great limitations. Yet, even here and now, I can, while encompassed by the dross of physicality, serve in the leaven.

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      6: A Long Underlabored Conclusion
      🇵‌🇦‌🇷‌🇹‌ 🇮‌ 🇴‌🇫‌ 🇹‌🇭‌🇪‌ 🇨‌🇴‌🇳‌🇨‌🇱‌🇺‌🇸‌🇮‌🇴‌🇳‌
      Whether Bhaskar identified, or misidentified as I have argued, his own personal perspective with Advaita Vēdānta, the philosophy of metaReality (ᖘѫɌ) itself is, he also contended, a secular framework. It cannot rest upon the universal foundation of Adi Shankara’s philosophy or an acceptance of its strictly nondual tenets. Critical realism, ᖘѫɌ, and Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) can, furthermore, be approached from a considerable array of relative epistemological and other frameworks. Applying them to our lives would require the analytical praxis of underlaboring (Arabic, نَبَذَ, nabaḏa; or Sanskrit, अपासनम्, apāsanam) or ᏬᏝ. That designation was effectively and ingeniously introduced by the brilliant English empiricist philosopher John Locke (1632–1704). Unarguably a distinguished scholar, he lived, following the late–Renaissance period, in the Enlightenment (circā 1680–circā 1820), the Age of Reason. Locke was also a discerning herald to subsequent scholars in the Enlightenment.
      Following the example set by Bhaskar, I use ᙖᙍⴽ and its ᖘѫɌ to discover, then discard, the trash in diverse philosophies and theories. The end objective of that ᏬᏝ process is always emancipation. Here now are Locke’s own words followed by Bhaskar’s application to critical realism:
      … to be employed as an under–labourer … [involves] clearing the ground a little, and removing some of the rubbish that lies in the way to knowledge; which certainly had been very much more advanced in the world, if the endeavours of ingenious and industrious men had not been much cumbered with the learned, but frivolous, use of uncouth, affected, or unintelligible terms, introduced into the sciences and there made an art of to that degree; that philosophy, which is nothing but the true knowledge of things, was thought unfit, or incapable, to be brought into well–bred company, and polite conversation. Vague and insignificant forms of speech, and abuse of language, have so long passed for mysteries of science; and hard or misapplied words, with little or no meaning, have, by prescription, such a right to be mistaken for deep learning, and height of speculation, that it will not be easy to persuade, either those who speak, or those who hear them, that they are but the covers of ignorance, and hinderance of true knowledge. To break in upon the sanctuary of vanity and ignorance, will be, I suppose, some service to human understanding: though so few are apt to think they deceive, or are deceived, in the use of words; or that the language of the sect they are of has any faults in it, which ought to be examined or corrected; that I hope I shall be pardoned, if I have in the third book [book III of this work] dwelt long on this subject, and endeavoured to make it so plain, that neither the inveterateness of the mischief, nor the prevalency of the fashion, shall be any excuse for those, who will not take care about the meaning of their own words, and will not suffer the significancy of their expressions to be inquired into.
      〜 John Locke. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Books I–IV complete in one volume. With the author’s last additions and corrections. 27ᵗʰ edition. London: T. (Thomas) Tegg and Son. 1836. Pages ix–x.
      The metaphor of underlabouring comes from the eighteenth–century [sīc; seventeenth– and eighteenth–century] British empiricist philosopher, John Locke ….
      Critical realism aspires to clear the ground a little, removing, in the first place, the philosophical rubbish that lies in the way of scientific knowledge, especially but not only in the domain of the social sciences; and in this way to underlabour for science and (partly in virtue of this, it argues) more generally for practices oriented to human well–being and flourishing. These philosophies have been inherited largely unthinkingly from the past. At one time they may have played a progressive role, but they have long since ceased to do so. Indeed, we can say with Albert Einstein that “the world we have created today as a result of our thinking thus far has problems which cannot be solved by thinking the way we thought when we created them.”
      〜 Roy Bhaskar. Enlightened Common Sense: The philosophy of critical realism. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2016. Pages 1–2.
      As I suggested earlier, Dialectical metaRealism (ƉɱⱤ) might be the present stage of basic scientific socialism. Maoism–Third Worldism (ѪŦШ) as Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism ( Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ or ꛠ𖥕ꚸ𖢧𖢊ꛕꚹꚴ𖦚ꛃ), may, however, be the current stage of applied scientific socialism, communism, or revolutionary socialism. ƉɱⱤ encompasses them both and more. Bhaskarian critical realism (ᙖᙍⴽ), as the heart of ƉɱⱤ, is the metatheory and the methodology of all underlaboring (ᏬᏝ) processes. Nevertheless, ᙖᙍⴽ is not a theory or an explanatory framework per sē Instead, the theory of ᙖᙍⴽ is based upon its Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, its Communism–Bundism (૮乃), its intersectional Marxism (ᓰ爪), and its kyriarchy (ӃД). But ᏬᏝ in ƉɱⱤ is, essentially, the —through a dialectical process of absenting, negation, or contradiction—of given propositions or frameworks from the domain of Demireality, dialectical absence, or rubbish to that of Phenomenological Copresence. ᙖᙍⴽ will be the measuring rod.
      This section of the chapter incorporates a sequence of topically–oriented ᏬᏝ processes. Several have been personally conducted by the writer. They are provided in this treatise as concrete recommendations for applying a newly renovated qualitative methodology (ⵕጦ) of underlaboring. Its consistent baseline, its critical postpositive (ρ𖧒) touchstone for evaluation and analysis, is ƉɱⱤ with the four turns of ᙖᙍⴽ, including ᖘѫɌ:
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      In response to an online question which presumed the failure of scientific socialism, I stated: Since Maoist–Third Worldists do not, by and large, believe that there is, at this time, sufficient dialectical potential in the First World for revolutions, we instead focus on lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) in the First World and, simultaneously, on raising class consciousness for revolution in the Third World and in Indigeneity. Class consciousness is a part of human nature, not an aspect of ideation. Marx and Engels rejected Hegel’s absolute idealism and ontological idealism tout court. Those who are false conscious live in denial of their true material and spiritual natures. Communization begins with the dialectical process of transformation. Do you agree that class consciousness is built into our human nature with false consciousness as the dialectical absence of class consciousness?
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      Poststructural postcolonial theory () is an interesting Third Worldist perspectives. It is significantly different from my Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localism–Maoism–Third Worldism (Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ). Links to pertinent literature on this website will be found later in the chapter. How could postcolonialism () be underlabored for use by Maoist–Third Worldists?
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      To be a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist, as I personally use the term, is to continuously strive to be a selfless lover. One sets aside any fears and concerns, however important they might now appear, and turns one’s heart over, in a genuine spiritual reorientation, to the blessed ones of the Third World, the Indigenous Fourth World, and the Subaltern. For the sake of an improved praxis, can the juxtaposition of love and lawful nonviolent resistance (𞋎𖦪Red Fist) be underlabored through reflection or phenomenological meditation (ꚰꛗ)?
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      One of the contradictions of capitalism is created by the publishing industry. Before retiring, I had access to electronic books, electronic journals, and other data through the college library. Now, I do not. I can, in my case, generally afford to pay for the sources I require. Most people are not so fortunate. Sadly, resistance may be the best we can do for now in the First World. That resistance takes the form of Creative Commons and open–access materials online. However, in the world of publishing, they are the exception, not the rule. The hard truth is that time and usually money are required to run a Creative Commons or open–access publication. The publishing companies take advantage of that situation for their own profit. The result is a digital divide in knowledge. I will tell you from experience that, by and large, professors genuinely despise the system. That notwithstanding, if you desire to receive tenure and, subsequently, promotions, you are usually compelled to publish with a profit–making company.
      These days, most major textbooks include software. Students understandably expect it. However, the software for a particular textbook is only compatible with major server–side platforms. Are there open–source platforms? Some. However, universities and colleges would have to hire teams of programmers to make each software package work with those nonstandard platforms. Because publishing companies typically revise a textbook every two or three years, often with little change to the content, those programmers would need to be rehired each and every time. Publishers quickly end support for the previous programs. Financially, the nonstandard platforms would, in the long run, be more expensive than standard ones. Professors are compelled, in effect, to adopt new textbook editions. Therefore, which social institution holds the overriding power in academia? Publishing. The publishers call the shots. Universities and colleges have little or no alternatives. The problem is not with academics. The problem is with capitalism. A First World revolution against the publishing industry may need to wait awhile or longer. How can ƉɱⱤ underlabor the publishing business, which monetizes learning, and discard the junk?
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      Obviously, Marxists, particularly those of us within academia, are a common right–wing target. Harassments of academics can also have other motives. In the 1990s, I was usually silent about my Marxism around other Bahá’ís. Yet, during that decade, I was repeatedly and viciously flamed, as my Antifa burned within me, by apparently power–hungry neofascists on a supposedly Bahá’í–oriented listserv (email list), the now defunct Talisman. Although they called themselves “the liberals,” that designation might be laughable if their actions were not so disappointing.
      To the name–callers, the labellers, not knowing of my Marxism and communism, I was fancied as one of “the conservatives.” Those were, indeed, nothing more than tactics for waging a futile online unholy war—or an insurrection more precisely. I have been mostly, but not completely, silent concerning the online insurrection since the 1990s. Now, however, I felt that mentioning it in some detail was appropriate and important. For a piece of the Talisman puzzle has never, to my knowledge, been solved or at least not publicly examined.
      The entire Talisman affair was, to a significant extent, literally caused, first, by my own articulated opposition to an activity which, to be honest, I personally regarded as a violation of the Bahá’í Covenant and, second, by my expression of some views which then differed from those held by the core members of Talisman. But such an accusation at the time would have exceeded my rights as an individual Bahá’í. Then I was silent concerning the fact that my Ph.D. is in sociology and in history. Now, as a historian, I can write with the support of my first–hand knowledge of the early 1990s.
      Ostensibly, the self–proclaimed scholars and liberals on Talisman were not so different from the Covenant–breakers of the past. To them, the Guardianship had, merely because of the physical death of Shoghi Effendi, ended. They denied the words of the Guardian that the World Order of Bahá’u’lláh could not exist without the Guardianship—without himself. And so those Talisman liberals argued for the establishment of a new Bahá’í institution of “scholars” (themselves) to replace the immortal Shoghi Effend, the Guardian of the Cause of God (Arabic, الوَّلِيّ الأَمْرُ الله, ʾal•Wwaliyy ʾal•⫯Am°ru ʾAl•Llꞌah; Persian, وَلِیِ امْرِ الله Valí•i ʾAm°r•i ʾAl•Llꞌah; Tajik, Валийи Амри Аллоҳ, Valiý•i Amr•i Alloh; or Turkish, Velî–i Emr–i Allâh)—the one and only.
      Being a fellow academic on Talisman, I became, by my failure to play along, a threat. This was merely one of countless occasions in which I was bullied as an Autistic, a Bahá’í, a Leftist, or an academic (and a fairly heterodox one at that). Well, the Talisman incident did not turn out so well for some of those those alleged scholars and attempted power élite. I obviously could not read their minds, but perhaps they thought they were fooling everyone. After predictably failing to achieve their right–authoritarian objective, roughly half of them expeditiously vanished. Some are no longer Bahá’ís. A couple were formally expelled, dis–membered if you will, from the Bahá’í Faith by the Universal House of Justice.
      As a Hegelian Marxist at the time, and again I was formulating my original left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxist Toolkit (ᒐᔦዛጣ𝜏), I did not lend my support to their attempted coup d’état. Absent an eligible descendant, Shoghi Effendi, I personally believe, remains the Guardian of the Bahá’í Faith from the world beyond. But my own views aside, those were, for the most part, intelligent people. Some were also highly educated. I was, therefore, frankly astonished that many, perhaps even most, of them anticipated an outcome which, to those individuals, would have been regarded as successful. However, egotism or egoism, used here in plain talk, all too often confers an unwarranted sense of self–confidence. And that does indeed, appear be a reasonably accurate characterization of the grim Demireality, the splitting as Roy Bhaskar sometimes referred to it, which surrounded this now decades–old tragedy.
      Understandably, the severe repercussions of that attempt to overthrow the established Bahá’í system have continued. One possible reverbation is an unanticipated policy on prepublication review of online Bahá’í–focused academic journals. It was only recently implemented. As a retired academic from Johnson County Community College (, my unofficial logo), I am, to be perfectly frank, personally saddened by the new review process. Well, I cannot imagine that anyone is pleased by it. I patiently struggled to see this policy as an opportunity to strengthen my personal faith. For many Bahá’í academics, the policy has been a severe trial. Academics are required by many universities and colleges, as a precondition for receiving tenure and promotions, to publish books or journal articles. Publishing is, therefore, a mechanism for climbing the academic ladder. The review policy has also frequently been regarded by some as a threat to academic freedom. That nothwithstanding, I believe that, following extended reflections, I may now have a better grasp of the situation. Here is a condensation of my tentative thoughts:
      In light of the Talisman incident, the policy for the review of online Bahá’í–centered academic journals is a Covenantal safeguard. It could help to protect us, at least to some degree, from the profound and imminent dislocations, including a cataclysmic disintegration of the First World and, in particular, the U.S. as the beast of the capitalist world–system. Anti–intellectualism and a longstanding othering or marginalization of academics are ubiquitous in many faith communities. Both, in my view, are unrelated to a continuing and expanded prepublication review process. The supreme administrative body of my religion, Universal House of Justice (UHJ™), is not marginalizing anyone. But after the coming earth–shaking calamity, those secondary texts which survive some near–extinction–level event should, notwithstanding, be reasonably accurate. And, in my opinion, we have almost no time left. The UHJ™ itself might, in my view, temporarily reside in Heaven but not on Earth.
      And so, would you underlabor the matter differently?
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      Perhaps you have wondered how I could refer to revolution and nonviolence in the same text. Indeed, I have, as one might imagine, reflected on that subject considerably myself. Revolution is, for all intents and purposes, the antonym of evolution. So, Eduard Bernstein’s (1850–1932) gradualist evolutionary socialism—now referred to as either the somewhat leftish democratic socialism or the somewhat rightish social democracy or progressivism—is really a negation of Marxist socialism or communism. For that reason, the great heroine and Marxist martyr Red Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919) became Bernstein’s indefatigable intellectual opponent.
      Revolution might be warfare but of a different sort than is usually imagined. From my perspective, revolution could also refer to the type of sudden, even drastic, change which I have written about as nuclear calamity. Moving from civilization to post–civilizational mutual aid, in which the vast majority of humans are annihilated, appears, at least to me, to be hauntingly disastrous. I am not an expert in nuclear physics or related fields. But, to my understanding, following a revolutionary nuclear strike, the majority of the dead do not perish immediately. Rather, their expirations are, more often than not, the agonizing consequences of fallout, famine, a nuclear winter, and societal collapse. Under such a scenario, deterrence would obviously have failed. The revolution, as a world war, will destroy the capitalist world–system. I am nonviolent by temperament. So this understanding allows me to disentangle revolution from the necessity for violent revolutionaries. Again, the nuclear war itself becomes the revolution.
      That, to me, could represent the revolutionary eradication of the capitalist world–system. Long–term survivors might be found in Third and Indigenous Fourth World areas such as remote islands of the South Pacific. There and elsewhere, the remnant could be governed, through a form of neo–feudalism, by local warlords or gang leaders. Lacking requisite support networks, more widely scattered individuals, living primarily in the First World, would, in my view, rapidly pass away. That is to say, the global bourgeoisie would almost completely vanish. The U.S., the zionist entity, and certain Islamicate states such as as Iran might, based upon the quotations previously provided, be completely demolished. Few or no survivors might remain. But please underlabor my thoughts. They will likely be, at least to some degree, different from mine.
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      The next proposal for underlaboring includes various related subjects. One or more of them may be considered:
      U.S. Empire (Sanskrit, साम्राज्यम् [MP3], Sāmrājyam; or Arabic, الإِمْبِرَاطُورِيَّةُ [MP3], ʾal•ʾꞮm°birāṭūriyyaẗu) topples (MP3), and fascism and nonsensical conspiracies are simultaneously on the rise. It is a tragedy. Such conspiracy theories, grounded in profoundly flawed methods of logic, have entertained an exceptionally prone audience in the 21ˢᵗ century. In the U.S. far right, many have repudiated science and, by extension, the entire Enlightenment project. This deluded population—who are frequently the hapless victims of misinformation from both prosperous far–right preachers and a profit–hungry right–wing media—has incorporated: Traditionalists, climate–change denialists, moon–landing conspiracists, anti–pandemic conspiracists (both anti–maskers and anti–vaxxers), and, not to forget, creationists. As true conspiratorial perspectives have been widely disseminated and mainstreamed, social alienation is now being experienced by multitudes of Americans. Conspiracy theories are hypnotic, based upon the magnetic attaction of the heart and the mind to absurdities such as reiki and the paranormal, and can be escaped. One must intentionally turn one’s affections elsewhere.
      One of the reasons why many people buy into conspiracy theories is to project an imagined sense of superiority, i.e. “I know something important which even the most educated among us reject.” Conspiracy theorists are true believers. They are ensnared in a labyrinth of circular reasoning. Anecdotally, simply challenging the conspiracy could turn one into a suspect. That has been this writer’s experience under a similar circumstance. Once, while I was debunking the Illuminati conspiracy in a chatroom, I was, to my entertainment, accused of being an Illuminatist. Most conspiracy theories, including the occult, hidden from all but the true initiates, commonly fall under the general category of right–wing ideologies. Are all occultists right wingers? No. But I have known, and known of, far too many occultists on the far right to assert otherwise.
      As must be considered, the neonazi conspiracy theory of cultural Marxism—an heir to the similarly antisemitic cultural Bolshevik nazi conspiracy theory—implicates Jewish Marxists, or perhaps all Jews imagined as Marxists, in subverting Western civilization. Cultural Marxism has, like many neonazi conspiracy theories, found a welcoming home in much of the wider far right. In this writer’s experience, those who might legitimately be placed under that category are usually ignorant of the conspiracy theory’s despicable source. Whether knowledge would even matter is, in any event, a roll of the dice. At the center of the imaginary cultural Marxism is a forged document entitled The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion. It alleges that Jews are now plotting to take over the world. The frequent far–right condemnations of the NWO (new world order) are directly derived from cultural Marxism and the Protocols. Still, equating the insidious new world order plot with contemporary usages of “new world order” in political science or economics is an imposture. My response to true believers in the conspiracy is this: Most Jews are not Marxists; and most Marxists: They are not Jews.
      Parenthetically, cultural Marxism originally referred to the Frankfurt School of critical social theory and to Hegelian Marxism in general. Since, however, that term was sabotaged by the far right, the designation is no longer used by serious Leftists or Marxists like myself.
      Sarcastically, as the eldest child of two Jewish parents, neither of them ever opted to tell me about the cultural Marxist “plot.” The scheme must be immensely well hidden. Had they mentioned it, I would have strongly dissented. In his preface to the far–right manifesto, Project 2025, the project’s director has openly condemned cultural Marxism. An attack on cultural Marxism, placed into the preface, is thereby established as an ideological foundation of Project 2025—intended to oversee the current Republican U.S. presidential administration. But the director is clearly nobody’s fool. Even the suggestion that he would be unfamiliar with the antisemitic source of cultural Marxism is difficult to wrap one’s mind around. He along with many like–minded people stand to exercise immense power or influence upon the U.S. government. This fact alone should be deeply concerning for all of us. I have encountered several critiques of Project 25. Sadly, not a single one of them referred to the issue of cultural Marxism. Here is the relevant passage:
      It’s not 1980. In 2023, the game has changed. The long march of cultural Marxism through our institutions has come to pass. The federal government is a behemoth, weaponized against American citizens and conservative values, with freedom and liberty under siege as never before. The task at hand to reverse this tide and restore our Republic to its original moorings is too great for any one conservative policy shop to spearhead. It requires the collective action of our movement. With the quickening approach of January 2025, we have two years and one chance to get it right.
      〜 Paul Dans (Director, Project 2025), “A Note on Project 2025.” Multiple authors. Mandate for Leadership: The Conservative Promise, Project 2025, Presidential Transition Project. Paul Dans and Steven Groves, editors. Washington, D.C.: The Heritage Foundation. 2023. Page xiii–xiv.
      A myriad of figures, both past and present, most closely associated with Marxism—and a variety of other intellectual traditions—were secular Jews. Marx (despite his internalized antisemitism), Trotsky, and Luxemburg are three of the most prominent communists from Jewish families. Among the distinguishing characteristics of traditional Jewish modes of thought is talmudic reasoning (Hebrew, חֲשִׁיבָה תַּלְמוּדִית, ḥăšiyḇāh tạləmūḏiyṯ). An outside observer might describe such reasoning as hairsplitting. Arguably, that cultural trait, bereft of its religious overtones, can also be witnessed in many nonpracticing Jewish families, including my own as a child and youth. A penchant for this logic could partially explain the disproportionate prevalence of Jews within a broad spectrum of Leftist and other tendencies.
      There is always a considerable benefit to be gained in studying the histories of various minorities and to avoid vilifying them with ugly stereotypical slurs. Implementing the traditional Jewish notion of ttiqqūn hạ•ʿôlām (Hebrew, תִּקּוּן הַעוֹלָם, “repairing of the world”) may be helpful in that regard. Many Jews have worked diligently to improve their own respective societies and to disinfect them from the stench of antisemitism. In so doing, certain individuals have turned to, and occasionally even established, a variety of social movements. Although many, but not all, of these movements are situated on the far Left, Murray Rothbard, who was referenced previously, was among the founders of American right–wing libertarianism. Similarly, the aforementioned Ayn Rand developed Objectivism. Rand was born Alisa Zinovʹevna Rozenbaum (Russian, Алиса Зиновьевна Розенбаум) and was, later, Alice O’Connor.
      My own views are almost diametrically opposed those of Ayn Rand and her Objectivism. I could, indeed should, critique her philosophy from now until eternity, but that can wait. Nonetheless, when reading Bennett Cerf’s autobiography, I was intrigued by his views of her. Cerf, the cofounder of Random House Publishing and one of the most beloved humorists of his generation, said that she wished to to meet with him on publishing the book, Atlas Shrugged. He refused at first. However, he changed his mind and also became her publisher. Surprising to him, I would imagine, he found her to be absolutely delightful. Cerf, his wife, and Rand would sometimes hang out together. Two guests at parties, he wrote, could not tear themselves away from her. She was, apparently, the life of those parties. Cerf was a true “jetsetter.” He and his wife were renowned NYC socialites (er, not socialists). Cerf was also a TV personality through the extremely popular What’s My Line? game show. It aired on CBS for 17 years (1950–1967) and was hosted by the ABC (originally CBS) journalist, John Daly. Presumably, Rand appreciated Cerf’s attention. Here is a short excerpt from Cerf’s discussion of Rand:
      … Ayn and I became good friends. What I loved to do was trot her out for people who sneered at us for publishing her. She would invariably charm them. For instance, Clifton Fadiman, who had snorted at the idea of our publishing Ayn Rand, sat talking with her until about three in the morning. George Axelrod, author of The Seven Year Itch, toward the end of a long, long evening at Ayn’s, disappeared with her into another room and we couldn’t get him to go home. Later he said, “She knows me better after five hours than my analyst does after five years.”
      〜 Bennett Cerf. At Random: The Reminiscences of Bennett Cerf. New York: Random House Trade Paperbacks imprint of Random House, Inc. 2002. Ebook.
      As an aside, I am not referring to the later syndicated, and lower–quality, revival of What’s My Line?. Daly was gone. (He was a neoconservative; and most of his post–retirement work, sadly in my view, was with the Heritage Foundation and similar organizations.) Arlene Francis (1907–2001), from the original program, was back. There were two different hosts, but Wally Bruner (1931–1997) was the better of them. I would not say that I disliked the show. It was fine but could not measure up to the original. And why did they have the chronically unfunny Soupy Sales (né Milton Supman, 1926–2009) as a panelist? Can a person be inadvertently controversial? Sales was. When I was a little boy, he asked kids, on his own daytime show, to send him their parents’ money. He claimed that he was trying to be funny. Maybe. The cash rolled it, but it was, allegedly, donated to a charity. Sales, for his part, was suspended for two weeks. My mother, as I recall, strongly disliked him after he pulled that “prank.” And no, I never sent any money to the guy. 😁 Although I watched the show once in a while, as a (little) kid, I found him to be extremely annoying and was never a fan.
      But returning to the subject: My own thinking is that Rand, though living in Russia in the former Soviet Union, was, as a nonpracticing Jew, devastated by the nazi Holocaust. It turned her into a cynic. That cynicism gave birth to Objectivism. But the real Rand was still there. Rand, however, was a good actress. She played the role of a true Objectivist. I recall how emotionally abusive she was to members of the audience, for no apparent reason, on the late Phil Donahue’s (1935–2024) show. Either Phil didn’t realize what she was doing, or he simply kept silent on the subject. On the other hand, perhaps Rand really did treat total strangers with contempt. We have, therefore, the dialectical contradictions of Ayn Rand. Can they be underlabored?
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      Engels opposed utopian socialisms with unrealistic communistic (or communal) systems. He was a good prognosticator. Most of those miniature societies from the 19ᵗʰ and 20ᵗʰ centuries fell apart years ago. Communism should respond to current material conditions. Since we do not know future material conditions, proposing pie–in–the–sky communist utopias is unrealistic. Marx did write, however, that communism must eventually be classless. Conceivably, even those with identical needs could receive different levels of income. All will have sufficient incomes to satisty their needs. Marx also anticipated that governments will no longer dominate people’s lives. Instead, governments (or administrations) will perform more practical activities. Maintaining the physical infrastructure is a possibility. However, Marx was speculating. Governments under advanced communism could also have additional functions. We are only surmising. Now use ƉɱⱤ to underlabor this paragraph.
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      In this book, I have underlabored the work of sociologist Pitirim A. Sorokin, a social conservative and strong anti–communist, in order to make that work useful in the context of the current project. Have I been successful? If not, how would you underlabor Sorokin differently. Or do you believe that such underlaboring is fruitless?
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      I shall provide you with my own set of conclusions. They are mine and mine alone and are not intended to represent the views of other tendencies or individuals. You may, if you wish, reflect on the following:
      The various currents of Maoism (𖢑𖣠𖨥𖦩), including heterodox ones such as Maoism–Third Worldism, need to be subjected to critical realist underlaboring. Maoism and some other branches of communism, whether Marxist or anarchist, have often advocated violent revolutions to overthrough the bougeoisie, the power élite, or, as we commonly said in my youth, “the establishment.” Currently, the most effective revolutionary praxis in the First World is resistance. That viewpoint is customarily accepted by Maoist–Third Worldists writ large, not by this writer alone. Examples of resistance are: conscientization (Ɔ˙C) or Transcendental Conscientization (𐌕𐌂), planned and unplanned protests against imperialism and colonialism, and Antifa as, in general, anti–authoritarianism.
      I have taken libertarian Marxist Roy Bhaskar’s underlaboring of violence and applied it, through my own underlaboring, to Maoism–Third Worldism. The admittedly controversial product was Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, a heterodoxy of a heterodoxy. In it, the inevitability of violent praxis, as with insurrectional anarchism, was swiftly tossed out. On the other hand, since the future is unknown, the possibility of violent praxis remains. However much I personally detest violence, I must also acknowledge that it could, as defensive but not offensive action, become necessary in class warfare. As a communist, I am morally obligated to protect the vulnerable and exploited victims of bourgeois or tyrannical oppression.
      Bhaskar wrote:
      Can we do without exploitation, hatred, violence? The answer is yes, we can. We can survive in a world without capitalism. I will put it in the very simple terms of just one structure of oppression. We could survive without capitalism, capitalism could not survive without us. That is the basic asymmetry, but who dominates? Is it capitalism or is it us? Capitalism dominates. Does hatred or love dominate? Obviously hatred, but hatred could not survive without love, though love would flourish without hatred. There is that asymmetry intrinsic to the stratification of reality, one of the themes of critical realism right from the start. There is that asymmetry which means that there is only one answer for humanity. The only answer for humanity is to get rid of exploitation, oppression, the heteronomous sources of determination, that is the only way we will survive. It is a bit like Krishna’s argument in the Bhaghavad Gita to Arjuna: you have to understand that the body cannot survive without the soul but the soul can survive without the body, which is the more basic reality. All emancipation depends upon some such basic asymmetry; and in fact you will find the extraordinary thing is that emancipatory theories, taken to the deepest presuppositions, tend to converge on the properties of this most basic reality.
      〜 Roy Bhaskar. Reflections on Metareality: Transcendence, Emancipation and Everyday Life. Second edition. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2012. Ebook.
      Prognostications on the use of defensive violence amount to utopian socialism. And scientific socialism examines current material conditions, not idealistic, utopian socialist futurology. But once we jettison the necessity of violent praxis from communism, including Maoism–Third Worldism, might we—by applying underlaboring and other methodologies outlined in this book—then formulate a Maoism–Third Worldism of a somewhat different sort. Although I have underlabored Maoism–Third Worldism as: Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ, perhaps you might underlabor Maoism–Third Worldism differently. How, particulary, would you underlabor the proposed use of violence in revolution, Bhaskar’s critique of violence, or my own suggestions? Bluntly, does revolutionary socialism require harming or killing people?
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      Left accelerationism, a methodology found in numerous communist tendencies, advocates manipulating the dialectic, placing it into overdrive, or even circumventing the dialectic. Such a procedure, a methodology perhaps, is, in a time a rapid dialectical acceleration, unnecessary. The term itself was coined by the science fiction writer Roger Zelazny (1937–1995) and further developed, as a critique of post–Marxism, by the literary critical theorist Benjamin Noys (né 1969). Although capitalism is undoubtedly on its last legs, when it will ultimately collapse is truly among the great unknowns. Marx had anticipated revolutions in Europe during the late 19ᵗʰ century. He was clearly a consummate thinker and was endowed with among the most penetrating intellects of his era. However, as with most public figures and prophets or prognosticators, as an ordinary human being, he sometimes fell short. Such an eventuality should, all things being equal, have been anticipated. In critical realism, agency and structure, while distinct, always work together. Dialectical structure is incorporated into the second turn of Roy Bhaskar’s philosophy, dialectical critical realism.
      As a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist, I have, to be honest, vacilated on the issue of accelerationism. However, following considerable reflection, practicing ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ, the Bhaskarian dialectic (ɮɖ), is, in my view, sufficient. The Trump dispensation, in particular, has made accelerationism unnecessary. Racism along with the delusion of race as an objective reality are absented by anti–racism. ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, during His travels in the United States, was an anti–racist decades before the term was widely used. So was Shoghi Effendi. Sexism is, likewise, absented by anti–sexism. By the same token, since we are not social democrats or progressives, those piecemeal absentions can never be replacements for absenting capitalism itself with socialism or communism. As discussed previously, in this time of global crisis, a sincere devotion to absenting absences, in ourselves and in the world around us, is possibly a considerably more important task than ever before. I also oppose entryism. It is, to me, dishonest and disrespectful. Practicing entryism can also backfire. As I mentioned earlier in the book, it once backfired on me.
      Please underlabor my thoughts.
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      Given the history of autonomism (𐕰𐌵𐌕), autonomist socialism might actually be a more precise designation than autonomist Marxism. Although 𐕰𐌵𐌕 began in European Marxism, then spread to North America and elsewhere, it has also attracted many anarchists. For instance, if you do a search on the The Anarchist Library website, you will find numerous articles and books on 𐕰𐌵𐌕. Anarchism is a multidimensional current. There is no single individual whom all anarchists would consider to be the founder. Nevertheless, one frequently finds references to horizontalism in both 𐕰𐌵𐌕 and anarchism, i.e. no hierarchy of power. That is not the case in most Marxist tendencies.
      Horizontalism, at least in principle, places everyone on a level playing field. The idea of party leadership, with a single leader, is anathema to most autonomists and to most left anarchists as well. Consequently, the development of anarchist approaches to autonomism makes sense. An absence of power, however, does not generally lead to equality or equity. Instead, that absence usually results in tyranny. Without a leadership structure, someone will generally try to gain power by some means. And that person is often not the sort of individual whom most people would like to see in charge. In my youth, as an Autistic, I was, every school day, physically abused and sometimes beaten up. School officials were, back then, frequently not obligated to protect students from bullies. I did, as a result, experience the horrible results of horizontalism on a constant basis. You may, if you wish, underlabor my comments.
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      Aside from accelerationism and entryism, some systems of Marxist humanism entirely reject structure and its causal mechanisms, including the dialectic. I had a fascinating discussion with an anti–dialectical Marxist on YouTube several years ago. Initially, I concluded that the anti–dialecticist, Rosa Lichtenstein (a portmanteau of Rosa Luxemburg and Ludwig Wittgenstein), was a troll. I was wrong. They are a brilliant, if passionate, proponent for their views and may have a niche readership. Sadly, trolls constantly harass Ms. Lichtenstein. My recollection, for what it is worth, is that they came across my books or my podcast on ᙖᙍⴽ. Is Ms. Lichtenstein a Marxist humanist? I do not recall having that discussion, but originally I believed so. On September 18ᵗʰ, 2024, I posed the question to them. They promptly replied that they would prefer the term, Wittgensteinian Trotskyist. As a side note, although I respect Ms. Lichtenstein, I do not, as a dialecticist, endorse their anti–dialectics. ᙖᙍⴽ includes dialectical critical realism. Additionally, as discussed earlier, I developed my own Hegelian Marxist theory of left–Sorokianisn Hegelian Marxism (ᒐᔦዛጣ) or Structural Dialectics (𐤋𝙎ካሕϛɖ) well before embracing Roy Bhaskar’s work.
      Parenthetically, as a courtesy to Ms. Lichtenstein, I have adopted plural pronouns in my references to them. At least in those forums in which they use the name “Rosa Lichtenstein,” which is a portmanteau of Rosa Luxemburg and Ludwig Wittgenstein, their gender is cryptic. I do have suspicions, but I will obviously keep them to myself. While working as a professor, I learned to practice discretion and to always show respect for others. Nevertheless, I have no concrete evidence that, in attempting to cover as many bases as might be reasonable in this case, they are: feminine, masculine, non–binary (genderqueer), genderfluid, psychologically androgynous, genderf✳️cking, or some other nonnormative gender. Might, on the other hand, gender be largely incidental to their role–playing? Sociologists are, through our educations, careful observers of human behavior. Therefore, we frequently notice particular nuances in that behavior which might not be readily apparent to others not so trained. During one of our online conversations, they might have, either inadvertently or intentionally, revealed to me their gender.
      Ultimately, however, the subject of gender identity, while fascinating to me as a sociologist, is really immaterial in the present context. My question is: Can, through underlaboring, the perspectives of Leon Trotsky and Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889–1951) be harmonized? A least on face validity, their respective theories would appear to be largely irreconcilable.
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      The diversity of Marxist theory makes it difficult to address its relations with postmodernism, but I will offer a perspective. Postmodernism is, as defined by the French postmodern philosopher Jean–François Lyotard (1924–1998), a refusal to believe, to place credulity, in metanarratives. A metanarrative is a grand scheme or framework which is used to make sense out of the world. Scientific socialism is structured around two foundational metanarratives: dialectical materialism (ᴅɪᴀᴍᴀᴛ) and historical materialism (ʜɪꜱᴍᴀᴛ). The general or the universal is ᴅɪᴀᴍᴀᴛ. It can accurately be understood as the ontological metatheory or philosophy which underlies ʜɪꜱᴍᴀᴛ. The revolutionary social theory and methodology is, therefore, ʜɪꜱᴍᴀᴛ. It is the concrete application of ᴅɪᴀᴍᴀᴛ to explain human sociality within or between one or more societies. In accepting ᴅɪᴀᴍᴀᴛ and ʜɪꜱᴍᴀᴛ, one is affirming the significance and causal power of material reality, not necessarily denying spiritual reality.
      The Dialectical-Materialist History of Modern Man
      I checked Google Lens and Bing Visual Search. The source is unknown.
      With the previous paragraph as preface, although postmodernists have continued to question the legitimacy of metanarratives, Marxism is founded upon them. Nevertheless, postmodern Marxisms have been proposed by some writers. Is that a contradiction in terms? Could, for the sake of argument, Marxism and postmodernism each be underlabored in order to formulate a new postmodern Marxism? If so, what would be its defining characteristics?
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      Some Marxists have also taken the dialectical materialism out of scientific socialism (or Marxism). In so doing, do they turn scientific socialism into something else, and, if so, what? Rather than belaboring the issue, I will simply say that, to me, scientific socialism and dialectical materialism are inseparable. My fixation on the dialectic, which has continued to the present day, predates, by about two decades, my formulation of Left–Sorokinian Hegelian Marxist Structural Dialectics (𐤋𝙎ካሕϛɖ). Hopefully, your own underlaboring of this subject will be productive and liberating.
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      ᙖᙍⴽ defines the dialectic, or process of restructuration, as follows: Absence ⭆ Absenting the Absence ⭆ Transformation. Living the life of a critical realist, through that transformational model of social activity (ⴶᘻ𐒡ᗩ), is one of absenting absences (such as, racism ⭆ antiracism). Roy Bhaskar, in his underlaboring of the Fichtean dialectic, made it clearer and more useful. Can it be underlabored even further?
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      Attempting to predict the future is a fool’s errand. And, in colloquial terms, hell if I know anyway. At best, we can speculate. Here, with that qualification in mind, is my underlabored view of revolution. That perspective is, returning to an earlier theme in the book, heterodox. I hope you will feel inclined either to strongly disagree or to underlabor my own proposition further.
      In light of unfolding global events, my current view on the end of the old system and the beginning of the new is that it will consist of two chapters: First, we may the complete and catastrophic nuclear meltdown of modern civilization and the capitalist world–system—dominated by the First World bourgeoisie. Most people will perish, including virtually all of the First World and, unfortunately, those parts of Fourth World Indigeneity embedded in the First World. That will be the revolution.
      Second, those areas of the planet with the least dependence on modern technologies, including the electrical grid, lie in the Third World and in relatively remote Fourth World Indigeneities. They may be more likely to survive, over the course of centuries or millennia, and to build a communist world–system. Mutual aid, in the context of localism, will become a necessity. Any former bourgeoisie will, out of necessity, be transformed into workers.
      Therefore, if I am correct, the revolution against capitalism will be waged by the dialectic and its power of almost instantaneous destruction. Militaries and their munitions will serve as mere tools in the figurative hands of the dialectic. Then, and the only then, the coöperative agency of ordinary workers, in farflung parts of the globe, will gradually build a new system. Its character, while hopefully communist, is yet to be determined.
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      From my perspective, as I have mentioned earlier, localism would be the consequence of living in a post–cataclysmic age, following the destruction, potentially nuclear, of civilization. Certainly, as a native New Yorker by birth and rearing and an urbanite by disposition, localism and neo–feudalism are not conditions I would personally desire. A Mad Max–type dystopia run by feudal lords or gang leaders is a truly frightening prospect to be sure. However, the capitalist world–system and the imperialist First World will have initiated that destruction. If I am correct, and the Earth is largely inhabited by a remnant of Third and Indigeous Fourth Worlders, they shall be tasked to consolidate a new civilization. Life is often not fair. Hopefully, the new civilization will be communist, but there are no guarantees. You may reflect upon my own thoughts and then, should you desire, underlabor them.
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      I have been reflecting on how, or even whether, to help prepare the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds for the possibly imminent catastrophes ahead. My concern is that such a discussion might come across, legitimately or not, as imperialist condescension or patronage. The First World and its inhabitants have a long and sordid record of patriarchy (playing “daddy”), belittling marginalized others, and even rewriting their histories. How might you take this notion of readiness and underlabor it?
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      Both Matt Walsh and Candace Owens have embraced theocratic fascism. Walsh, a practicing Roman Catholic, has said, and this is a direct quote, “I am literally a theocratic fascist. I do indeed believe that my religious beliefs should be forced on everyone.” We are living in an interesting, and a dangerous, historical moment. This is no time to lay back and ignore current events. And I am speaking from personal experience. Every fiber of my being wants to avoid the news and simply write and podcast on theoretical matters. Since I am a social theorist, being exclusively preoccupied with abstract discussions of theory would be easy. Such disengagement would, with nods to Robert Fritz, be the path of least resistance. But that would also be the coward’s way out. However uncomfortable I am, I work to resist the temptation to shut out the First World around me. Can we underlabor the present?
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      What is the grand truism of our time? We are living during the Anthropocene age (∀ɐ), a time when, now more than ever before, humanity exerts its control over the physical environment. Unfortunately, humans have been far from good custodians of the planet we share with one another. In the ∀ɐ, homo sapiens are rapidly destroying the Earth. How might we use ƉɱⱤ to underlabor the ∀ɐ, discard the garbage, and engage in ecologically sustainable agency? Was Roy Bhaskar’s realistic pessimism regarding our possibly non–existent future well–warranted? If so, why, and by what means, might the present be remedied? If not, why not?
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      Badges have been introduced on the Internet as a new form of qualification. If taken seriously, especially by employers, they could be a pathway to greater educational opportunity and equality. Many badges, and badge programs, are free. Do you think that badges, as they are currently distributed, are satisfactory? Or, after underlaboring, should modifications be made to the system? In a revolutionary socialist or communist society, the rules would be made by the workers. Therefore, the questions would be phrased differently.
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      Given the self–defeating politics within and between communist movements and organizations, moving beyond partisan divides has never been so vital. Internecine politicking destroyed the true Left or revolutionary socialism. Sadly, as I look around the United States, that Left has all but vanished. With sufficient determination, we might be able to repair it. However, many have tried and failed. What trash needs to be discarded before tackling the problem again?
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      Next up is an attempted underlaboring of anarchistic horizontalism and poststructural deconstructionism. Poststructuralism and deconstructionism have been frequently understood as completely irreconcilable with critical realism. It is one thing to critique postructuralism and deconstructionism—like this writer previously critiqued anarchism—as incompatible, in their common formulations, with either ƉɱⱤ or ᙖᙍⴽ. It is quite another to insist that a particular perspective is altogether useless. To the contrary, the methodology of underlaboring can be nicely applied to virtually any subject of interest. Underlaboring, thus brought to bear, may be transformational in its aftermaths. Yet, such outcomes would likely vary in utility.
      This writer, though a Marxist for many decades, has never been an anarchist. Capitalism, as the principal impediment to communism and emancipation, must be demolished. The anarchistic horizontalism contra verticalism is, colloquially, little more than eye candy. On the other hand, to be consistent, horizontalism might also be reconstituted through the performance of underlaboring. A reoriented horizontalism—like a deciphered Zen kōan (Japanese, 公案, “public or general proposal”) or a Rubik’s® Cube—may be artfully transfigured into a horizontal economy. Horizonalism itself is impossible. Societies require authority. Given a dialectical absence of legitimate power—tyrants, warlords, despots, autocrats, authoritarians, and totalitarians would inevitably rise up to fill the gap.
      Accordingly, could deconstructive poststructuralism (ܨ), after meditatively or phenomenologically disposing of much of the ontologically relativistic trash, become an instrumental approach for the pursuit of philosophical underlaboring? The ontological relativism, which reduces empirical objects to the vagaries of language, moves its practitioners in the direction of a quasi–chaos magic. Language is epistemic. Reality is ontological. By conflating the two, one views the world, or rather fails to view it, through pitch–black glasses. Speculatively, the relatively swift decline of academic interest in poststructuralism was baked in from the start. If everything, either by nature or its absence, is fluid or mercurial, there is nothing of enduring substance to study.
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      Directly below is an alphabetically organized list of topics, covering wide-ranging issues, for possible underlaboring. On the other hand, please bear in mind that most of the items included are only tentative. Their inclusion does not automatically imply recommendations. Still, an asterisk (🞻) following any given entry indicates a personal preference. A heavy asterisk (🞽) will express an even stronger inclination. The double–heart emoji (💕) may be selectively added as well.
      Applying this procedure of underlaboring could present considerably greater challenges when analyzing some issues over others. By underlaboring subjectively undesirable concepts, in particular, weighty transformations may begin to unfold within one’s own life. Procedurally, after taking all of the garbage bags out to the curb, meditate upon the dazzling pearls left behind. For anyone interested, and sufficiently tolerant, I recommend underlaboring the far–right–wing Traditionalist School of esotericism. But what can be said after, having underlablored a perspective, almost nothing is left? That was my experience with the Traditionalist School.
      Procedurally, a new categorization scheme, consisting of diverse topics for possible underlaboring, shall be humbly introduced for the reader’s consideration. The links which are connected with each of the items incorporated into this outline will furnish relevant, and largely primary or academic, source materials. The personal suggestions provided are largely intended for those beginning their exercises in underlaboring. Yet, these proposals will hopefully be reasonably beneficial for budding and established scholars alike. No claims can be made concerning the comprehensiveness of the multiple sets of listings placed under the following subject headings:
      1. academic, professional, and nonprofessional disciplines
      2. communisms ☭, socialisms, quasi–socialisms of various types, and social democracies
      3. logo contemporary and historical libertarian Marxisms (variants of libertarian communism and left–libertarianism)
      4. The Bhaskarian✚ critical realist current is a category unto itself.
      5. This writer’s summary from Quora
      6. Hegelian Marxisms (reactionary in a post–Hegelian Marxist context) 🧑‍🎓🔙🦖🤔, Freudo–Marxisms Sigmund Freud👨🏽‍⚕️🛏️, Western Marxisms 🤠🤠︎👩🏿‍🌾👨‍🌾🥾, and others
      7. democratic and republican theories
      8. religious movements, including: spirituality, esoterica, ceremonial magic, and theologies 🌟🎇
      9. social justice movements ⚖️
      10. unionisms and unions 🌍💫🌐🧑🏻‍🏭🧑🏼‍🏭🧑🏽‍🏭🧑🏾‍🏭🧑🏿‍🏭👨‍🏭👩‍🏭
      11. various philosophies, theories, leftish perspectives (occasionally bourgeois💲💰), and miscellaneous frameworks
      12. 🇵‌🇦‌🇷‌🇹‌ 🇮‌🇮‌ 🇴‌🇫‌ 🇹‌🇭‌🇪‌ 🇨‌🇴‌🇳‌🇨‌🇱‌🇺‌🇸‌🇮‌🇴‌🇳‌
      13. logo Underlaboring the Traditionalist School of Esotericism (𖣁𖢩) or, as I often refer to it, the metaTradder Schooler movement (Ʈ) of René Guénon, Frithjof Schuon, Ananda Kentish Muthu Coomaraswamy, et al. ❝🌏➖🆕🟰🦖❞
      14. 𝓐𝓷 𝓐𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓯𝓪 𝓟𝓻𝓪𝔁𝓲𝓼 𝓪𝓷𝓭 𝓪 𝓒𝓻𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓺𝓾𝓮
      15. I will now provide a detailed discussion, including numerous sets of multilingual translations, of a peculiar neofascist current, tendency, or new religous movement (NRM). It is, on the surface, about as far removed from ƉɱⱤ and ᙖᙍⴽ as anything I could have imagined. Reactionism can never be a guidepost to eudæmonia. Analyzing the Traditionalist School of esotericism (𖣁𖢩) in depth, for considerably longer than I had intended at the outset, has been, and continues to be, an interesting journey. Although I am not alone, exposing the rot of 𖣁𖢩 is, for this writer, a project in both academic Antifa and resistance against a dying capitalist world–system. I always try to be fair in my judgments, but I am not an impartial observer.
      16. The view that scholarship, like journalism, can ever be genuinely neutral is a logical fallacy. The Traditionalist School is, in its quest for a nonexistent perennial or eternal meta–Tradition (), inherently fascistic and élitist. 𖣁𖢩’s élitism supports the First World and opposes the emancipatory interests of the Third and Indigenous Fourth Worlds. Therefore, regarding the Traditionalist School, I am a scholar, not a practitioner.
        • Mad°rasaẗu ʾal•Taq°līdiyyaẗ lil•Bāṭiniyyaẗ (Arabic, مَدْرَسَةُ التَقْلِيدِيَّة لِلبَاطِنِيَّة), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Mad°rasah•i Sunnat°garāý•i Bāṭiní (Persian, مَدْرَسَهِ سُنَّتْگَرَایِ بَاطِنِی), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Madrasa•i Sunnatgaroī•i Batinī (Tajik, Мадрасаи Суннатгароӣи Батинӣ), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • da Bāṭinī Dūd°wālah Mad°rasah (Pashto, دَ بَاطِنِي دُودْوَالَه مَدْرَسَه), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • ǧay Bāṭinī Rivāyatī Madarasō (Sindhi, جَي بَاطِنِي رِوَايَتِي مَدَرَسو), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • ǧay Bāṭiniyat ǧō Rivāyatī Madarasō (Sindhi, جَي بَاطِنِيَت جو رِوَايَتِي مَدَرَسو), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bāṭiní Riwaýatí Madarasaha (Urdu, بَاطِنِی رِوَایَتِی مَدَرَسَہَ), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bātinī Rivāyatī Madarase (Hindi, बातिनी रिवायती मदरसे), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bāṭiniýýaha ḱā Riwaýatí Madarasaha (Urdu, بَاطِنِیَّہَ کَا رَوَایَتِی مَدَرَسَہَ), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bātiniyā kā Rivāyatī Madarase (Hindi, बातिनिया का रिवायती मदरसे), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • da Bāṭiní Rítí Vādí Madarasaha (Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَ بَاطِنِی رِیتِی وَادِی مَدَرَسَہَ), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • da Bātinī Rītīvādī Madarasā (Gurmuhki Pubjabi, ਦ ਬਾਤਿਨੀ ਰੀਤੀਵਾਦੀ ਮਦਰੱਸਾ), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bātinī Aitihyabādī Mādrāsā (Bengali, বাতিনী ঐতিহ্যবাদী মাদ্রাসা), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bātinīẏā ēra Aitihyabādī Mādrāsā (Bengali, বাতিনীয়া এর ঐতিহ্যবাদী মাদ্রাসা), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bāṭinī Paraṁparāvādī Madarase (Marathi, बाटिनी परंपरावादी मदरसे, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bātiniyā cyā Paraṁparāvādī Madarase (Marathi, बातिनिया च्या परंपरावादी मदरसे, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Paramparāvādī Bātamī Madarēsā (Gujarati, પરંપરાવાદી બાતમી મદરેસા), “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Bātiniyyā nā Paramparāvādī Madarēsā (Gujarati, બાતિનિય્યા ના પરંપરાવાદી મદરેસા, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Turkish, Bâtınî Gelenekçi Medrese, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Turkish, Gelenekçi Bâtınîlik Medrese, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Azerbaijani, Batini Ənənəvi Mədrəsə, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Indonesian, Madrasah Tradisionalis Batin, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Javanese, Madrasah Tradisionalis Kebatinan, “Traditionalist School of Esotericism
        • Kebatinan (science of the inner), with the bāṭin Arabic root word, refers to a Javanese spiritual tradition.
      17. A critique of the Traditionalist Schooler movement has become a consequential extension of this writer’s ƉɱⱤ and Ꭾⵞത𐌀𐌋𐒄ՇƜ praxis. Initially, I acknowledge my disgust. Doing otherwise would, to my mind, sacrifice my integrity and my humanity. However, I then phenomenologically bracket that revulsion, but never my critique, and attempt a process akin to Max Weber’s Verstehen or Charles Horton Cooley’s sympathetic introspection. In plainer terms, I endeaver to relate intersubjectively, heart to heart and mind to mind, with the people I am studying. Through phenomenology, I learn: detachment, tolerance, patience, and compassion. Admittedly so, this methodology and praxis are not always so straightforward, in my work as a religious studies scholar, since I commonly explore new religious movements (NRMs) which I find to be quite deplorable. But the choice to challenge myself in such a manner has extended throughout most of my career.
      18. The following is a rather lengthy literature review. It will cover materials directly related to the movement, including from primary sources by Traditionalist authors, and some peripheral to it:
        The traditionalist … approaches the tradition as a reaction to an external threat to its moral equilibrium. It is, therefore, reactionary and prone to fight for the protection of the said tradition. While the traditional hardly know anything about the sources of the tradition, the traditionalist, having approached the tradition as a reaction to the “threat,” is reflective and self–aware. The traditionalist is prone to reject, fight or deny the presumed threat to its belief system. A strategy to defend the tradition is to idealize it.
        〜 Minoo Mirshahvalad. Crises and Conversions The Unlikely Avenues of “Italian Shiism.” Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan imprint of Springer Nature Switzerland AG. 2024. Pages 7–8.
        The Traditionalists disinterest for human sciences derives from the secondary importance of the human experiences and the lived religions in their opinion. These experiences are overshadowed by the metaphysical narratives about the world. Traditionalism, like orientalism, has approached the Orient without Orientals. Traditionalism has grown up in a total disinterest for those who live the tradition.
        〜 Minoo Mirshahvalad. Crises and Conversions The Unlikely Avenues of “Italian Shiism.” Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan imprint of Springer Nature Switzerland AG. 2024. Page 166.
        … all “orthodox” Religions—that is to say those that are linked by an unbroken chain of tradition to an authentic Revelation— are paths that lead to the same summit. If that were not so, God would have denied the possibility of salvation to a vast majority of the earth’s inhabitants, past and present. It is surprising how cheerfully many of the followers of a Religion based on love and charity accept this conclusion.
        〜 Walter “Lord Northbourne” James, “Religion and Tradition.” The Underlying Religion: An Introduction to the Perennial Philosophy. Martin Lings and Clinton Minnaar, editors. Bloomington, Indiana: World Wisdom, Inc. 2007. Pages 3–10.
        The traditional occult sciences are, in fact, applications of cosmological sciences, and are understandable only in the light of a living esotericism having the metaphysical doctrines necessary to make lucid the symbolism they contain. Without the light of such an esotericism they become opaque and, in fact, dangerous channels for spreading chaos on the plane of external forms, both natural and human. The cultivation of the occult sciences in the modern world is a glaring example of such a case, where the singular lack of the light of wisdom has turned the “occult sciences,” whose principles have been totally forgotten, into major factors in the spread of disorder and chaos.
        〜 Seyyed Hossein Nasr. Islamic Science: An Illustrated Study. London: World of Islam Festival Publishing Company Ltd. 1976. Page 194.
        Scientia sacra is none other than that sacred knowledge which lies at the heart of every revelation and is the center of that circle which encompasses and defines tradition. The first question which presents itself is, how is the attainment of such a knowledge possible? The answer of tradition is that the twin source of this knowledge is revelation and intellection or intellectual intuition which involves the illumination of the heart and the mind of man and the presence in him of knowledge of an immediate and direct nature which is tasted and experienced, the sapience which the Islamic tradition refers to as “presential knowledge” …. Man is able to know and this knowledge corresponds to some aspect of reality. Ultimately in fact, knowledge is knowledge of Absolute Reality and intelligence possesses this miraculous gift of being able to know that which is and all that partakes of being.
        〜 Seyyed Hossein Nasr, “Scientia Sacra.” The Underlying Religion: An Introduction to the Perennial Philosophy. Martin Lings and Clinton Minnaar, editors. Bloomington, Indiana: World Wisdom, Inc. 2007. Pages 114–140.
        It is in … [a] hierarchic universe that man’s life takes place and possesses meaning. Religion is not only the key to the understanding of this universe, but also the central means whereby man is able to journey through the lower stages of existence to the Divine Presence, this journey being nothing other than human life itself as it is understood traditionally. The doctrines, symbols and rites of a religion possess therefore a meaning which is not confined to the spatio–temporal realm. In contrast to most modern theologians and philosophers and scholars of religion who have either consciously or unconsciously adopted the scientistic view which reduces Reality as such to physical or historical reality, the traditionalists refuse to reduce the existence of religion to only the terrestrial and temporal realm. Religion for them is not only the faith and practices of a particular human collectivity which happens to be the recipient of a particular religious message. Religion is not only the faith of the men and women who possess religious faith. It is a reality of Divine Origin.
        〜 Seyyed Hossein Nasr. The Need for a Sacred Science. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2005. Page 29.
        The indigenous tradition [of Islamic cosmology], which was strongly opposed to Greek and other foreign sciences, formulated a cosmology based almost entirely on Islamic sources, namely the Qur’an, hadiths, and transmitted sciences. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, a leading contemporary historian and philosopher of Islamic science, has likened the position of this indigenous cosmology within the total Islamic cosmological tradition to that of Prophetic medicine within the general body of medical knowledge stored within the house of Islam.
        〜 Azhar Niaz, ‘Cosmology.” Islamicus. November 6ᵗʰ, 2012. Pages 1–10.
        On this point [Angels and Archangels] I am convinced that Neoplatonism (which it has long been fashionable to disparage) was infinitely closer to Iranian angelology, and to a better understanding of the theurgical and demiurgical role of its heavenly entities than the philosophical improvisations in which religious historians are apt to indulge when they are short of categories. We have an exact tradition to follow if we wish to understand, for example, what the Angels of the Earth proclaim to Mazdean piety.
        〜 Henry Corbin. Spiritual Body and Celestial Earth: From Mazdean Iran to Shī‘ite Iran. Nancy Pearson, translator. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 1977. Page 6.
        The evidence for the transcendent unity of religions results not only from the oneness of Truth but also from the oneness of the human race. The sufficient reason for the existence of the human creature is the capacity to think; not to think just anything. but to think about what matters, and finally, about what alone matters. Man is the only being on earth able to foresee death and to desire survival the only being who desires to know—and is capable of knowing—the why of the world of the soul of existence. No one can deny that it in the fundamental nature of man to ask himself these questions and to have, in consequence, the right to answers; and further, to have access to them. precisely by virtue of this right. whether through Revelation or through Intellection, each of these sources of knowledge acting according to its own laws and within the framework of the conditions that correspond to it.
        〜 Frithjof Schuon. The Transcendent Unity of Religions. Wheaton, Illinois: Quest Books. 1993. Page 149.
        Rites and symbols, both of which are essential elements of every initiation, and, more generally are associated with everything traditional, are in fact closely linked by their very nature. All the constituent elements of a rite necessarily have a symbolic sense, whereas, inversely, a symbol produces—and this indeed is its essential purpose—in one who meditates upon it with the requisite aptitudes and disposition, effects rigorously comparable to those of rites properly speaking, with the reservation of course that when this meditation is undertaken there be, as a preliminary condition, that regular initiatic transmission failing which the rites would be in any case nothing more than a vain counterfeit, as with their pseudo-initiatic parodies. We must also add that the origin of authentic rites and symbols (anything less does not deserve the name, since it amounts in the end to entirely profane and fraudulent imitations) is likewise “non–human.” Thus the impossibility of assigning to them any definite author or maker is not due to a lack of information, as profane historians suppose (that is, if for want of a better solution they have not been driven to look on them as the product of a sort of “collective consciousness,” which, even if it existed, would in any case be quite incapable of producing things of a transcendent order, such as these), but is a necessary consequence of that very origin, something that can only be contested by those who completely misunderstand the true nature of tradition and of all its integral parts, as is evidently the case with rites and symbols.
        〜 René Guénon. The Essential René Guénon: Metaphysics, Tradition, and the Crisis of Modernity. John Herlihy, editor. Bloomington, Indiana: World Wisdom, Inc. Page 226.
        In reality, the doctrines professed by the Theosophical Society are wholly modern, and in almost every respect are so different from those to which the name theosophy legitimately applies, that the two could never be confounded except as a result of dishonesty or ignorance: dishonesty on the part of the heads of the Society, and ignorance on the part of the majority of those who follow them, and also, we have to admit, on the part of some of their adversaries who, being insufficiently informed, commit the grave error of taking these leaders’ assertions seriously and believing, for example, that they represent an authentic Eastern tradition, although this is simply not true. As we shall see, the Theosophical Society owes its name to purely accidental circumstances, without which it would have received an entirely different name. Thus its members are in no way theosophers, but rather “theosophists,” if you will. As for the rest, the distinction between the terms “Theosophers” and “theosophists” is almost always made in English, where the word “Theosophism” is frequently used to designate the doctrine of this Society. This distinction seems important enough in our eyes to be maintained equally in French, despite of its unusual character, and this is why before all else we were anxious to give the reasons why there is more to this than a mere question of words.
        〜 René Guénon. Theosophy: History of a Pseudo–Religion. Alvin Moore, Jr., Cecil Bethell, Hubert Schiff, and Rohini Schiff, translators. Hillsdale, New York: Sophia Perennis. 2003. Pages 3–4.
        Mme [Helena Petrovna] Blavatsky’s anti–Christian bias, which is especially directed against orthodox and so–called judaized Christianity, thus need not be too adverse to the idea of an “esoteric Christianity” like this, where one finds a “syncretism” rather similar to her own and almost as incoherent, although the confusion there is perhaps less inextricable. The principal difference is that a Christian terminology replaces the Eastern terminology, and that Buddhism is relegated to a secondary level even while being regarded as the complement of, or rather as the indispensable preparation for, Christianity.
        〜 René Guénon. Theosophy: History of a Pseudo–Religion. Alvin Moore, Jr., Cecil Bethell, Hubert Schiff, and Rohini Schiff, translators. Hillsdale, New York: Sophia Perennis. 2003. Page 161.
        There is an attempt from certain quarters to marginalize the relationship between Islam and the perennial philosophy, and specifically what Frithjof Schuon called, “the transcendent unity of religions.” On the one hand, some interpreters of Schuon and the perennial philosophy have denied, in the name of pure esoterism, the necessary religious forms and discipline which allow man to transcend himself, and have an authentic vision of Reality. On the other hand, some Muslim scholars have attempted to deny salvation and sanctification for those in other orthodox religions. These two trends, which deny an aspect of religion, fail to grasp the fullness and grandeur of religion, as that which binds man to his Source, the common and transcendent Source of all authentic religions.
        〜 Zachary Markwith, “Muslim Intellectuals and the Perennial Philosophy in the Twentieth Century.” Sophia Perennis. Volume 1, number 1, 2009. Pages 39–98.
        To cut through the balance of charge and countercharge requires instinct, an intuitive sense of how it has felt to live in alternative societies, and this sense we confess we lack. True, a logical point announces itself now and again, asking if the prospect of an infinite and eternal beatitude which the traditional perspective held out to man would not have exercised on balance a leavening influence, but this is the note of a distant horn, too faint to be heard in argument. Our objection to regarding the physical world as a closed system is not that the view is unfortunate but that it is untrue. To ask whether to believe what is untrue can in the long run be fortunate is again to turn thought toward pragmatic waters, and we refuse to be diverted.
        〜 Huston Smith. Forgotten Truth: The Common Vision of the World’s Religions. San Francisco: HarperSanFranciso (now HarperOne) imprint of HarperCollins Publishers. 1992. Page 96.
        When tradition is no longer adequate to hold society together, human life faces the gravest crisis it has encountered. It is a crisis the modern world should have no difficulty in understanding, for in recent years it has returned to haunt humanity in an acute form. The United States provides the clearest example. A genius for absorbing peoples of varying national and ethnic backgrounds has earned for her the reputation of being a melting pot; but in weakening the traditions that immigrant groups brought with them, the United States has not provided them with a compelling replacement. This leaves the nation perhaps the most traditionless society history has known. As the alternative to tradition, the United States has proposed reason. Educate citizens and inform them, and they can be counted on to behave sensibly—this is the Jeffersonian–Enlightenment faith on which the United States was founded. It has not been fulfilled. Until recently the world’s leader in education, the United States leads likewise in crime, delinquency, and divorce.
        〜 Huston Smith. The World’s Religions: Our Great Wisdom Traditions. San Francisco: HarperOne imprint of HarperColllins Publishers. 2009. Page 163.
        As a philosophy of history opposed to the rationalism of Enlightenment philosophes, it [traditionalism] elevated tradition (particularly the Catholic church) to a position of divine and absolute authority. So extreme was the opposition of some Traditionalists to modernism that they were excommunicated in 1855 for their rejection of reason. Yet the traditionalist critique of modernism still held an appeal, and it subsequently was adopted by members of the French occult and esoteric underground at the turn of the century.… Sacred traditions could be numbered in the plural, and thus all religions were to be regarded as manifestations of a Perennial Philosophy that is one and eternal.…
        What is the significance of the Traditionalist school for Islamic studies? Their rejection of historicism poses a difficulty for most Islamicists, whether humanists or social scientists. If the premise of the Perennial Philosophy is conceded, then much of the apparatus of modern scholarship, admittedly a prod uct of the Enlightenment, stands condemned. The sketch given above attempts to outline the intellectual background of Traditionalism as a response to European modernism; that historical placement ironically makes Traditionalism neither traditional nor distinctively Islamic. Before the specific cultural crises caused by modernism, it was neither necessary nor possible to formulate a defense of tradition as such. Yet one can also see why the Perennial Philosophy would be an attractive option for Muslim thinkers seeking a position from which to resist the cultural imperialism of the secular West.
        〜 Carl W. Ernst, “Traditionalism, the Perennial Philosophy and Islamic Studies.” Middle East Studies Association Bulletin. Volume 28, number 2, December 1994. Pages 778–180
        … the fact that civilizations of the traditional type are found in the past becomes merely accidental: the modem world and the traditional world may be regarded as two universal types and as two a priori categories of civilization. Nevertheless, that accidental circumstance allows us to state with good reason that wherever a civilization is manifested that has as its center and substance the temporal element, there we will find a resurgence, in a more or less different form, of the same attitudes, values, and forces that have defined the modem era in the specific sense of the term; and that wherever a civilization is manifested that has as its center and substance the supernatural element, there we will find a resurgence, in more or less different forms, of the same meanings, values, and forces that have defined archaic types of civilization. This should clarify the meaning of what I have called the “dualism of civilization” in relation to the terms employed (“modem” and “traditional”) and also prevent any misunderstandings concerning the “traditionalism” that I advocate. “These did not just happen once, but they have always been” … The reason behind all my references to nonmodem forms, institutions, and knowledge consists in the fact that they are more transparent symbols, closer approximations, and better examples of what is prior and superior to time and to history, and thus to both yesterday and tomorrow; it is these alone that can produce a real renewal and a “new and perennial life” in those who are still capable of receiving it. Only those capable of this reception may be totally fearless and able to see in the fate of the modern world nothing different or more tragic than the vain arising and consequential dissolution of a thick fog, which cannot alter or affect in any way the free heaven.
        〜 Julius Evola. Revolt Against the Modern World. Guido Stucco, translator. Rochester, Vermont: Inner Traditions International. 1995. Pages xxxii–xxxiii.
        Traditional cultures develop by the application of principles to conditions; the principles, indeed, are unchangeable and universal, but just as nothing can be known except in the mode of the knower, so nothing valid can be accomplished socially without taking into account the character of those concerned and the particular circumstances of the period in which they live. There is no “fusion” of cultures to be hoped for; it would be nothing like an “eclecticism” or “syncretism” that an elite would have in view. Neither would such an elite be organized in any way so as to exercise such a direct influence as that which, for example, the Technocrats would like to exercise for the good of mankind. If such an elite ever came into being, the vast majority of Western men would never know of it; it would operate only as a sort of leaven, and certainly on behalf of rather than against whatever survives of traditional essence in, for example, the Greek Orthodox and Roman Catholic domains.
        〜 Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. The Essential Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. Rama P. Coomaraswamy, editor. Bloomington, Indiana: World Wisdom, Inc. 2004. Page 94.
        What 1 have called here a “new approach to the Vedas” is nothing more than an essay in the exposition of Vedic ideas by means of a translation and a commentary in which the resources of other forms of the universal tradition are taken for granted. Max Muller, in 1891, held that the Veda would continue to occupy scholars “for centuries to come.” Meanwhile there are others beside professional scholars, for whom the Vedas are significant. In any case, no great extension of our present measure of understanding can be expected from philological research alone, however valuable such methods of research may have been in the past: and what is true for Sumero–Babylonian religion is no less true for the Vedas, viz., that “further progress in the interpretation of the difficult cycle of … liturgies cannot be made until the cult is more profoundly interpreted from the point of view of the history of religion.”
        〜 Ananda K. Coomaraswamy. A New Approach to the Vedas: An Essay in Translation and Exegesis. New Delhi, India: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd. 2002. Pages viii–ix.
        It turns out that the physicist’s search in quest of “matter”—his centuries—long travail to ascertain the material basis of corporeal existence—has at last been crowned with success; it is only that he has so far failed to recognize the fact.
        … Hard science … is ultimately self–corrective, and wiser, in a way, than the scientists who pursue it; in the end it is apt to lead us to the truth, if only we have “eyes to see.” But science itself cannot give us this vision: science as such cannot interpret its own findings; and neither, I would add, can modern philosophy. What is called for, I maintain, is a grounding in the traditional metaphysical doctrines of mankind: the very tenets that have been decried since the Enlightenment as primitive, pre–scientific, and puerile. Strange as it may seem to modern minds, these teachings—like the vertical causality we have contemplated in this chapter—derive ultimately “from above”: from the Center of the circle, if you will. Originally formulated in the language of myth, they have served as a catalyst of metaphysical vision down through the ages; neither Plato, nor Aristotle, nor [Thomas] Aquinas invented their own doctrines: all have drunk from this spring—except, of course, for the pundits of modernity, who have rejected that heritage. By now, to be sure, one knows very well to what destination modernity leads: we have, after all, entered the disillusioned and skeptical era of postmodernism. The argument against the traditional wisdom has now run its course, and the way to the perennial springs is open once more. The time is ripe for a new interpretation of scientific findings based upon pre–Cartesian principles; what is called for is a radical change of outlook, a veritable metanoia. Whether the doctrines of science will conduce to human enlightenment or to the blighting of our intellect hangs in the balance.
        Wolfgang Smith. The Quantum Enigma: Finding the Hidden Key. Third edition. Hillsdale, New York: Sophia Perennis. 2005. Pages 124–125.
        Acording to its title, this book has to do with ancient cosmology. Strictly speaking, however, its primary concern is with traditional cosmology, which is not the same thing. Yet the fact remains that the ancient cosmologies tended to be traditional in varying degrees, which means that the book has to do with ancient cosmology after all.
        Nonetheless, it is imperative to distinguish between the two conceptions. To speak of”ancient” doctrine is to speak in historical terms; what renders a doctrine “traditional,” on the other hand, is precisely the fact that it is more than historical, more than a mere historical contingency, which is to say that it embodies an element of revelation. What exactly that means, moreover, is something that only traditional doctrine itself can disclose. Suffice it to say that a doctrine is traditional by virtue of the fact that it partakes somewhat of eternity. It has power, therefore, to inspire the comprehensor, to awaken in us what the poet terms “intimations of immortality.” Traditional cosmology, in particular, points thus beyond the cosmos; in the words of St. Paul, it leads from “the things that are made” to the “invisible things of God.” Such a cosmology reconnects its votaries to the spiritual world; it is inherently religious, therefore, precisely in the original sense of re–ligare [Latin/Lingua Latīna, religāre; MP3], “binding back.”
        Wolfgang Smith. The Wisdom of Ancient Cosmology: Contemporary Science in Light of Tradition. Oakton, Virginia: Foundation for Traditional Studies. 2004. Page 11.
        At first Mohammed confided his experience only to a small group of close associates. Soon, an inner circle or secret school of disciples began to form around him ' in time they publicly proclaimed the exoteric message of surrender to Allah. Prophet Mohammed never claimed to found a new religion. In fact, he always said he was just continuing the primordial tradition (the ultimate truth) that was working long before him. The central message of Islam is the declaration of faith (Shahada): «There is no god but Allah & Mohammad is the Messenger of Allah». From the esoteric perspective this is also understood as «there is no reality except Reality». The exoteric practice is summed up in the ‹Five Pillars of Islam›. These are Faith, Prayer, Fasting, Almsgiving & Pilgrimage.
        〜 Mohamad Reza (Sina) Omidvarnia. The Inner Treasure. Privately published. 2019. Page 12.
        If the Real is present to all forms of existence as the ground of their ever-changing being, and if “things known are in the knower according to the mode of the knower,” finite persons will naturally tend to be conscious of the Real as a divine Thou. And so we find that from the earliest forms of archaic religion through the stilldeveloping post-axial traditions the forms of experience in which, according to our hypothesis, the Real is present to human consciousness have usually (though not always) been hypostatised divine persons.
        〜 John Hick. An Interpretation of Religion: Human Responses to the Transcendent. Second edition. New York: Palgrave Macmillan imprint of St. Martin’s Press, LLC. 2004. Page 252.
        Our “practising mystics” have spoken both of mystical experience and of the mystic’s practices and disciplines. I should like to discuss the former, the religious experience and its significance, rather than the practices and techniques which serve it. Mystical experience, as our mystics (and others as well) describe it, does not seem to me to be anything other than first–hand religious experience as such. This is however, I believe, the core of religion. Religion has often been understood, particularly within our modem science–oriented western culture, as an attempt (though a primitive and unsuccessful attempt) to explain certain puzzling phenomena, from perennial puzzles concerning the origin of the world and the source of its order, to cosmic puzzles concerning the origin of the world and the source of its order, to local puzzles about why the rains are late this year or what last night’s thunder signified. There is, certainly, an explanatory side to religion, although recent religious thought has tended to apply these explanatory resources to the existence or the meaning of the world as a whole rather than to the occurrence of particular events within it. How far this movement away from a theological explanation of the genesis of particular events can or should be taken is an important open question which, however, I shall not be taking up here. The point I wish to make is rather that the explanatory function of religion is secondary and derivative. Religion consists primarily in experiencing our life in its relation to the Transcendent and living on the basis of that experience. And mysticism, I take it, is simply religion understood in this way. Or, rather, it is a name for one, but the most important, aspect of the total phenomenon of religion. In terms of Ninian Smart’s six–dimensional analysis – distinguishing the ritual, mytholological, doctrinal, ethical, social, and experiential dimensions of religion – mysticism is a general name for religious experience together with part at least of the network of religious practices which support it.
        〜 John Hick, “Mystical Experience as Cognition.” Mystics and Scholars: The Calgary Conference on Mysticism 1976. Harold Coward and Terence Penelhun, editors. Waterloo, Ontario: Corporation Canadienne des Sciences Religieuses/Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion. 1977. Pages 41–56.
        The argument for taking account of what the religions and philosophies of the world say about human destiny is less controversial. Any writer on death and immortality is likely to start from within a particular religious tradition, which he either affirms or opposes, and within a particular historical culture. But if he restricts himself to the resources of his own religio–cultural milieu he will be interpreting the phenomenon of death from a restricted standpoint which is not warranted by the universality of the phenomenon itself. The experiences and reflections of all human faiths and cultures are relevant to the understanding of our mortality.
        〜 John Hick. Death and Eternal Life . San Francisco: Harper & Row, Publishers. 1976. Page 27.
        What we have in the world is diverse worldviews living side by side, and sometimes in conflict. As the globe’s psychic surface shrinks, the question of their deeper relationship becomes of greater moment. Can we devise a global ideology which will somehow embrace them all? Do all religions in principle point to the same truth? To what extent will differing values blend? Such questions will have practical meaning in regard to human coop¬ eration and strife.
        〜 Ninian Smart. Buddhism and Christianity: Rivals and Allies. Honolulu: University of Hawaiʿi Press. 1993. Page 2.
        Principles that are derived wholly from mental constructs are, like them, shifting; and, like them, as easily abandoned. When they are replaced by other principles, the latter are constructs no less, and the cycle is repeated. It is true that each began with deep concern for human progress, but it is also true that it was not long before it put into jeopardy that very aim. That is because, perhaps, the successive ideas of human progress were so fragmented and limited to oneÂ’s wrongly understood self-interest that they never became truly universal.
        〜 Tulsi Badrinath, “The Dharmic Law: Institutional Protection of Rights.” Chaturvedi Badrinath: Unity of Life and Other Essays. Tulsi Badrinath, editor. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 2016. Google Play edition.
        Once while Ramakrishna was engaged in his perennial experimentation with various forms of spiritual practice, dark blood suddenly gushed from his nose and mouth. There happened to be an advanced yogi living in the temple garden at that time, who examined him and reported that had the rush of blood continued directly to the brain, Ramakrishna would have been killed instantly. All the volcanic energy of the universe exists in seed form within the human body and mind.
        〜 Lex Hixon. Coming Home: The Experience of Enlightenment in Sacred Traditions. Garden City, New York: Anchor Books imprint of Anchor Press/Doubleday. 1978. Page 194.
        … “Who am I here, enjoying my life as a monk?” It was a very peaceful life. I was reading a lot of things, enjoying having great pleasures of the mind and visionary meditation and study. I thought, “Who am I to sit here enjoying this while the world is burning like that? Isn’t the Mahayana something that means universal vehicle, including all of the community? So maybe I should get involved more.”
        〜 Lex Hixon . Sheila Hixon, editor. Rhinebeck, New York: Monkfish Book Publishing Company. 2016. Ebook edition.
        … traditionalism … [can refer to the] view that arose at the beginning of last century with René Guénon. This view, which is aligned with Sufsm and has recently been revitalized through thinkers on the far right, represents an anti–modernist mysticism. On this view, tradition is “a group of sacred teachings that are understood to have been handed down since time immemorial and are the basis for the proper order of things, a sacred order.” Proponents of the view believe that there is one, perennial Tradition, and that the goal of personal and political action is to realize this original truth. They seek to restore the sacred order, which includes a social hierarchy based on, among other things, race and gender. This conception of tradition is highly speculative, and … I disagree with it. As I see it, tradition is a fundamentally pluralistic concept that accommodates a multitude of ways of life. The traditionalism I defend is thus distinct from the movement of Guénon and his followers.
        On my view, traditionalism is a deep and serious devotion to a tradition. This dedication comes in degrees, but at its limit, it treats tradition as a sacred object that is worthy of maximal love and devotion. Just as there is no reason to be rigid about the boundaries of tradition, there is no reason to be rigid about the objects of traditionalism. The important thing is that people feel deeply identifed with and devoted to a way of life that is bigger than themselves. Because many people think of their country or nation as the basic unit of cultural identity, a prevalent form of traditionalism today is patriotism or nationalism. Organized religion can also be the basis of traditionalism, since theists can be dedicated to the human transmission of their faith as a way of life. Catholics who defend the Latin mass, say, may be seen as practicing their faith according to tradition. An attachment to religion qua tradition can even be adopted by secularists. For instance, secularists who strongly identify with Judaism as foundational to their outlook can be traditionalists. So, people can honor and revere a variety of traditions. And because there is no person who is not a member of some tradition or other, traditionalism is a possibility for everyone.
        〜 Irene Liu. Goodness and Tradition. London and New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2026. Pages 125–126.
        This paper argues for a soft perennialism, distinct from the hard perennialism which suggests that spiritual and religious traditions are expressions of the same underlying spiritual realities. There are two reasons why it is necessary to think in terms of a soft perennial model: firstly, because of a number of important common themes or trends across spiritual traditions; and secondly (and most importantly) because when the process of expansion of being or awakening occurs outside the context of spiritual traditions, broadly the same themes and tendencies appear, suggesting that there is a common landscape of experience which precedes interpretation and conceptualization by spiritual traditions. This applies to the perception of an all-pervading spiritual energy or force which may—in some traditions—become conceptualized as an allegedly ultimate reality but is not necessarily seen in those terms. It is suggested that transpersonal psychology would benefit from loosening its association with spiritual traditions and focusing more on studying expansive states of being in a nontraditional, secular context.
        〜 Steve Taylor, “From Philosophy to Phenomenology: The Argument for a ‘Soft’ Perennialism.” International Journal of Transpersonal Studies. Volume 35, issue 2, article 4, 2016. Pages 17–41.
        On the face of it, an appeal to religious experience as a criterion of religious truth is a promising line of enquiry. Experience of the transcendent is common to all religious traditions. It is from such experience that all the more general manifestations of man’s religious behaviour are primarily derived. And it is to the “sacredly Real” apprehended within such experience that the more general manifestations of man’s religious behaviour are intricately related. There is therefore a universality about religious experience which transcends its various expressions — doctrinal, ritual, ethical, and so on. Religious experience also seems to provide the crucial point of connection between religious doctrines and their transcendent referent. It thus provides a common point of reference to which a variety of incompatible truth claims may be referred.
        〜 Philip C. Almond. Mystical Experience and Religions Doctrine: An Investigation of the Study of Mysticism in World Religions. Berlin and New York: Mouton Publishers. 1982. Page 5.
        An important element in the consciousness and appreciation of the oneness of humanity is the Bahá’í principle of the unity of the world’s religions. For ’Abdu’l–Bahá, it is “the corner–stone” of the oneness of all people and the very foundation for its realization in the world of human affairs. Furthermore, Shoghi Effendi asserts that the Bahá’í principle of the unity of the world’s religious traditions, with all of its ramifications, is “the fundamental principle enunciated by Bahá’u’lláh.”
        〜 Dann J. May. The Bahá’í Principle of Religious Unity and the Challenge of Radical Pluralism. M.A. thesis. University of North Texas. Denton, Texas. December, 1993. Pages 13–14.
        … the metaphysic that recognizes a divine Reality substantial to the world of things and lives and minds; the psychology that finds in the soul something similar to, or even identical with, divine Reality; the ethic that places man’s final end in the knowledge of the immanent and transcendent Ground of all being the thing is immemorial and universal. Rudiments of the Perennial Philosophy may be found among the traditionary lore of primitive peoples in every region of the world, and in its fully developed forms it has a place in every one of the higher religions. A version of this Highest Common Factor in all preceding and subsequent theologies was first committed to writing more than twenty-five centuries ago, and since that time the inexhaustible theme has been treated again and again, from the standpoint of every religious tradition and in all the principal languages of Asia and Europe.
        〜 Aldous Huxley. The Perennial Philosophy. London: Chatto & Windus. 1947. Page 1.
        The emergence or the birth of perennial philosophy, concerning its period and its creator, is not known. In this case, there are differences of views among scholars regarding the beginning of perennial philosophy. There is a near–certain estimate that this philosophy was born in human intellectual discourse from the time of the first thinkers. However, it is not known to what era it was, and who belonged to the first thinkers. Aldous Huxley, in his work entitled The Perennial Philosophy, estimates that elements of perennial philosophy began to be written about 25 centuries ago.
        〜 M. Baharudin and Muhammad Aqil Luthfan, “The Transcendent Unity Behind the Diversity of Religions and Religiosity in the Perspective of Perennial Philosophy and Its Relevance to the Indonesian Context.” Walisongo: Jurnal Penelitian Sosial Keagamaan. Volume 25, number 2, 2017. Pages 325–360.
        Doctrinal essentialism (more commonly, the perennial philosophy) maintains that all religions/ mystical traditions teach a common set of core doctrines. Epistemological essentialism asserts that all mystical experiences are oriented toward (and in some way, know) the same divine reality, which may or may not be experienced differently. Cognitive essentialism refers to the view that mystical doctrines and practices produce identical changes in cognitive/psychological functioning. Therapeutic (or soteriological) essentialism is an extension of cognitive essentialism— mystical paths not only initiate identical changes in the consciousness of mystics, but these changes are therapeutic or salvational in character. In other words, all mystical paths effect processes of transformation associated with greater knowledge of reality and enhanced psychological/affective well–being.
        〜 Randall Studstill. The Unity of Mystical Traditions: The Transformation of Consciousness in Tibetan and German Mysticism. Leiden, The Netherlands, and Boston: Brill. 2005. Page 4.
        … even if there is not a unity in regard to religion, could there be some kind of world worldview, perhaps at some higher leveL I would argue that a global society, such as we are now developing, needs some guidelines as to how religions and ideologies are to treat one another. It is implicit in our discussion, and at times explicit, that our total society should be pluralistic This implies that we should not suppress any religious manifestation except for good reason. As Dr as possible, differing customs should be held together. Differing expressions ol spirituality should be allowed. Theie is littk call for drab conformism in behavior. Even now there is probably too much conformity. There is no strong reason to banish polygamy where there is a substantial population of Muslims, and bureaucratic problems could be worked around.
        〜 Ninian Smart. The World’s Religions. Second edition. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. 1998. Page 591.
        The excellence of Hinduism is spirituality which is its ideal. Christianity also has its own ideal. All these ideals are very much needed for the existence and well-being of humanity. Under this circumstances, [Swami] Vivekananda feels the need of universal religion which cannot be formed out of any of the world religions by converting all people of other religions into one, because, all religions bear ideals which are important and necessary for us. Hence, he suggests that universal religion should be broad enough so that it can be suitable to all religions, it should provide food to all types of minds. In this context, he observes that “our watchword, then, will be acceptance and not exclusion. Not only toleration … but acceptance …. I accept all religions that were in the past, and worship with them all; I worship God with every one of them, in whatever form they worship Him. I shall go to the mosque of the Mohammedan; I shall enter the Christian’s church and kneel before the crucifix; I shall enter the Buddhistic temple, where I shall take refuge in Buddha and in his Law. I shall go into the forest and sit down in meditation with the Hindu, who is trying to see the Light which enlightens the heart of every one.” After establishing the need of Universal Religion, he defines religion as the realization of divinity within us. He thinks religion does not consist of doctrines, dogmas, rituals, practices etc., it does not reside in temple, mosque, church and other religious places; these are non-essential and external parts of religion. The essential and inner core of religion is the divinity, the absolute truth, the oneness, lies in all religions.
        〜 Iti Chattopadhyay, “Universal Religion of Vivekananda: A Way Out of Religious Dissension.” Journal of East–West Thought. 2015. Pages 73–79.
      19. In this section of the volume, I have given myself the opportunity to work as a sociologist of religion and, perhaps even more so, as a historian of religions. The sociology of religion and the history of religions are two branches of religious studies. My previous projects, among numerous others, have included the Bahá’í Faith and the pentecostal–charismatic movements which I examined, sociologically and historically, in, respectively, my M.A. thesis and my Ph.D. dissertation. Since beginning my research project on the Traditionalist Schooler movement, I have concluded that the process of underlaboring that particular line of thought would likely prove to be extremely challenging for just about anyone. But, hopefully, others will likewise be so inclined. Some of my reflections have also been included throughout these considerations. The first quotation from Christian Giudice, excerpted from a longer paragraph, may provide a useful and fairly succinct summary of Traditionalism. The second and third quotations substantiate one of Giudice’s statements:
      20. At the dawn of the twentieth–century, with the ever increasing quickening of the rise of the traits of modernity, a perennialist current, placing Traditionalist beliefs at its core, was born. Scholars within the field of Western esotericism have debated whether or not to include this school of thought within the folds of their area of enquiry and while, as an academic concept, perennialism, or Traditionalism, has been deemed unfit because of its emic qualities, nevertheless I tend to agree with [Antoine] Faivre, when he insists on pérennialisme [i.e. perennialism] as being part of the modern Western esoteric milieu, Traditionalism and occultist currents being in many ways intertwined.… [René] Guénon’s ideas on Traditionalism have been ingeniously summarised by Mark Sedgwick in three distinct categories: firstly, there is a belief in a philosophia perennis, which, according to Guénon and following [Agostino] Steuco’s idea, had degenerated and become almost inaccessible in the West. The first point brings us directly to the second, and most important from an occultist perspective: the idea of counter–initiation. Guénon … had been involved in several occult orders in his youth, in the attempt to rediscover the lost perennial philosophy. His two books Le Théosophisme, Histoire d’une pseudo–religion (Theosophy, History of a Pseudo–religion, 1921) and L’Erreur Spirite (The Spiritist Fallacy, 1923) denounced the degenerate nature of the teachings of the Theosophical Society and of the spiritualist movement, judging them as counter–initiatory, that is, guiding the initiate in a 180 degrees turn away from the goal of knowledge of a authentic, ancient tradition. These two volumes are the fruits of Guénon’s frequentation of the Parisian occultist milieu between 1906 and 1912 …. The third point, the most important aspect of Traditionalism relating to the overall subject of this dissertation, is that of inversion. Inversion is “seen as an all–pervasive characteristic of modernity. While all that really matters is in fact in decline, people foolishly suppose they see progress.” By 1924, with the publication of Orient et Occident, Guénon seems to have lost all hope in finding a true initiatory access to the ancient wisdom in the West, and advocates an embracing of Oriental traditions. The West is not depicted as inherently lost, rather it is equated with modernity, while the East is identified with a land in which tradition is still available to the seeker.
      21. 〜 Christian Giudice. Occultism and Traditionalism: Arturo Reghini and the Antimodern Reaction in Early Twentieth–Century Italy. Ph.D. dissertation. Religious studies. University of Gothenburg. 2016. Pages 42–43.
      22. …the need was felt in the Renaissance for conceptualizing the idea of “Tradition” (in the esoteric sense, in which it has been understood since the nineteenth century).
      23. 〜 Antoine Faivre. The Eternal Hermes: From Greek God to Alchemical Magus, With thirty–nine plates. Jocelyn Godwin, translator. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Phanes Press. 1995. Page 39.
      24. … [The] term “Tradition,” much in vogue today, has been current the last [the twentieth] century and increasingly so since René Guénon adopted it in the first half of our own [the twentieth century]. Its underlying idea contains a history that has yet to be written. It seems that the need to conceptualize “Tradition” was felt in the sixteenth century, when it went under the name of philosophia perennis ….
      25. 〜 Antoine Faivre. The Eternal Hermes: From Greek God to Alchemical Magus, With thirty–nine plates. Jocelyn Godwin, translator. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Phanes Press. 1995. Page 97.
      26. William Stoddart (1925–2023), a psychiatrist and a medical researcher, was a Traditionalist leader in his own right. He succinctly established, with two putative historical precedents, the messianism of the Traditionalist Schooler movement. Stoddart, however, excluded from his listing of “dual originators and expositors”: the Báb (Arabic, البَاب, ʾal•Bāb, “the Gate or the Door”) and Bahá’u’lláh (Arabic, بَهَاءُ الله, Bahāˁu ʾAl•Llꞌah, “𝓢𝓱𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓷𝓰 𝓞𝓷𝓮 𝓸𝓯 𝓽𝓱𝓮 𝓐𝓵𝓶𝓲𝓰𝓱𝓽𝔂” [my careful provisional retranslation, recalling: The Hebrew Book of Enoch; John Bunyan’s, 1628–1688, best–known allegorical work, The Pilgrim’s Progress; and other texts]), twin conjugate Originators, with the ever–shining ‘Abdu’l–Bahá (Arabic, عَبْدُ البَهَاء, ʿAb°du ʾal•Bahāˁ, “𝓥𝓪𝓼𝓼𝓪𝓵 𝓸𝓯 𝓽𝓱𝓮 𝓢𝓱𝓲𝓷𝓲𝓷𝓰 𝓞𝓷𝓮” [provisional]) as the Expositor and Exemplar of moral realism.
      27. At this very moment, I turn my heart, filled with profound joy and fervent expectation, to 𝓣𝓗𝓔 𝓢𝓗𝓘𝓝𝓘𝓝𝓖 𝓞𝓝𝓔𝓢, including beloved ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ. They occupy diverse stations, divine or heavenly, throughout the limitless realms of existence. God is the innermost Unification (Arabic, التَّوْحِيدٌ, ʾal•Ttaw°ḥīduṇ; or Hebrew, הַאַחְדוּת, hạ•ʾẠḥəḏūṯ, cognates), without partnership (Arabic, الشِّرْكُ, ʾal•ššir°ku; or Hebrew, הַשִּׁתּוּף, hạ•ššittūp̄, also cognates), of all beings and things. The shining ones are not then Goddesses, Gods, or Genderqueer/Nonbinary, Genderfluid, Genderbending, and Transgender Deities. But shining ones, nonetheless, abide all around us or, though often nonsensory and thus veiled from our physical modes of perception, lie deeply hidden within this outermost and ephemeral world. It was ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, I believe, Who taught me this song, I Turn My Heart to the Shining Ones (MP3), in a dream. I sang it during the dream and continued doing so upon awakening.
      28. The following statement will likely offend some readers, especially anti–cure Autistics. For that, I sincerely apologize. But I write as a survivor, not as an outsider. I share my experiences out of hope that others may benefit. ʾAl•Ḥūriyyaẗ visits me from, as the U.S. Christian mystic Flower Arleen Sechler Newhouse (1909–1994) referred to it, the Kingdom of the Shining Ones. With humility, and with honest reservations, I acknowledge that I would remain, till this day, in Autistic Demireality or social splitting without the Great Awakener. That Beloved’s manifestations were, on two occasions, prefaced by shooting sparkles in the room.
      29. … [There are] Angel Beings who influence human beings through … the Spirit of Truth. The Shining Ones who embody those orders devoted to a dissemination of knowledge are entitled “The Awakeners.” …
        The Awakeners work singly, and usually with one human being at a time. In giving unwavering attention to a person, which consumes much of their time, there is no thought of exclusive interest or favoritism. Angelic motivation rises out of the will to prepare more individuals to serve God’s Plan consciously, as they themselves are doing.
        〜 Flower A. Newhouse. The Kingdom of the Shining Ones. Escondito, California: The Christward Ministry. 1955. Page 29.
        • Hebrew, הַשְׂרָפִים, hạ•śərāp̄iym, “the burning or shining ones
        • Hebrew, הַזֹהַרִים, hạ•zōhạriym, “the shining ones
        • Arabic, اللَامعُونَ, ʾal•lāmʿūna, “the shining ones
        • Arabic, المُسْتَنِيرِينَ, ʾal•mus°tanīrīna, “the illumined, shining, or enlightened ones
        • Arabic, الحُورِيَّة, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ, “the Black–Eyed Maiden of White Light
        • Amharic, የሚያበሩት, yä•miyabärutə, “the shining ones
        • Tigrinya, እቲእቶም ዝደምቁ, ʾəti•ʾətomə zədäməqu, “the shining ones
        • Persian, دُرَخْشَانْهَا, duraẖ°šān°hā, “shining ones
        • Tajik, дурахшонҳо, duraẖšonhо, “shining ones
        • Urdu, الچَمَکَنَے وَالَے, ʾal•čamaḱanē wālē, “the shining ones
        • Hindi, चमकने वाले, camakanē vālē, “shining ones
        • Shahmukhi Punjabi, چَمَکَدَے ہوئَے, čamaḱadē hō⫯vē, “shining ones
        • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਚਮਕਦੇ ਹੋਏ, camakadē hōꞌē, “shining ones
        • Bengali, উজ্জ্বলরা, ujjbalarā, “shining ones
        • Assamese, জিলিকি থকাবোৰ, jiliki thakābōra, “shining ones
        • Turkish, parlayanlar, “shining ones
        • Azerbaijani, parlayanları, “shining ones
        • Uzbek, porlayotganlar, “shining ones
        • Kazakh, жарқырағандар, žarqyraġandar, “shining ones
        • Kyrtz, жаркырагандар, žarkyragandar, “shining ones
        • Bashkir, ялтырап торғандары, yaltyrap torġandary, “shining ones
        • Uyghur پَارْقِىرَاپ تۇرْغَانْلَار, pār°qiỳrāp tur°ġān°lār, “shining ones
        • Soranî Kurdish, ئەوَانەی گەشَاوەن. ⫯ĩewāneý gešāwen, “shining ones
        • Kurmanjî Kurdish, yên geş, “shining ones
        • Tatar, балкыганнар, balkygannar, “shining ones
        • Turkmen, ýalpyldaýanlar, “shining ones
        • Malay (in Jawi script), يَڠ بِرْسِينَر, yaŋ bir°sīnar, “shining ones
        • Malay (in Roman script), yang bersinar, “shining ones
        • Filipino, ang mga kumikinang, “the shining ones
        • Iban, sida ti bekilat, “the shining ones
        • Ilocano, dagiti agsilsilnag, “the shining ones
        • Indonesian, para yang bersinar, “the shining ones
        • Ancient Greek, αἱ φαιδριάδες, hai phaidriádes, “the shining ones
        • Ancient Greek, αἱ ἀγλαΐαι, hai ʾaglaḯai, “the shining ones
        • Ancient Egyptian hieroglyphs, 𓅜 𓏥 or as a transparent GIF Akhu, akhu, “shining ones
        • Sanskrit, देवाः, dēvāḥ, “shining ones, an Indo–European cognate with ‘divinities’ and ‘deities’
        • Pali, देव, dēvā, “shining ones, a corresponding Indo–European cognate with ‘divinities’ and ‘deities’
        • Old Norse, ljósálfar, “light–elves
      30. In any event, two conceivable explanations for Stoddart’s omission of the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh from his presentation of originators and expositors are: the antimodernism in the Traditionalist Schooler movement and the common Islamic 𝒕𝒓𝒊𝒖𝒎𝒑𝒉𝒂𝒍𝒊𝒔𝒕𝒊𝒄 interpretations of Prophethood. Perhaps both of the above explanations for neglecting Bahá’u’lláh and ‘Abdu’l–Bahá are valid. Nevertheless, since Stoddart also excluded Jesus (as the Originator) with the Apostle Paul (as the Expositor and the Evangelist with a capital “E”) from the listing, additional factors may need to be considered. While reading the below quotation from Stoddart, and attempting to make sense out of his reasoning, the thought occurred to me that, if anything, Rumi became the expositor for Shams, not Shams the expositor for Rumi. In any event, the translations and transliterations were obviously added to the paragraph by this writer:
      31. René Guénon (1886–1951) and Frithjof Schuon (1907–1998) were the originators of what has subsequently become known as the “traditionalist” or “perennialist” school of wisdom. Guénon was the pioneer, and Schuon the fulfillment. Other wisdom schools with dual originators and expositors are those associated with Socrates [Ancient Greek, Σωκράτης, Sōkrátēs] and Plato [Ancient Greek, Πλάτων, Plátōn] in fifth–century Athens [Ancient Greek, Ἀθῆναι, ’Athênai], and with Jalāl ad–Dīn Rūmī and Shams ad–Dīn at–Tabrīz in thirteenth–century Turkey.
      32. 〜 William Stoddart, “Foreward.” Frithjof Schuon. René Guénon: Some Observations. Hillsdale, New York: Sophia Perennis. 2004. Pages xi–xiv.
      33. Here are three sets of relevant translations. Sorry for the clutter:
        • Arabic, المَّوْلَانَا جَّلَالُ الدِّين مُحَمَّد الرُّومِيّ, ʾal•Mmaw°lānā Ǧǧalālu ʾal•Ddīn Muḥammad Rrūmiyy, “Rumi
        • Hebrew, הַמּאַוְלָנָה גְ׳לאָלֻע הַדָּת מוּחַמַּדּ רּוּמִיּ, hạ•Mmʾạwəlānāh Ḡə′lʾāluʿ hạ•Ddāṯ Mūḥạmmạd Rrūmiyy, “Rumi
        • Persian, مَوْلَانَا جَلَالَالْدِّین مُحَمَّد رُومِی, Mav°lānā Ǧalālāl°ddín Muḥammad Rūmí, “Rumi
        • Tajik, Мавлана Ҷалолиддин Муҳаммад Румӣ, Mavlana Ǧaloliddin Muhammad Rumī, “Rumi
        • Turkish, Mevlânâ Celâleddîn Muhammed Rûmî, “Rumi
        • Turkmen, Mawlana Jelaluddin Muhammet Rumi, “Rumi
        • Azerbaijani, Mövlana Cəlaləddin Məhəmməd Rumi, “Rumi
        • Kazakh, Мевлана Джалаледдин Мұхаммед Руми, Mevlana Džalaleddin Mūhammed Rumi, “Rumi
        • Tatar and Crimean Tatar, Мевлана Җәләлетдин Мөхәммәт Руми, Mevlana Žələletdin Möhəmmət Rumi, “Rumi
        • Soranî Kurdish, مەڤْلَانَا جەلَالەدِّین مُحَمَّد ڕُومِی, Mev̇°lānā Ǧelāleddín Muḥammad Řūmí, “Rumi
        • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Mewlana Celaleddîn Muhammed Rumî, “Rumi
        • Uzbek, Mavlono Jaloliddin Muhammad Rumi, “Rumi
        • Uyghur, مېۋْلَانَا سېلَالِىْدْدِىْن مُۇھەمْمەد رُۇمِى, Mev́°lānā Selāliỳ°d°diỳ°n M⫯ūhem°med R⫯ūmiỳ, “Rumi
        • [Many Uyghur spellings appear (at least to me) to be unique. I transliterate ۋ as v́/V́ and ىٓ as ỹ/Ỹ.]
        • Urdu, مَوْلَانَا جَلَالَ الدِینَ مُحَمَّدَ رُومِی, Maw°lānā Ǧalāla ʾal•Dína Muḥammada Rūmí, “Rumi
        • Hindi, मेवलाणा जलालुद्दीन मुहम्मद रूमी, Mēvalāṇā, Jalāluddīna Muhammada Rūmī “Rumi
        • Shahmukhi Punjabi, مَیوَلَانَا جَلَالَدِین مُہَمَّدَ رُومِی, Mēvalānā Ǧalāladína Muḥammada Rūmí, “Rumi
        • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਮੇਵਲਾਨਾ ਜਲਾਲਦੀਨ ਮੁਹੰਮਦ ਰੂਮੀ, Mēvalānā Jalāladīna Muhamada Rūmī, “Rumi
        • Sindhi, مَوْلَانَا جَلَالَ الدِينَ مُحَمَّد رُومِي, Maw°lānā Ǧalāla ʾal•Dīna Muḥammad Rūmī, “Rumi
        • Bengali, মেভলানা জালালউদ্দিন মুহাম্মদ রুমি, Mēbhalānā Jālālaꞌuddina Muhāmꞌmada Rumi, “Rumi
        • Arabic, شَمْسُ الدِّين التَّبْرِيزِيّ, Šam°su ʾal•Ddīn ʾal•Ttab°rīziyy, “Shams
        • Hebrew, שַּׁמְסֻע הַדָּת הַתַּבְּרִיזִי, Ššạməsuʿ hạ•Ddāṯ hạ•Ttạbəriyziy, “Shams
        • Persian, شَمْسَالْدِّینِ تَبْرِیزِی, Šam°sāl°ddín•i Tab°rízí, “Shams
        • Tajik, Шамсиддини Табрезӣ, Şemseddin•i Tebrîzî, “Shams
        • Turkish, Şemseddin–i Tebrîzî, “Shams
        • Turkmen, Şems al–Din at–Tabrizi, “Shams
        • Azerbaijani, Şəmsəddin–i Təbrizi, “Shams
        • Kazakh, Табриздік Шамсуддин, Tabrizdík Šamsuddin, “Shams
        • Crimean Tatar and Tatar, Шәмс ад–Дин Тәбризи, Šəms ad–Din Təbrizi, “Shams
        • Soranî Kurdish, شەمْسەدِّینِی تەبْرِیزِی, Šem°seddíní Teb°rízí, “Shams
        • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Şemsedînê Tebrîzê, “Shams
        • Uzbek, Tabrizlik Shamsuddin, “Shams
        • Uyghur, شەمْسُۇدْدِىْنِ تەبْرِىٓزِى, Šem°s⫯ūd°diỳ°n•i Teb°riỹziỳ, “Shams
        • Urdu, شَمْسَ الدِینَ تَبَرِیزِی, Šam°sa ʾal•Dína Tabarízí “Shams
        • Hindi, शम्सेद्दीन तबरीज़ी, Śamsēddīna Tabarīzī, “Shams
        • Shahmukhi Punjabi, شَمَسَیدِینَ تَبَرِیزِی, Šamasēdína Tabarízí, “Shams
        • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਸ਼ਮਸੇਦੀਨ ਤਬਰੀਜ਼ੀ, Śamasēdīna Tabarīzī, “Shams
        • Sindhi, شَمْسَ الدِينَ تَبْرِيزِي, Šam°sa ʾal•Dīna Tab°rīzī, “Shams
        • Bengali, শামসেদ্দিন তাবরিজি, Śāmasēddina Tābariji, “Shams
        • Arabic, إِمْبِرَاطُورِيَّة العُثْمَانِيَّة العُظْمَى, ⫰Ɪm°birāṭūriyyaẗ ʾal•ʿUṯ°māniyyaẗ ʾal•ʿUẓ°maỳ, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Hebrew, אִימְפֶּרְיָה הַעוֹתְ׳מָאנִית הַגְּדֻלָּה, ʾꞮyməpẹrəyāh hạ•ʿÔṯə⸍māʾniyṯ hạ•Gəḏullāh, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Persian, اِمْپِرَاتُورِیِ بُزُرْگِ عُثمَانِی, ʾIm°pirātūrí•i Buzur°g•i ʿUṯ°māní, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Tajik, Империяи Бузурги Усмонӣ, Imperiya•i Buzurg•i Usmonī, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Ottoman Turkish, دِوْلِتِ عَلِیَّهِٔ عُثْمَانِیَّه, Div°lit•i ʿAliýýa⫯h•i ʿUṯ°māniýýah, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Modern Turkish, Devlet–i Aliyye–i Osmâniyye, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Kazakh, Девлет–и Алийе–и Османийе, Devlet–i Aliýe–i Osmaniýe, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Tatar, Дәүләт–i Алия–i Османийе, Devlet–i Aliýe–i Osmaniýe, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Soranî Kurdish, دەوڵەتِی عەلِیِیەِی عوسْمَانِیِیە, Dewi𝕝et•í ʿEliýiýe•í ʿOs°māniýiýe, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Kurmanjî Kurdish, Dewleta Mezin a Osmanî, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Azerbaijani, Böyük Osmanlı Dövləti, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Turkmen, Beýik Osman Döwleti, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Uzbek, Devlet–i Aliyye–i Usmoniyye, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Uyghur, بۈيۈك ئوسْمَانلِى دۆلِىْتِى, Büyük ⫯Õs°mān°liỳ Döliỳ°tiỳ, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Urdu, مَہَانَ عُثْمَانِی سَامْرَاجُیَ, Mahāna ʿUṯ°māní Sām°rāǧ°ýa, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Hindi, महान उस्मानी साम्राज्य, Mahāna Usmānī Sāmrājya, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Shahmukhi Punjabi, مَہَانَ اُوٹومینَ سَامَرَاجَ, Mahāna ʾŪṭōmēna Sāmarāǧa, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਮਹਾਨ ਓਟੋਮੈਨ ਸਾਮਰਾਜ, Mahāna Ōṭōmaina Sāmarāja, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Sindhi, عَظِيمَ عُثمَانِي رِيَاستَ, ʿAẓīma ʿUṯmānī Riyāsta, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
        • Bengali, রাষ্ট্র–ই আলীয়্যে–ই ওসমানিয়্যা, Rāṣṭra–i Ālīẏyē–i Ōsamāniẏyā, “the Sublime or Great Ottoman State ‘aka the Ottoman Empire’
      34. Bluntly, I have, for as long as I can remember, despised traditionalism as a matter of principle. But even as a tolerant anti–Traditionalist, I must be a glutton for punishment. 😩🔫 🤕🪓 🫨🪃 💀💣 Although I am a Maoist–Third Worldist and a Bhaskarian critical realist, I am also a sociologist of religion and historian of religions. My interest in 𖣁𖢩, an almost exclusively far–right–wing tendency, is academic, not personal. Indeed, actually joining most of the religious movements and organizations which I have studied over the years, aside from the purposes of participant observation or ethnography, is inconceivable. Despite occupying a different philosophical universe from that school of thought and, importantly, its members, I have appreciated many of my online engagements. Somehow, with the passage of decades and the accumulation of scholarly experience, I gradually cultivated a finely tuned faculty of broad–mindedness. The development of this faculty, which I strongly recommend to others, has served me quite well, both academically and personally, throughout my life. Still, I would never allow that openness to new and sometimes unfamiliar ways of thinking and believing to subvert my Marxian critiques.
      35. Doctrinally, the antimodern—aka reactionary, regressive, or far–right𖣁𖢩 could be approached as: an occult, an esoteric, a nondual, a monistic, a gnostic, a Neoplatonist, and an ontologically idealist perennial philosophy (Latin, philosophia perennis [MP3]) of supposedly authentic religions from the distant past. Traditionalists, like all of us, are inevitably selective. After designating, ā priōrī, only those specific denominations of the major established religions which conform to their philosophical perspectives, Traditionalist Schoolers label their preferences the Tradition, the perennial philosophy, or with similar designations. I suspect that this odd circular reasoning protects them, at least to a degree, from the previously mentioned discomfort of cognitive dissonance.
      36. With Hinduism, metaTradder Schoolers (𝛿) would, based upon my own reading, follow advaita Vēdānta and not the perspective which I happen to prefer, bhēdābhēda Vēdānta. A pure nonduality is incomprehensible to me. Ordinary experience would lead one to recognize the reality of duality (dvaita). One can then, through bhedādvaitābheda Vēdānta, argue for a larger nonduality which covers all of those discrete entities. Philosophically, metaTradder Schoolers (𝛿) are Neoplatonists.
      37. Historically, the Traditionalist Schooler movement was grounded in Sufism. Anyone can become a Muslim. Many, perhaps even most, first–generation Traditionalist Schoolers would have preferred Hinduism. But in order to be a Hindu, they imagined, one must be born into a caste. The rigid construction of social classes (Sanskrit, वर्णासः, varṇāsaḥ, “kinds”) into castes (Sanskrit, जातयः, jātayaḥ) has, however, sometimes been critiqued as a misinterpretation of the Hindu sacred scriptures. That notwithstanding, the caste system remains dominant in India.
      38. When imaging a desirable future, Traditionalist Schoolers might look to ancient civilizations and to their own reactionary, and romanticized or idealized, characterizations of Tradition as spiritual exemplars. But if those bygone ages were so magnificent, as has been asserted by many members of the Traditionalist School, then, yes, possibly even the following social movements could, either in whole or in part, be too culturally advanced:
      39. Perhaps, instead, the anarcho–primitivists are, ideologically, more in keeping with these far–right Traditionalist schoolers. But, by the same token, I am grateful to those primitivists for giving birth to pre–civilization anarchism. Nevertheless, as a Marxist, a Bhaskarian critical realist, and a Maoist–Third Worldist, I focus upon the present, and its many dire material requirements, but not upon utopian fabrications or rosy retrospections of the far–flung days of yore. Yesterday is forever gone, never to return. Human imaginations cannot alter reality.
      40. The triumphalistic Traditionalist Schooler movement should, additionally, always be clearly distinguished from the many and sundry perennial philosophies (Latin, philosophiæ perennēs [MP3]) of a wide variety of thinkers, all of them non–metaTradder Schoolers, and their writings as primary historical sources, including:
      41. Certain contasts in the approaches taken to perennialism are examined, even if oversimplified, in an article written by Mohammad Syifa Amin Widigdo (NDOB discovered). But simply stated, Traditionalism, as metaTradder Schoolism (𝛿), and perennnialism are not interchangeable. The first, rather, is a subset of the second. Common usages notwithstanding, they are not historically one and the same concept. A failure to make those precise distinctions is disrespectful.
      42. … the notion of philosophia perennis et universalis was lifted directly from ancient, pre–Christian pagan writers who did posit an ancient revelation of original truth in the distant past. Rather than being a “project [c]oncocted during the Renaissance,” perennialism represents a pagan atavism: evidence of the germ of Hellenism preserved in Christianity. [Marsilio] Ficino [1433–1499 CE] and [Giovanni Pico] della Mirandola [1463–1494] were some of the first translators of pagan texts in the West, and Ficino himself was an heir to none other than the first man to ever attempt a revival of classical paganism: [Georgios] Gemistos Plethon [1355–1452]. Thus in his drive for repression he renders himself unable to recognize it when it miraculously re–appears.
      43. 〜 Ausonia Calabrese. The return of the repressed: (Anti)religious anarchism and Protestant presuppositions. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. Undated. Page 9.
      44. Traditionalists, however, are interlopers or, more precisely, intellectual colonizers. By and large, they will accept certain nondual, monistic, gnostic, Neoplatonist, and ontologically idealist interpretations of particular established major religions. That is a commonly used term which hopefully skirts around any semantic confusion with Traditionalist nomenclature. But Traditionalists are highly selective. They do not accept the religions themselves nor their universal divine origins. Could a similar charge of intellectual coloniality be leveled against the ßα♄ά’เ́ Ϝαเƭ♄? Obviously yes, but such an accusation would not have much ground to stand on. I faced personal disappointments, when only slightly a teenager, with the end–to–revelatory doctrines of, first, Judæism and, second, Sikhism.
      45. Soon thereafter, I attempted to join ﻉƈᛕคกᛕคɼ, a then unacknowledged branch of the universal neo–Sikh ʂυɾαƚ ʂԋα𝔟ԃ ყσɠα (Hindi, सूरत शब्द योग, sūrata śabda yōga, “yoking through the way of the word” [my translation]). For reasons which have remained unclear to this day, they simply returned my unprocessed membership form and payment. Their claim—that the form was improperly completed—literally made no sense. Neither my mother nor I could find any errors in the document. Consequently, I was totally out of sorts. As a barely functioning Autistic at the time, I might have even taken my own life. Fortunately, those circumstances, at it then turned out, were truly blessings in disguise.
      46. Now at the point of desperation, I found a book in Macy’s on the Bahá’í Faith. While riding home from Long Island’s Roosevelt Field shopping mall on the bus, I read the back cover and superficially scanned the text. From its คຖɬɨ֊ɬɾค໓ɨɬɨ໐ຖค𝕝 doctrine of eternal progressive Revelation or the Religion of God, I accepted my new faith instantly, on the bus, at 14 years old and formally joined the next day. Gladly, with the sole exceptions of Islam—the mother religion to the ᗷάвί ᖴαιтн and the Bahá’í Faith—and the Bábí Faith itself—the immediate precursor to the Bahá’í Faith but also an independent religion in its own right—the Bahá’í teachings do not evaluate the substantive validities of particular denominations in previously revealed divine religions.
      47. There are no Bahá’í presentations of supposedly 𝓸𝓻𝓽𝓱𝓸𝓭𝓸𝔁 branches of: Christianity, Hinduism, Buddhism, Judæism, and Zoroastrianism. Even the Twelver denomination of Sh⸌ism (Arabic, مَذْهَبُ الشِيعِيّ الاِثْنَا عَشَرِيَّة, Maḏ°habu ʾal•Šīʿiyy ʾal•ʾꞮṯ°nā ʿAšariyyaẗ, “the 𝕯𝖎𝖘𝖈𝖎𝖕𝖑𝖎𝖈 doctrine or ‘migratory path’ of the twelve”) and the Bábí Faith (Arabic, دِيَانَةُ البَابِيَّة, Diyānaẗu ʾal•Bābiyyaẗ, “religion or ‘obligatory framework’ of the 𝕲𝖆𝖙𝖊, 𝕯𝖔𝖔𝖗, or 𝕰𝖓𝖙𝖗𝖆𝖓𝖈𝖊”) aka Diyānaẗu ʾal•Bayāniyyaẗ (Arabic, دِيَانَةُ البَيَانِيَّة, “religion or ‘obligatory framework’ of the 𝕰𝖑𝖚𝖈𝖎𝖉𝖆𝖙𝖎𝖔𝖓 or 𝕯𝖊𝖈𝖑𝖆𝖗𝖆𝖙𝖎𝖔𝖓”) have principally been defended authoritatively or covenantally, not doctrinally.
      48. In any event, as also addressed in this article, I must strongly differ, based upon my own direct observations as a sociologist of religion and my careful reading of the primary sources as a historian of religions, with the following assertion by the aforementioned Traditionalist Schooler William Stoddart:
      49. The perennial philosophy—which is true universalism and true ecumenism—is a recognition of the divine origin of each religion.
      50. 〜 William Stoddart, “Foreward.” Michael Oren Fitzgerald. Frithjof Schuon: Messenger of the Perennial Philosophy. Bloomington, Indiana: World Wisdom, Inc. 2010. Pages xi–xv.
      51. My response to Stoddart’s claim is simple: Empirically, the perennial Traditionalist Schooler movement provides a clear illustration of the social construction of reality—a term coined by Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann in a book published under that title. Although I am not a proponent of Manly Palmer Hall’s (1901–1990) esotericism, or of esotericism in general, I do, curiously, agree with this observation of metaTradder Schoolism (𝛿) or the metaTradder Schooler (𝛿) movement presented in his magnum opus and best–known work:
      52. Traditionalism is the curse of modern philosophy, particularly that of the European schools.
      53. 〜 Manly Palmer Hall. The Secret Teachings of All Ages: An Encyclopedic Outline of Masonic, Hermetic, Qabbalistic and Rosicrucian Symbolical Philosophy, Being an Interpretation of the Secret Teachings Concealed Within the Rituals, Allegories and Mysteries of All Ages. San Francisco: H. S. Crocker Company, Inc. 1928. Page 5.
      54. As I am writing this paragraph, on April 26ᵗʰ, 2025, the president of the United States appears intent on demolishing the United States, the beast of Empire and the major robber baron in the modern world. Victims of governmental malice have been entirely disregarded. Such a figurative self–immolation is simultaneously disgusting and perplexing to observe. Aside from speculating on the conceivable influence of U.S. metaTradder Schooler Steve Bannon (né 1953), I am grasping at straws. In other words, I cannot substantiate a relationship, either direct or indirect, to the Traditionalist School. But we are cursed, or perhaps we are blessed, to be living during this apocalyptic upheaval. In the United States, where I am, the situation gets worse by the day. Globally, the weakest among us may, at least temporarily, be in the greatest mortal and relentless danger.
      55. On May 2ⁿᵈ, 2025, ʾal•Ḥūriyyaẗ brought Shoghi Effendi (1897–1957) to me in a dream. In a slight Persian accent, he confirmed my translation of YHWH as the Self–Subsistant. “Yes. That’s right,” he said. Upon awakening, I had a insight: Shoghi Effendi lived as a modern man. He vacationed in Switzerland. Not unlike the Báb (1819–1850), Shoghi Effendi broke with tradition. He wore a fez (Modern Turkish, fes; or Ottoman Turkish, فِس, fis) aka a tarboosh/tarboush (Modern Turkish, tarbûş; Ottoman Turkish, طَرْپُوش, ṭar°pūš; and Arabic, طَرْبُوش, ṭar°būš), a symbol of Turkish modernization, and a formal suit. He adoped the title of Effendi (Modern Turkish, Efendi) for himself. He wedded a lady from Montreal, born in New York City, not, as might have been expected, from Iran. His primary language of translation was English.
      56. Shoghi Effendi’s unapologetic embrace of the 20ᵗʰ century resulted, unfortunately, in many leaving the Bahá’í Faith. Apparently perplexed by Shoghi Effendi’s lone mustache, his command of the English language, and his contemporary Western attire, some Bahá’ís in the 1920s, recalling ‘Abdu’l–Bahá, might have wondered: “Where are Shoghi Effendi’s long beard, his robe, and his turban?” Perhaps they would have been more content as metaTradder Schoolers (𝛿). In fact, I have wondered, did any of those former Bahá’ís accept the metaTradder School (𝛿)? Perhaps, if I have some spare time, I will, out of curiosity, look into the subject at some point.
      57. Furthermore, the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh are, in effect, the Twin Founders of the Bahá’í Faith. The Báb is the Revolutionary Who, in a sense, annihilated the the Prophetic Cycle which began with Adam and was then culminated with Muḥammad (Arabic, صَلَّى اللّٰهُ عَلَيْهِ وَسَّلَّمَ or ﷺ, ṣallaỳ ʾAl•Llꞌahu ʿalay°hi wa•ssallama, “may peace and blessings of the Almighty be upon Him”). By adopting a unique Arabic writing style more consistent with the flexible Persian syntax, He deliberately violated the strict rules of Arabic grammar. The Báb, as a revolutionary tactic, even called, legislatively, for the burning of all non–Bábí books. That law was, of course, never implemented nor was its actual enactment, in my own opinion, ever intended. Bahá’u’lláh, on the other hand, is the Father, the Unifier of His long dispersed children. There is a divine dialectic between the Revolutionary and the Father. They are, in Their respective roles, the Inaugurators of the long–promised Day.
      58. Even though the Báb and Bahá’u’lláh, as two divine Messengers, are in complete, ancient, and everlasting at–one–ment—the actual etymology for atonement (Latin, adūnāmentum)—They had distinct Prophetic missions. Because of the the Báb, there was no necessity for Bahá’u’lláh to stage a revolution per sē. Perhaps, as a Maoist–Third Worldist revolutionary, I am, through my praxis of resistance, somewhat more proximate to the Báb than to Bahá’u’lláh. So be it. That statement, if true, is inconsequential. I adore, and I worship, Them Both. They are ʾal•Ḥaḍ°rātu (Arabic, الحَضْرَاتُ [MP3]), the reverentially Present Ones, with me. The following two quotations will eloquently clarify those points:
      59. … The severe laws and injunctions revealed by the Báb can be properly appreciated and understood only when interpreted in the light of His own statements regarding the nature, purpose and character of His own Dispensation. As these statements clearly reveal, the Bábí Dispensation was essentially in the nature of a religious and indeed social revolution and its duration had therefore to be short, but full of tragic events, of sweeping and drastic reforms. These drastic measures enforced by the Báb and His followers were taken with the view of undermining the very foundations of Shi’ah orthodoxy, and thus paving the way for the coming of Bahá’u’lláh. To assert the independence of the new Dispensation, and to prepare also the ground for the approaching Revelation of Bahá’u’lláh, the Báb had therefore to reveal very severe laws, even though most of them were never enforced. But the mere fact that He revealed them was in itself a proof of the independent character of His Dispensation and was sufficient to create such widespread agitation, and excite such opposition on the part of the clergy that led them to cause His eventual martyrdom.
      60. 〜 From a letter, dated February 17, 1939, written on behalf of Shoghi Effendi to the National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of India. Lights of Guidance: A Bahá’í Reference File. Helen Bassett Hornby, compiler. Cumbayá, Pichincha, Ecuador: The National Spiritual Assembly of the Bahá’ís of Ecuador. 2017. Number 1545. Ebook.
      61. The Word which the Son [Jesus] concealed is made manifest. It hath been sent down in the form of the human temple in this day. Blessed be the Lord Who is the Father! He, verily, is come unto the nations in His most great majesty. Turn your faces towards Him, O concourse of the righteous! … This is the day whereon the Rock [Peter] crieth out and shouteth, and celebrateth the praise of its Lord, the All–Possessing, the Most High, saying: “Lo! The Father is come, and that which ye were promised in the Kingdom is fulfilled!…” My body longeth for the cross, and Mine head waiteth the thrust of the spear, in the path of the All-Merciful, that the world may be purged from its transgressions.
      62. 〜 Bahá’u’lláh in Shoghi Effendi. The Promised Day is Come. Wilmette, Illinois: Baháʼí Publishing Trust. 1980. Ebook.
      63. Particularizing a religious organization or an established religious movement as a lower–case tradition, such as the specification of full preterism or Liberal Judaism aka Reform Judaism, demonstrates both respect for others and academic precision. However, essentializing a wider religious phenomenon, or a set of religious or spiritual movements to one’s liking, as an upper–case Tradition exhibits intellectual coloniality and psychological projection. Essentialism has been the route taken by the Traditionalist School at large. Accordingly, outward appearances notwithstanding, the Bahá’í Faith, in repudiating the absolute authority of tradition, and Traditionalism, by brazenly rejecting the modern world itself, have little in common.
      64. Some of the early Traditionalist Schoolers, though born and raised in the West, instead attired themselves like Sufis from the Arab world and adopted new Arabic names. It was as if the divine religion of Islam were solely a faith for the Arabs. However, the predominantly Javanese and Sundanese country of Indonesia, not Egypt or Saudi Arabia, is the most populous Muslim–majority and Islamicate state. Demographically, the Indo–Iranian: Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh place: second, third, and fourth. The West African nation of Nigeria follows Bangladesh. Only after Nigeria do we finally reach Arabic–speaking Egypt. Equating the majesty of divine Revelation, which is progressive, with an imaginary, an immutable, and a primordial or primæval meta–Tradition () alone speaks volumes. As an old friend once discovered, the Bahá’í Faith is too new, too recently inaugurated, to be included in the Tradition.
      65. The intriguing peculiarity, indeed the striking antimodernity, which may be poignantly observed among many Traditionalists, is their apparently sincere conflation of genuine evidence with little more than a fantastical imagination and magical thinking. Additionally, among the numerous Traditionalists we shall consider just a bit later, some may have influenced, or perhaps even dominated, the interdisciplinary field of religious studies (but chiefly its specialties of comparative religion and Islamic studies). However much I may detest the far right, a fact indisputable to anyone even superficially acquainted with this writer, I find it to be endlessly enthralling.
      66. As pointed out in: Accelerating Human Evolution by Theosophical Initiation: Annie Besant’s Pedagogy and the Creation of Benares Hindu University, Occult Roots of Religious Studies: On the Influence of Non–Hegemonic Currents on Academia around 1900, and New Approaches to the Study of Esotericism, Blavatskian Theosophy also exerted a strong influence upon religious studies. And Theosophy has not remained as deeply embedded in the right as has, almost by definition, the meta–Tradition (). That distinction, given my youthful interest in Theosophy and my lifelong fascination with oddity, might partially explain my initial attraction, so many years ago, to the sociology of religion and the history of religions. For they are perhaps the two most widespsread branches of religious studies.
      67. Here are some translations of the Traditionalist School:
        • Mad°rasaẗ ʾal•Taq°līdiyyaẗ (Arabic, مَدْرَسَة التَقْلِيدِيَّة [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Maḏ°hab ʾal•ʿUr°fī (Arabic, مَذْهَب العُرْفِي [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditionalist ideology’)
        • ʾẠsəkôlāh hạ•Māsārətiy (Hebrew, אַסְכּוֹלָה הַמָסָרְתִּי [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • diy Ṭərʾạdiyṣəyʾonʾạliysəṭiyš Šūləʿ (Yiddish, דִּי טְראַדִּיצְיאָנאַלִיסְטִישׁ שׁוּלְע [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • die traditionalistisch Schule (German [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Maḏ°hab•i ʿUr°fí (Persian, مَذْهَبِ عُرْفِی [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditionalist ideology’)
        • Mazhab•i Urfī (Tajik, Мазҳаби Урфӣ [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditionalist ideology’)
        • Mad°rasah•i Sunnatí (Persian, مَدْرَسَهِ سُنَّتِی [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Madrasa•i Sunnatī (Tajik, Мадрасаи Суннатӣ [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Note that the Indo–Iranian (a branch of Indo–European) sunnatí or sunnatī (i.e. traditional or traditionalist) is borrowed from a Semitic root for tooth or fang (Arabic, س ـ ن, s–n; or Hebrew, ש־נ־ן, ś/š–n–n). The folk etymology is based upon the Phoenician letter šīn (shin) which resembles a row of pointed teeth. That similarity can also be observed in the modern Arabic letter س and the modern Hebrew letter ש. In Arabic, the linguistic root can be found, most obviously, in Sunnaẗ (سُنَّة, “custom or tradition”) but also in: Sunniyy (سُنِّيّ, “customary or traditional”), sinn (سِنّ, “tooth”), sann (سَنّ, “to mold or to sharpen”), and so forth. The Hebrew word šēn (שֵׁן) is tooth or prong.
        • da Dūdīz X̌ūwan°źaý (Pashto, دَ دُودِيز ښُووَنْځَی [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Makan°tar Ġar°ġaǧiyā (Hausa in Ajami script, مَكَرَنْتَر غَرْغَجِيَا [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Naqalí Madarasah (Urdu, نَقَلِی مَدَرَسَہ [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditional school’)
        • Naka़li Madarasā (Hindi, नक़ली मदरसा [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditional school’)
        • ʿUr°fí ʾaw°ra Sanātana Madarasah (Urdu, عُرْفِی اوْرَ سَنَاتَنَ مَدَرَسَہ [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditional and eternal/perennial school’)
        • Urfī aura Sanātana Madarasā (Hindi, उर्फ़ी और सनातन मदरसा [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditional and eternal/perennial school’)
        • Param°parāvādí Pāṭašālā (Shahmukhi Punjabi, پَرَمْپَرَاوَادِی پَاطَشَالَا [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Paramparavādī Pāṭaśālā (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਪਰੰਪਰਵਾਦੀ ਪਾਟਸ਼ਾਲਾ [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Rivāyat ǧō Firaqō (Sindhi, رِوَايَت جو فِرَقو [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘school of tradition’)
        • Rasam ǧō Madarasō (Sindhi, رَسَم جو مَدَرَسو [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘school of tradition’)
        • Aitihyabādī Bidyālaẏa (Bengali, ঐতিহ্যবাদী বিদ্যালয় [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Paramparaābādī Bidyālaẏa, (Assamese, পৰম্পৰাবাদী বিদ্যালয় [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Gelenekçi Okulu (Turkish [MP3]), “Traditionalist School
        • Bahəlawi Təməhərətə Betə (Amharic, ባህላዊ ትምህርት ቤት [MP3]), “Traditionalist School (‘traditional house of education or schooling’)
      68. And these are translations of the perennial philosophy:
        • philosophia perennis (originally Latin [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • ai̓ṓnios philosophía (Ancient Greek, αἰώνιος φιλοσοφία [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • polyet philosophía (Modern Greek, πολυετ φιλοσοφία [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • fal°safaẗ ʾal•ẖālidaẗ (Arabic, فَلْسَفَة الخَالِدَة [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • p̄iylôsôp̄əyāh hạ•niṣəḥiy (Hebrew, פִילוֹסוֹפְיָה הַנִצְחִי [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • ʾạyəyəbiyq p̄iylʾọsʾọp̄iyʿ (Yiddish, אַיְיְבִיק פִֿילאָסאָפִֿיע [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • ewig Philosophie (German [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • fal°safah•i ʾabadí (Persian, فَلْسَفَهِ ابَدِی [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • falsafa•i abadī (Tajik, фалсафаи абадӣ [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • da lāēzāll ḥiḱ°mat (Pashto, دَ لَاَېزَالّ حِکْمَت [MP3]), “perennial philosophy (‘the perennial philosophy/wisdom’)
        • sanātana falasafaha (Urdu, سَنَاتَنَ فَلَسَفَہَ [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • sanātana phalasaphā (Hindi, सनातन फलसफा [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • sadābahāra daraśana (Guramukhi Punjabi, ਸਦਾਬਹਾਰ ਦਰਸ਼ਨ [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • sadābahāra darašana (Shahmukhi Punjabi, سَدَابَہَارَ دَرَشَنَ [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • dā⫯īmī fīlūsufī (Sindhi, دَاِئمِي فِيلُوسُفِي [MP3]), “perennial philosophy
        • bahubarṣajībī jñānānusandhāna (Bengali, বহুবর্ষজীবী জ্ঞানানুসন্ধান [MP3]), “perennial philosophy (‘perennial search for wisdom/knowledge’)
        • sonsuz felsefe (Turkish [MP3]), “perennial philosophy (‘perennial philosophy’)
      69. Considerably more species of 𖣁𖢩 have evolved than I originally thought. However, a tradition is the product of human history, not of divine Revelation. Tradition is, moreover, entirely a social construction and, in contrast to the frequently stated views of many Traditionalists, should never be reified. Despite claims to the contrary, the primary Traditionalist standard for evaluating the novelty, or uniqueness, of a particular religious movement or organization appears, to this writer, to be largely sentimental. Still, is 𖣁𖢩 intrinsically fascistic? To Umberto Eco (1932–2016), it is the heart of fascism. The fascistic character of 𖣁𖢩, demonstrated by Italian Fascist–cum–Traditionalist Julius Evola (MP3) and others, is fortunately obvious to any careful reader. Evola is, even today, a heroic figure to some Traditionalists. And an “unbroken chain of tradition to an authentic Revelation,” claimed by Walter “Lord Northbourne” James, is dubious and unverifiable. A parallel may be seen in the historically unsupportable notion, based on the Talmud (Hebrew, תַּלְמוּד, Ttạləmūḏ, “study or learning”), of the oral law (Hebrew, תּוֹרָה שֶׁבְּעַל־פֶּה, Ttôrāh šẹbbəʿạl–pẹh, “instruction by word of mouth”)
      70. Rabbinic Judæism’s oral law is predicated upon an unbroken chain of tradition or transmission. The Talmud, taken as the justification for zionist colonialism, is a record of the chain. That notwithstanding, when reading the volumes of the Talmud, one instead encounters debates between rabbis living in Middle European ghettos—not the consistent line of thought which might suggest some unbroken chain of tradition. The academic field of oral history promotes the systematic utilization of established historical methods. However, the unbroken chain of tradition is only apologetics. Many Indigenous peoples have rich oral histories. The fact that they are currently being seriously examined by professional historians is a relatively recent development. The same oral histories were previously disregarded as mythologies—comparable to those out of Ancient Mesopotamia, Ancient Egypt, and Ancient Greece. Consequently, discounting any special pleadings to the contrary, the presumed unbroken chain of tradition should never be conflated with legitimate oral histories. By confounding one with the other, an individual is, whether inadvertently or otherwise, undervaluing the long–overlooked cultures of Earth’s Indigenous peoples.
      71. Although, as an Autistic, I am a fairly unusual fellow, now, I must say, I feel pretty darn ordinary. Without getting too much into the particulars, I will simply assert that the Traditionalist Schooler movement is, both historically and curently, much worse than anything I could have ever expected. And I never anticipated a positive outcome. I then reflected upon certain alleged conduct of one of the school’s founding fathers. Even the magnificent antifascist public intellectual and cinematic legend Pier Paolo Pasolini (1922–1975) might have been taken by shock.
      72. It is out of keeping with my usual manner of engagement, but hellfire could, bluntly, be awaiting those persons warranting it. Though no one, to my knowledge, has been convicted of a crime, I am grateful for being: a Bhaskarian critical realist, a Post–Civilization–Mutual Aid–Localist–Maoist–Third Worldist, a Bundist, an intersectional Marxist, a kyriarchist, Antifa, an advocate for Proletarian democracy, and, of course, a Bahá’í. But based upon right–wing Traditionalist criteria, my dedication to some of those perspectives could could turn me into an object of scorn or possibly even ridicule. Moreover, many, perhaps most, Traditionalists favor, at times sacralize, systems of nondemocratic monarchy.
      73. Please allow me to qualify, but not retract, my harsh generalizations. They are, in my opinion, necessary. However, on another level, they are undoubtedly unfair. I disagree, in principle, with the intellectually élitist implications of an eternal Tradition. Many, if not most, Traditionalists emphasize the importance of initiation. (Psychoanalysis is supposedly a counter–initiation.) But initiation is in itself élitist and hierarchical. Why should anyone initiate you or me? By the same token, not all metaTradder Schoolers (𝛿), like the monster Julius Evola, are fascists and authoritarians. They should not, without exception, be painted with the same brush. Some are decent, even honorable, human beings. One should manifest the quality of sincere admiration for other souls until presented with counterevidence or clear counterfactual conditions, indicating a dialectical absence of humanity. Generally speaking, however, the élitist Traditionalist Schooler movement is counterrevolutionary. Class consciousness and false consciousness, as embodied and not ideal states, are inverted. Class consciousness is misrepresented as counter–initiation. False consciousness is then contorted into initiation.
      74. That notwithstanding, one notable illustration of a highly virtuous metaTradder Schooler (𝛿) is Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee (né 1953 in London) of The Golden Sufi Center or the Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya Sufi Order. He appears to possess an excellent character with sincere intentions to serve others. We had a brief online correspondence. He took me by surprise, in his one and only email, when mentioning his penchant for Traditionalism. Indeed, I once considered visiting that Sufi center, but Vaughan–Lee’s metaTradder Schoolism became, for me personally, an inescapable impediment. I certainly hold no hard feelings toward him. Irrespective of a difference in our religious perspectives, and although we have never met face to face, I respect him for his writing style, his approach to video presentation, and his insights. Fanaticism concerning one’s views is, in short, always bad form and undesirable.
      75. Etymologically, the Sufi hybrid term Naq°š°ban°diyyaẗ ((نَقْشْبَنْدِيَّة), from naq°š°ban°d (نَقْشْبَنْد), has been adopted by many Sufi orders. One is banded (Persian, بَنْد, ban°d; or Tajik, банд, band) to God through engraving (Arabic, نَقْش, naq°š) His Name (Arabic, اِسْم, ʾis°m), ʾAl•Llꞌah (Arabic, ), upon one’s heart (Arabic, قَلْب, qal°b). Muǧaddidiyyaẗ (Arabic, مُجَدِّديَّة, “reformational, renewing, or rejuvenating”) refers to messianic expectations of early centennial Islamic rejuvenators (Arabic, مُجَدِّدُونَ الإِسْلَامِيَّة, muǧaddidūna ʾal•⫰Ɪs°lāmiyyaẗ). The Gurmukhi Punjabi spelling of the Sufi Order is, to my knowledge, original to this text. But that script is primarily used by Sikhs, not by Muslims. Pakistani Muslims from the Punjab will, aside from the common Romanized Punjabi, likely read and write in Shahmukhi, not in Gurmukhi. The Hebrew, Amharic, and Tigrinya renderings were also formulated by the writer. Regarding Hebrew, the warmest gratitude and the highest tribute must, parenthetically, be given to my beloved Rabbi Joel Bernstein. Joel, you taught me Hebrew decades, no generations, ago. I pray that your spiritual body’s beautiful soul is rapidly advancing in all the timeless worlds beyond mundanity. We will meet again soon.
      76. For me to say, “I adore Sufism,” is not an understatement. Indeed, Sufism, especially as developed by the beloved Punjabi saint Ḥaḍarata Sulaṭāna Bāhū, was intimately involved in, for lack of a better term, my spiritual awakening. But then to see some Sufis go down the rabbit hole of the metaTradder Schooler (𝛿) movement saddens me deeply. However, that is their own business, not mine. Here is a series of multilingual translations of the Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya Sufi Order:
        • Arabic, طَرِيقَةُ النَقْشْبَنْدِيَّة ـ المُجَدِّديَّة, Ṭarīqaẗu ʾal•Naq°š°ban°diyyaẗ–ʾal•Muǧaddidiyyaẗ
        • Hebrew, דֶּרֶךְ שֶׁל הַנַקְשַבַּנְדִּיּוּת־הַמוּגְ׳אַדִּדִּּיּוּת, Ddẹrẹḵə šẹl hạ•Nạqəšạbạnədiyyūṯ–hạ•Mūḡə⸍ʾạddidiyyūṯ
        • Yiddish, דֵּער נאַקְשְׁבַּנְדּײַאַה־מוּדְּזְשׁאַדִּדּײַאַה דְּרְך, dēʿr Nʾạqšəbạnədạ͡yʾạh–Mūdəzəšʾạddidạ͡yʾạh Dərəḵ
        • German, der Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya Weg
        • Persian, طَرِیقَتِ نَقْشْبَنْدِیَه مُجَدِّدِیَه, Ṭaríqat•i Naq°š°ban°diýah Muǧaddidiýah
        • Tajik, Тариқақи Нақшбандия – Муҷаддидия, Tariqat•i Naqšbandiya–Muǧaddidiya
        • Pashto, دَ طَرِیقَت; دَ نَقْشْبَنْدِیَه ـ مُجَدِّدِیَه, da Ṭaríqat da Naq°š°ban°diýah–Muǧaddidiýah
        • Balòci/Balochi/Baluchi, نَقْشْبَنْدِی ـ مُجَدِّدِی طَارِقَہ, Naq°š°ban°dí–Muǧaddidí Ṭāriqah
        • Hausa in Ajami script, هَنْيَر نَقْشْبَنْدِييَا ـ مُجَدِّدِييَا, Han°yar Naq°š°ban°dīyā–Muǧaddidīyā
        • Sindhi, نَقَشَبَنَدِيَتَ ۽ مُجَدِّدِيَتَ جو طَرِِيقو, Naqašabanadiyata aiṁʕⁱᵃˢᵗ⁼⁺ Muǧaddidiyata ǧō Ṭarīqō
        • Urdu, طَرِیقَتِ النَقْشَبَنْدِیَّتَ ـ المُجَدِّدِيَّتَ, Ṭaríqat•i ʾal•Naq°šaban°diýýata–ʾal•Muǧaddidiýýata
        • Urdu, نَقْشَبَنْدِیَّتَ مُجَدِّدِيَّتَ کَا طَرِیقَتَ, Naq°šaban°diýýata–Muǧaddidiýýata ḱā Ṭaríqata
        • Hindi, नक्शबंदियात – मुजद्दिदियात का तरीक़त, Nakśabaṃdiyāta–Mujaddidiyāta kā Tarīqata
        • Sanskrit, नकश्बन्दीयः – मुजद्दिदियः का तरीकत, Nakaśbandīyaḥ–Mujaddidiyaḥ kā Tarīkata
        • Shahumkhi Punjabi, نَقَشَبَنَدِیَتَ ـ مُجَدِّدِيَتَ دَے طَرِیقَتَ, Naqašabanadiýata–Muǧaddidiýata dē Ṭaríqata
        • Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਨਕਸ਼ਬਦੀਅਤ – ਮੁਗਦ੍ਦਿਦੀਅਤ ਦੇ ਤਰੀਕ਼ਤ, Nakaśabadīꞌata–Mujaddidīꞌata dē Tarīqata
        • Bengali, নকশবন্দিয়া – মুজাদ্দিদিয়া এর তরিকত, Nakaśabandiẏā–Mujaddidiẏā ēra Tarīkata
        • Assamese, নকশবন্দীয়া – মুজাদ্দিদীয়া শিক্ষা তাৰিকাত, Nakaśabandīẏā–Mujāddidīẏā śikṣā Tāraikāta
        • Telugu, నక్ష్బందియత్ – ముజద్దిదియత్ యొక్క తారిఖత్, Nakṣbandiyat–Mujaddidiyat yokka Tārikhat
        • the beautiful Tamil script, நக்ஷ்பஂதிய்யா – முஜாத்திதிய்யா என்ற தாரிகத், Nakṣpantiyyā–Mujāttitiyyā eṉṟa Tārikat
        • Gujarati, નકશબંદીયા – મુજદ્દિદીયા ના તરીકત, Nakaśabandīyā–Mujaddidīyā nā Tarīkata
        • Odia/Ōṛiꞌā, ନକଶବନଦୀୟା – ମୁଜାଦ୍ଦୀଦୀୟା ର ତରିକତ, Nakaśabanadīẏā–Mujāddīdīẏā ra Tarikata
        • With the exception of tarikata (Odia, ତରିକତ), this spelling was formulated by the writer.
        • Uyghur (a Turkic language), نَقْشْبَنْدِىْيەت ـ مُجَدِّدِىْيەت تَارِىْق, Naq°š°ban°diỳ°yet–Muǧaddidiỳ°yet Tāriỳ°q
        • I realize that “tāriỳq” (تَارِىق) is counterintuitive and, in an Arabic–based script, deviates from the Semitic root (ṭ–r–q, originally, to strike”). However, the Uyghur Turkic spelling can be found repeatedly online. The word is also used in the proper context.
        • Turkish (a Turkic language), Tarîka–ı Nakşibendilik–Müceddidilik
        • Turkmen (a Turkic language), Naqşbandiýa–Mujaddidiýa Tarika
        • Uzbek (a Turkic language), Naqshbandiya–Mujaddidiya Tariqati
        • Soranî Kurdish (a Turkic language), تَارِیقە نەقْشْبەنْدِی ـ تَارِیقە مُوجەدِّیدِی, Tāríqe Neq°q°š°ben°dí–Tāríqe Mūǧeddídí
        • Kurmanjî Kurdish (a Turkic language), Tarîqa Neqşîbendî–Tarîqa Muceddîdî
        • Azerbaijani/Azərbaycanlı (a Turkic language), Nəqşibəndiyyə–Mücəddidiyyə Təriqə
        • Crimean Tatar and Tatar (Turkic languages), Накшбанди Тарика – МужаддидTatarи Тарика, Nakšbandi Tarika – Mužaddidi Tarika
        • Siculo–Arabic Maltese, Triq Naqshbandiyya–Mujaddidiyya
        • Amharic, መንገድ የናቅሽባንዲያ እናሙጃድዲዲያ, Mänəgädə yä•Naqəšəbanədiya ʾəna•Muǧadədidiya
        • Tigrinya, መንገዲ ናይ ናቕሽባንዲያ እናሙጃድዲዲያ, Mänəgädi nayə Naq̲ǝšəbanədiya ʾəna•Muǧadədidiya
        • ʿĀlam•iš (this writer’s conlang or constructed language), Naq°š°ban°d•iš–Muǧaddid•iš Ṭarīq•əs
        Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee refers to his self–defined traditionalist Sufi approach as Working with Oneness. Vaughan–Lee is the founder of the Golden Sufi Center. Centers of this Sufi path lie in Point Reyes Station (a town, small and unincorporated, in the San Francisco Bay Area of California, USA), Salisbury (a small city in Wiltshire County, South West England, UK), and Bern (the “federal city” of Switzerland). The translations will follow a literature review of brief quotations—taken, for the most part, from Vaughan–Lee’s extensive and brilliant body of work:
        I am by nature a spiritual traditionalist. My journey has taken me down the ancient path of the mystic, and although it has been a solitary journey, from the alone to the Alone, I have walked in the footsteps of those who have gone before. In the writings of the Sufi masters I have found guidance and reassurance, knowing that they have mapped out the stages of the heart, the mystery of the heart’s awakening to the divine presence. “New Age” spiritual teachings held little interest for me. Therefore, I was surprised to find in January 2000 a new energy arriving unannounced, an energy that carried with it promises and ideals that extended beyond my own spiritual horizons.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Working with Oneness. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2007. Page xiii.
        The simplicity of oneness is that we are always given everything we need. Working with oneness is to work with completeness: everything is present at each moment in time. But we need to make a shift from an attitude that sees what is missing, what is absent, to an awareness of wholeness. If we look with the eye of wholeness we will see the work that needs to be done, that is calling for our attention. It is a simple reorientation of consciousness.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Working with Oneness. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2007. Page 42.
        Most of my early books are about the Sufi tradition, but then in the year 2000 something very strange happened. I am by nature a traditional mystic. Ever since I had the mystical experience at the age of 16, what really mattered to me was meditation. The outer world, apart from being married and having children, never held much attraction for me. What really moved me was the inner journey, that you can go deep in yourself and you can discover other states of consciousness and have a relationship with your own deepest self and states beyond that which are called emptiness or nonbeing. Suddenly in the spring of 2000, it was as if somebody rebooted a computer in my consciousness. It just wiped out of my mind all this focus on the inner journey and replaced it with a focus on oneness.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee in Pat MacEnulty. How the Light Gets In: An Interview with Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Tallahassee, Florida: Prism Light Press. 2015. Smashwords ebook edition.
        Through spiritual training and inner work we polish the mirror of the heart—we learn to stay true to the oneness that is our essential nature even as life reflects back to us the unrelenting needs of the ego with its continual desires and its dynamics of projection. Polishing the mirror of the heart is the work of the wayfarer until the eye of the heart begins to open. Then, rather than a fragmented reflection of herself, the wayfarer begins to see with the light that belongs to wholeness, to the unity that is her real nature.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Light of Oneness. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2003. Pages 24–25.
        Spiritual truth embraces rather than separates the opposites. Truth is not on the level of duality, but the experience of oneness. It is not found in the mind but in the heart, and on the path the wayfarer is thrown beyond the mind into a world that can be explained only in paradoxes. As the rational mind tries to assimilate experiences that belong to a different level of reality, the seeker is constantly left in a state of confusion.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Catching the Thread: Sufism, Dreamwork, & Jungian Psychology. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2012. Page 2.
        … if it is to manifest its full potential, the deeper symbolic significance of the Internet needs to be recognized. It needs us to recognize its sacred dimension, its symbolic nature. Without this recognition, its higher purpose will be dimmed by the shadows of the ego–centered interests and desires the Internet currently serves, and the energy will flow in at a lower level, serving life’s purpose less purely. The same holds true for all the emerging images of life. They need us to recognize their symbolic dimension. Our recognition can help life to reconfigure into the patterns, the archetypes and their this–world images, that will allow life to flourish again as a conscious expression and revelation of the Divine and Its all–embracing oneness.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Darkening of the Light: Witnessing the End of an Era. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2013. Pages 22–23.
        Mystical practices belong to what is inside the veil, to this underlying silence present everywhere. Mystical practices often work without our knowing it—they enter the unconscious, into the bloodstream where they transform us. They take us back to the root of our existence, back to the oneness where we belong with God, where His name is our name.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. For Love of the Real: A Story of Life’s Mystical Secret. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2018. Page 52.
        The journey is a living presence that dissolves the frontiers of our consciousness, enabling us to slowly merge into the limitless dimension of our own being. The journey leads us into the eternal present, and at the same time it is the eternal present coming to meet us. It is both the call of the Self and our response to this call. It leads us from the mind, which functions in duality—our mind registers through contrast and comparison—to the heart, which embraces us in the oneness of love. Thus at the beginning we understand this process of inner transformation from a mental perspective as a journey which leads us from one place to another, but slowly love dissolves the mind and the journey becomes a meeting in which we are immersed deeper and deeper until finally we become lost in the vast oneness of the heart.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. In the Company of Friends: Dreamwork Within a Sufi Group. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2008. Pages 6.
        Our culture both subtly and overtly denies us the teachings and tools that can free us from its self–obsessive grip. We give so much of our lives to its demands of material prosperity that consume our time and energy. Do we also have to surrender our souls to the image of spiritual prosperity? What about the ancient truth that we can experience freedom from the self, and a deeper oneness with life and the Divine? Do we dare to glimpse the vast nature of a journey that can take us far beyond our small self–centered world?
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Including the Earth in Our Prayers: A Global Dimension to Spiritual Practice. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2019. Page 4.
        There are some people for whom spiritual life has to be a love affair, a passionate affair of the soul. This tremendous love affair takes place within the heart, and is one of the greatest mysteries of being human. To love God and to be loved by God, to experience the depth and intimacy of this relationship, is a secret long known to the Sufis. Within the heart we come closer and closer to our Beloved, so close that finally there is no separation as the lover merges into the Beloved, the lover becomes lost in love. Step by step we walk along the path of love until finally we are taken by love into love; we are taken by God to God, and then there is no going back, only a deepening and deepening of this love affair of the soul. This is the ancient journey from separation to union, the journey from our own self back to a state of oneness with God.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Love is a Fire: The Sufi’s Mystical Journey Home. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2020. Pages 1–2.
        The path of love is a journey from the ego with its illusion of separation, to the truth of divine oneness, the complete identification with the Beloved. This can be seen as heretical, and some Sufis like al-Hallâj have been persecuted at the hands of the orthodoxy. But this quality of divine love is the cornerstone of Sufism. Sufis have been referred to as “the people of the secret” because they know and live this secret of divine unity.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee, “Love Is Fire and I Am Wood: Laylâ and Majnûn as a Sufi Allegory of Mystical Love.” Sufi: Journal of Mystical Philosophy and Pratice. Summer, 2011. No pagination.
        It is easy to be given a glimpse of the inner world, to experience that moment of grace when the veils lift and we are taken into the reality of the Self. In this moment everything is just as it should be, simple and profound, and we experience the oneness that is. We might taste a harmony, completeness, or love that is within us, or sense the infinite nature of our true being, its beauty and mystery. There are many ways the Self reveals itself to us. The work is always to bring this inner experience into the fabric of our everyday life, to live the Self not as a spiritual fantasy but as a grounded experience that nourishes us. The bush–digger must take home as many of the stones as he can; he must attempt to integrate as much of these numinous inner qualities, which symbolize his own wholeness, as he is able. It is this process of integration and the mistakes he makes in it that occupy the rest of the tale.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Moshkel Gosha: A Story of Transformation. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2005. Pages 32–33.
        Love is “the essence of the divine essence,” and so dynamically pulls us towards oneness. But the ego is born out of separation. The ego’s existence is defined by being different: “I am different from you.” The path towards union with God takes us away from the ego with its sense of separate existence and individual identity. This is why the Sufi says that the first step towards God is the step away from oneself. Love calls us to come away from ourself and enter the abyss of oneness where only the Beloved exists.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Paradoxes of Love. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 1996. Page 3.
        I had a very dramatic spiritual experience when I was twenty–three. One summer afternoon, after a very intense inner time, I was woken up on the plane of the Self. I was woken up into this completely different dimension—a dimension of love, of light, of Oneness, of a completely different state of consciousness. Nobody had told me about it before; I never read about it, and it completely shocked me. I didn’t know what to do. Luckily my mother offered to look after me. She cooked for me. I didn’t eat very much, and I would just sit there in my room. Sometimes I would pray all night, sit all day, there was no time, there was no space. This went on for a few months.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee, “Part of an Ancient Story: A Conversation with Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee.” Parabola. Volume 16, winter 2015. Pages 17–25.
        Real spiritual experiences happen on the inner planes, on the level of the soul. It is on the level of the soul that lover and Beloved meet and merge in the oneness of love. The wonder of the path is that we are made open to this experience and allowed to taste the bliss of real union. The path is the container for such an experience, opening us to the energy of the beyond. On the outer level of the personality I did not even know that a meeting with the Beloved was possible. I had come to the group without having read any Sufi books, and my only concept of love was what was played out in the arena of human relationships. When I had the dream I did not know that the real pain of separation is that of the soul from the Source, the lover from the Beloved.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. The Face Before I was Born: A Spiritual Autobiography. Inverness, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 1998. Page 42.
        One way of beginning to assess both transnational and local manifestations of Sufi orders in the West is through what I term the “spiritual scene” of a particular place and time. These scenes can to some extent be recovered from the autobiographical writings of Sufis. For example, Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee’s spiritual autobiography, The Face Before I Was Born allows us to imagine some aspects of the spiritual scene in Britain in the late 1960s and 70s.
        〜 Marcia Hermansen, “Literary productions of Western Sufi movements.” Sufism in the West. Jamal Malik and John Hinnells, editors. Open access and Creative Commons. New York: Routledge imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa PLC business. 2017. Pages 28–48.
        For too many centuries we have been caught in the myth of separation, until we have become isolated from each other and from the energies of creation that sustain us. But now there is a growing light that carries the knowing of oneness, the oneness that is alive with the imprint of the divine. This is what is being given back to us. This is the light that is awakening. The light of oneness is a reflection of the divine oneness of life, and we are each a direct expression of this oneness. And this oneness is not a metaphysical idea but something so simple and ordinary. It is in every breath, in the wing–beat of every butterfly, in every piece of garbage left on city streets. This oneness is life, life no longer experienced solely through the fragmented vision of the ego, but known within the heart, felt in the soul. This oneness is the heartbeat of life. It is creationÂ’s recognition of its Creator. In this oneness life celebrates itself and its divine origin.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Return of the Feminine and the World Soul. Anat Vaughan–Lee and Barbara Romanoff, editors. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2017. Pages 10–11.
        Love is the most powerful force in creation, and it is our love for the Earth that will heal what we have desecrated, that will guide us through this wasteland and help us to bring light back into our darkening world. Love links us all together in the most mysterious ways, and love can guide our hearts and hands. And the central note of love is oneness. Love speaks the language of oneness, of unity rather than separation.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Spiritual Ecology: The Cry of the Earth. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2016. Page iii.
        I have to stay in a place of awareness, sense my feet, feel the air, listen. I have to remember that I am not separate but part of everything around me. I have to push aside this great myth of separation, the great untruth. We are the air we breathe, the earth we touch, the same one life, alive in so many ways. We are the Earth awakening in the early morning, just as we are the buds breaking into color in the spring. To be fully alive is to feel how we are part of this embracing mystery. My morning walk is a remembrance, a reconnection, experienced in the body and felt in the soul.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee and Hilary Hart. Spiritual Ecology: 10 Practices to Reawaken the Sacred in Everyday Life. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2017. Pages 3–4.
        … the laws of oneness cannot follow the principles of duality and the opposition of good and evil, because on the plane of oneness there is no such duality. And there are other laws in the uncreated worlds, in the inner emptiness through which the energy of the Divine flows.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Spiritual Power: How It Works. Second edition. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2005. Pages 9–10.
        I come from a very traditional Sufi background, and we were taught that money can never be charged for meditation. I never have any direct financial relationship with my students. They are left completely free. However, my teacher said that if you have learned something with your mind, then you can charge. So for example when I give a seminar and discuss Sufi teachings which I have learned and studied, then I can charge. But for meditation, or private guidance, it is just grace that is given, so there can be no charge.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee, “The Price of Revelation.” Spiritual Transmission: Paradoxes and Dilemmas on the Spiritual Path. Amir Freimann, editor. Rhinebeck, New York: Monkfish Book Publishing Company. 2018. Ebooks.com edition.
        Ibn ‘Arabî replaced the idea of a personal God with a philosophical concept of Oneness. Only God exists. He is the One underlying the many and is also the many. He is the cause of everything, the essence of everything, and the substance of everything ….
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Sufism: The Transformation of the Heart. Inverness, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 1995. Page 17.
        The journey from God back to God embraces the painful process of separation. Leaving the state of uncreated oneness we come into this world and are engulfed in forgetfulness. In being born we give ourself into this unknowing, this separation from the direct knowledge of God. But at the same time we carry within us the deep bond of the lover and the Beloved; “In memory of the Beloved we quaffed a vintage that made us drunk before the creation of the vine.” This bond manifests as the sigh of the soul, the longing which is not only the pain of separation but also the knowledge of Him from whom we are separated.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. The Bond with the Beloved. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2012. Pages 2–3.
        When love reveals its real nature we come to know that there is neither lover nor Beloved. There is no one to pray and no one to pray to. We do not even know that we are lost; we return from these states of merging only knowing that we gave ourself and were taken. Our gift of ourself was accepted so completely that we knew nothing. We looked towards Him and He took us in His arms, embraced us in oneness, dissolved us in nearness. For so many years we cried to Him, we called to Him, and when He came the meeting was so intimate that we knew nothing.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. The Circle of Love. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 1999. Page 2.
        Love is “the essence of the divine essence,” and so dynamically pulls us towards oneness. But the ego is born out of separation. The ego’s existence is defined by being different: “I am different from you.” The path towards union with God takes us away from the ego with its sense of separate existence and individual identity. This is why the Sufi says that the first step towards God is the step away from oneself. Love calls us to come away from ourself and enter the abyss of oneness where only the Beloved exists.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. The Paradoxes of Love. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 1996. Page 3.
        The mystery of lover and Beloved is hidden within the heart of every soul that is seeking God. His love is the thread that guides us back to Him, and our sorrow is the sweetness of our remembrance. And yet as a culture we have almost forgotten this love. As we wait on the borders of a new age there is a great need to remind ourself of our real nature, of the oneness that embraces every cell of our body and every sigh of our soul. We need to reclaim the sanctity of mystical love and make it conscious, to bring this ancient secret into the marketplace of our world.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. The Signs of God. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2001. Page 16.
        The essence of the Sufi path is the particular tradition passed down from teacher to disciple in an uninterrupted chain of transmission. Each Sufi order and teacher has certain practices and principles to help the wayfarer on the journey, to keep the fire of longing burning within the heart and the attention focused on the goal. The sayings and writings about the path help the wayfarer to develop the right attitude and qualities, and also to understand inner happenings that are often bewildering and confusing. The ways of love are very different from those of the mind.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Travelling the Path of Love. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2014. Page viii.
        The mystical journey is the greatest undertaking we can ever make, a journey inward into the heart of hearts, the mysterious core of our own being. On this journey we will encounter the depths of the darkness within us, of our fears and failures, and then a light and a love beyond imagining. We are taken by love to love, into the pain, the tenderness and then the unbelievable bliss of oneness with the divine. This is humanityÂ’s greatest secret, hidden within each of us.
        〜 Llewellyn Vaughan–Lee. Within the Heart of Hearts: A Story of Mystical Love. Point Reyes Station, California: The Golden Sufi Center. 2015. Ebooks.com edition.
        • Mun°hamikaẗ maʿa ʾal•Waḥ°dāniyyaẗu ⫯aw Muš°taġil bi•ʾal•Ttaw°ḥīdu (Arabic, مُنْهَمِكّة مَعَ الوَحْدَانِيَّةُ أَو مُشْتَغِل بِالتَّوْحِيدُ [MP3]), “Working with Oneness (‘working with the oneness or working with the unification/Unifying One)
        • Pāʿạl ʿim hạ•ʾẠḥəḏūṯ ʾō ʾĂḇôḏāṯ bə•hạ•Yəḥiyḏūṯ (Hebrew, פָּעַל עִם הַאַחְדוּת אוֹ עֲבוֹדָת בְּהַיְחִידוּת [MP3]), “Working with Oneness (‘working with the oneness or working with the oneness)
        • ʾẠrəbēʿṭən miyt ʾẠḥədūṯ (Yiddish, אַרבֵעטְן מִיט אַחְדּוּת [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • arbeiten mit Einheit (German [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • ʿAmal bā Ýiḱ°tāýí (Persian, عَمَل بَا یِکْتَایِی [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • Amal bo Yaktoī (Tajik, Амал бо Ҳаракати Яктоӣ [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • sarah Ḱār da Waḥ°dat (Pashto, سَرَه کَار دَ وَحْدَت [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • ʾĒḱatā ḱē sāt͡ha Ḱāma Ḱaranā (Urdu, ایکَتَا کَے سَاتھَ کَامَ کَرَنَا [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • Ekatā ke sātha Kāma Karanā (Hindi, एकता के साथ काम करना [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • Ēkatā dē nāla Kama Kara (Guramukhi Punjabi, ਏਕਤਾ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਕਮ ਕਰ [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • ʾĒḱatā dē nāla Ḱama Ḱara (Shahmukhi Punjabi, ایکَتَا دَے نَالَ کَمَ کَرَ [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • Vaḥ°dat ǧō sāṉ̣ ʾAdā K̀araṉ̣ (Sindhi, وَحْدَت جو سَاڻ ادَا ڪَرَڻ [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • Ēkatā niẏē Kārya (Bengali, একতা নিয়ে কার্য [MP3]), “Working with Oneness
        • Tevhid ile Çalışan veya Vahdet ile Çaba (Turkish [MP3]), “Working with Oneness (‘working with unification/Unifying One/unity or working with oneness/unity’)
        • Mar°kaz ʾal•Ṣūfiyy ʾal•Ḏahabiyy (Arabic, مَرْكَزَة الصُوفِيّ الذَهَبِيّ [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Mẹrəkāz hạ•Sūp̄iy hạ•Zāhăḇôniy (Hebrew, מֶרְכָּז הַסוּפִי הַזַהֲבוֹנִי [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Gŏyələdəʿnʿ Sūp̄iy–Ṣẹʿnəṭẹʿr (Yiddish, גֳּיְלְדְּענע סוּפִֿי־צֶענְטֶער [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Golden Sufi–Center (German [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Mar°ḱaz•i Ṣūfí•i Ṭillāýí (Persian, مَرْکَزِ صُوفِیِ طِلَّایِی [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Markaz•i Sufī•i Tilloī (Tajik, Маркази Суфӣи Тиллоӣ [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • da Zarīn Ṣūfī Mar°ḱaz (Pashto, دَ زَرِين صُوفِي مَرْکَز [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Sunaharā Ṣūfí Ḱēn°d°ra (Urdu, سُنَہَرَا صُوفِی کَینْدْرَ [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Sunaharā Sūfī Keṃdra (Hindi, सुनहरा सूफ़ी केंद्र [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Sunahirīꞌāṁ Sūfī Kēndara (Guramukhi Punjabi, ਸੁਨਹਿਰੀਆਂ ਸੂਫ਼ੀ ਕੇਂਦਰ [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Sunahiriýāṉ Ṣūfí Ḱēn°dara (Shahmukhi Punjabi, سُنَہِرِیَاں صُوفِی کَینْدَرَ [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Sōn°h°rī Ṣūfī Mar°k̀az (Sindhi, سونْھْرِي صُوفِي مَرْڪَز [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Kanaka Suphi Kēndrasthala (Bengali, কনক সুফি কেন্দ্রস্থল [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
        • Altın Sûfî Merkezi (Turkish [MP3]), “Golden Sufi Center
      77. Numerous currents or tendencies and conceptual frameworks may be observed within the Traditionalist School of esotericism (𖣁𖢩). Nevertheless, that school of thought can, I would suggest, be broadly explicated with four basic undercurrents, including one consisting exclusively of non–metaTradder Schoolers. Key aspects of my approach to 𖣁𖢩, as a new religious movement or NRM (though I sometimes prefer alternative religious movement), are based upon the pioneering scholarship of others but, primarily, Mark J. Sedgwick (né 1960) and his threefold Traditionalist typology (hard, soft, and radical). However, the selective placement of currents into undercurrents, and my use of the term undercurrents in the present context, is a matter of my heterodox judgmental rationality (𖥷꛲𖨙). I will, occasionally, suggest my own categorizations of currents. Please take my reflections with a grain of salt. I do. For purposes of integration, here, however, is my slight expansion to Sedgwick’s typology on the metaTradder Schooler (𝛿) movement:
        1. the original hard Traditionalism (hardTrad) aka integral Traditionalism, including René Guénon, Frithjof Schuon, Ananda Coomaraswamy, Seyyed Hossein Nasr, et al.
          There has also been a fracturing among the hard or integral Traditionalists. But that factionalization is, in the view of this writer, completely unjustified. Meta–Traditions () are socio–historical constructions of reality. They are not divine Revelations. A singular trans–historical Tradition is fantasy. Acccordingly, the inescapable problem with the binary classification scheme, provided below, is that any human tradition is, by definition, the chronological product of thought, imagination, and dialogue. All traditions are syncretistic. Nonetheless, these are the twin hard Traditionalist (hard metaTradder) rivals or sparring partners:
          1. the orthodox and allegedly non–syncretic Guénonian hard Traditionalism
          2. the less orthodox and openly syncretic Schuonian hard Traditionalism
        2. soft traditionalism (softTrad), including Mircea Eliade, Huston Smith, Charles Philip Arthur George “King Charles III” Mountbatten–Windsor, Johan Nilsson, et al. who may only be inspired by hardTrad
        3. radical Traditionalism (radderTrad) aka post–Traditionalism, including Julius Evola, Aleksandr Dugin, Daarth Arya, Sieg Grun, et al. who may only be inspired by hardTrad
        4. non–Traditionalist researchers, i.e., writers ค๖໐นϮ the metaTradder Schooler (𝛿) movement, such as Sedgwick and myself, who are ղօէ metaTradder Schoolers (my addition to the typology)
      78. A few years before his death [René] Guénon started harshly criticizing his most important pupil; Frithjof Schuon, for being increasingly lax with regards to Islamic practices. Three months before his death Guénon wrote regarding Schuon: “… in Lausanne [Switzerland], ritual observances have been reduced to a bare minimum, and most no longer even fast during Ramadan [Arabic, رَمَضَان (MP3), Ramaḍān, ‘burning’]. … soon it will no longer be a tariqah [Arabic, طَرِيقَة (MP3), ṭarīqaẗ; or طَّرِيقَة (MP3), ṭṭarīqaẗ, ‘method or path’] at all, but a vague syncretic organization.” Schuon, a Swiss scholar, would become one of the most important figures within Traditionalism after Guénon’s death, and would further tone down the emphasis on Islamic practices after his death, despite Guénon’s remarks. Several of Guénon’s followers, most notably Michel Valsan, harshly criticized this and instead emphasized the Islamic character of Guénon’s later teachings.
      79. After Guénon’s death the Traditionalists split into two groups. On the one hand were the Schuonians who held to a more syncretic character, these would come to have the most influence on the Traditionalist school and includes names such as Seyyed Hossein Nasr and Gai Eaton. On the other hand the Valsanians emphasized the necessity of Islam and were adamant about the necessity of strictly adhering to the Sharia [Arabic, شَرِيعَة (MP3), Šarīʿaẗ, “well–trodden path, broadway, or, in common usage, body of Islamic law”].
      80. 〜 Murat van der Zee. Between Traditionalism & Neo–Traditionalism: A Closer Look at Two Schools of Western Islam and their Critique of Modernity. Leiden University. Leiden, the Netherlands. Master of Arts thesis. Middle Eastern Studies. 2023. Page 23.
      81. It’s a bit rich for the Traditionalists to vehemently condemn the syncretism of H. P. Blavatsky or Rudolf Steiner. The prophetic chapters in [René] Guénon’s Reign of Quantity are a blend of the myth of the Antichrist and the myth of the four Yugas of Hinduism. He mixes together two incompatible eschatological myths: New Testament apocalypse, which is based on linear time, and the doctrine of the Yugas, which presupposes cyclical time and is not strictly speaking an eschatology. By contrast, [Carl] Jung kept his feet firmly in the Christian tradition and drew upon the eschatology of Joachim of Fiore. In his essay A Psychological Approach to the Trinity, he gives a psychologist’s view of the three ages of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost according to Joachim. At the Father stage, consciousness is childlike, “still dependent on a definite ready-made pattern of existence which is habitual and has the character of law.” This is a passive, unreflective mode of being. The situation changes at the Son stage. Reflective consciousness begins to emerge, and the increased discrimination begets conflict: “Freedom from the Law brings a sharpening of opposites, in particular moral opposites. Christ crucified between two thieves is an eloquent symbol of this fact.”
      82. 〜 Frederick Burniston. The Cunning Secret of the Wise: A Response to the Spirit of the Times. London: Xlibris UK imprint of Author Solutions, Inc., part of the Penguin Group. 2021. Page 70–71.
      83. … [René] Guénon, who had publicly positioned himself as an aggressive opponent of the Theosophical Society, nonetheless displayed a strong reliance on Theosophical discourses.
      84. 〜 Moritz Maurer, “Exploring Zoroastrianism and Esotericism in the Context of Global Religious History.” Religiographies: Special Issue, “Zoroastrian Esotericism.” Yuhan Sohrab–Dinshaw Vevaina, Daniel J. Sheffield, and Mariano Errichiello, editors. Volume 3, number 1, 2014. Pages 27–43.
      85. [Alexander] Dugin’s neo–Eurasianism is a white supremacist political theory rooted in the idea of a spiritually predestined Eurasian ethnos and its native land empire. As a nativist discourse, neo–Eurasianism has influenced the global rehabilitation of the neotraditionalist Right (what the Right calls Trad culture) and their territorial claims to a contiguous land empire. These include Steve Bannon’s occult mystical predestination, Hungarian Jobbik’s irredentist mythos of the Carpathian basin, French Nouvelle Droite “archeofuturist” messianism and Indo–Europeanism, and Turkish neo–Turanian nationalism, to name a few. As a form of revanchist modernism, neotraditionalism [radical Traditionalism] draws on the interwar fascist classics including the writings of Carl Schmitt, Julius Evola, René Guénon, Martin Heidegger, and Ernst Jünger. However, it also shares a media landscape and consumer culture ranging from Etsy stores to vegan cooking shows and homesteading movements, inhabiting the knowledge structures of neoliberal thought and its posthumanist vision of totality. Neo–Eurasianism thus renders legible intertwining New Right political philosophies that link vigilante violence across Europe, Russia, and the United States (as well as more broadly).
      86. 〜 Leah Feldman, “Trad Rights: Making Eurasian Whiteness at the ‘End of History.’” Boundary 2: An International Journal of Literature and Culture. Volume 50, number 1, February 2023. Pages 69–104.
      87. The purpose of this article is to expose a basic flaw at the root of perennialism as a method for studying mysticism ….
      88. … perennial philosophy is not the experiential discernment of a timeless core of doctrines but the imposition of a new theological structure onto the doctrines of the classical mystical traditions and must be defended as such. It is a metaphysics of what these thinkers believe is the heart of religion that did not exist before René Guénon’s synthesis of ideas in the twentieth century that tries to reconcile theism and nonduality in reaction to the observed competition of religious teachings. The claim that “all rivers flow to the same ocean” is old, but the perennialists’ metaphysical formulation of the Truth is not. Perennialists call themselves “Traditionalists” to give themselves a pedigree and credibility that the history of mysticism shows they do not have. Perennialism is a modern philosophical invention—it loses its claim to history, authority, certainty, and objectivity once it recognized that it is not gleaned from the teachings of classical mystics. The perennialists’ claim that there is an abstract mysticism that underlies all mystical traditions does not come from actually studying what mystics themselves taught and how they lived—it is a theoretical stance imposed on the history of mysticism and must be defended as such. Perennialists cannot cite mysticism to support their claim that all societies before the rise of modern science shared their vision. Perennialism loses whatever aura it may hold once its foundations are exposed by examining the actual writings of mystics.
      89. Most importantly, the exoteric and esoteric dimensions of religion cannot be separated—the exoteric beliefs of each tradition permeate to the core of that tradition’s mystical esoteric knowledge, and there is no convergence of beliefs except on a very abstract scale (e.g., there is a “transcendent reality” without any further characterizations). Mystical doctrines diverge substantively, and there is not one underlying esoteric worldview or way of life as perennialists suggest. Thus, no one common gnosis is attained.
      90. 〜 Richard H. Jones, “Perennial Philosophy and the History of Mysticism.” Sophia: International Journal of Philosophy and Traditions. Volume 61, May 2021.
      91. When contemporaneity is rejected, one turns to traditionism or, here, the fanciful meta–Tradition (). It is, to be sure, a sign of spiritual death. With death comes an absence of hope. Fascism is born of that absence. This discussion of the Traditionalist School is, to be frank, a direct confrontation with a social movement the writer considers to be a malevolent occupying force. Where? Within any population which is unwilling to fight back. Some aspects of that movement are, however, considerably worse than others. I do not, and would never, use the word evil lightly. However, for anyone who might desire to whitewash the sordid, not sacred, origins of the Traditionalist Schooler movement, please bear in mind that Traditionalism’s founder René Guénon, along with his comrade Julius Evola, worked for a champion of Italian fascism and internalized racism, Roberto Farinacci; while Frithjof Schuon, Guénon’s arguable successor and an octogenarian allegedly obsessed with the sexual domination of female juveniles and young women, may have been a child predator:
      92. … [Julius] Evola joined [René] Guénon in editing a regular section in Il Regime Fascista, the periodical of [Roberto] Farinacci, one of the most vicious and ruthless Blackshirt leaders and a pioneer of Fascist racism in Italy.
      93. 〜 Alexander Reid Ross. Against the Fascist Creep. Berkeley, California: The Anarchist Library imprint of Open Guild Organization. Pages 49–50.
      94. In 1991, a disaffected disciple [of Frithjof Schuon] Mark Koslow claimed that he had seen Schuon fondle three underage girls in a so–called primordial gathering. He reported the matter to the police, and the case was brought before a grand jury. I received the news from an American friend with stunned incredulity. I immediately contacted two UK–based tariqa members [members of Schuon’s Sufi order]. Both were practicing Muslims, and both had known Schuon for many years. Unlike Mark Koslow, neither had a grievance against their former shaykh [Schuon]. But they were highly sceptical about the outcome of the trial and rightly so. Schuon was acquitted, but it emerged later that all the tariqa members lied under oath. The Shaykh’s fall from grace sent shock waves throughout the Traditionalist community. Some denounced him; others went into denial. Only a minority in this community have had sufficient objectivity to examine the evidence and face the implications.
      95. 〜 Frederick Burniston. The Cunning Secret of the Wise: A Response to the Spirit of the Times. London: Xlibris UK imprint of Author Solutions, Inc., part of the Penguin Group. Page 246.
      96. … children … could scarcely understand being embraced by an 84 year old naked man [Frithjof Schuon].
      97. I went to 4 or 5 of … [Schuon’s] gatherings, and watched Schuon almost constantly, and he almost never takes his eyes off of the women’s hips and breasts. To see Schuon at these gatherings it to see a naked 84 year old man pressing himself against even 12 and 14 year old girls. … [T]hese gatherings must be rejected because they are disgusting, criminal and appalling. What he does.to these young girls constitutes corruption of minors, child molestation and sexual abuse.…
      98. … Behind Schuon’s masks, and his masks are his art, his books, his clothes, and even his nudity, there is no doubt a man with spiritual aspiration, but there is also a man who is enormously weak, even sick. He is a man who needs innumerable masks In order to live, and unlike other men, he is not content with a humble mask; it must be the mask of greatness and not just greatness, but prophethood, not just prophethood, but to be God Himself.
      99. 〜 Mark Koslow. Mark Koslow’s Account of the Schuon Cult: Written September 1991 for cult members to help them get out. Typed by Rama Commaraswamy. Privately published. Creative Commons. September 2ⁿᵈ, 1991. Pages 20–21.
      100. On 14 October 1991 Frithjof Schuon, age eighty–four, was indicted on charges of sexual battery and child molestation, based on the alleged presence of three young girls at his ritual dances. At the court hearing, held on 28 October, Schuon was alleged to have forced three girls, ages fifteen, fourteen, and thirteen, to participate in his nude gatherings during March 1991, where they were touched with the intent to arouse sexual desire. According to the “Bloomington Herald Times,” the allegations were as follows: “1) That on March 23–7 and again on May 17, Schuon committed child–molesting by ‘fondling or touching’ three girls, aged 15, 14 and 13, with intent to arouse sexual desire. 2) That on the same dates, Schuon committed sexual battery by touching the girls with intent to arouse sexual desire, when said persons were compelled to submit to touching by force or imminent threat of force, to wit, by undue cult influences.” …
      101. Rather abruptly, following a two–month investigation, the case was terminated on 20 November due to a legal technicality, and Schuon was released. The reasons for this are not entirely clear.
      102. 〜 Hugh B. Urban, “A Dance of Masks: The Esoteric Ethics of Frithjof Schuon.” Crossing Boundaries: Ethics in the History of Mysticism. G. William Barnard and Jeffrey J. Kripal, editors. New York: Seven Bridges Press. 2001. Pages 406–440.
      103. Please note that from my own academic standpoints—the sociology of religion and the history of religions—I could never challenge the moral legitimacy of anyone who appears to sincerely identify with a religious or spiritual perspective. And I do mean never. To behave otherwise would violate my ethical responsibilities as, hopefully, a careful scholar. With that said, I have encountered one or two individuals online who were clearly trolls, not believers. I honestly saw little or no point in having direct confrontations, so I ignored them as best I could.
      104. One individual, now deceased, I knew face to face. Without getting into specifics, he clearly pretended to be a disciple of India’s Avatar Meher Baba (Gujarati, અવતાર મહેર બાબા, Avatāra Mahēra Bābā), né Merwan Sheriar Irani (Gujarati, મેરવાન શેરિયાર ઈરાની, Mēravāna Śēriyāra Īrānī), 1894–1969. Fortunately, this person was a really bad actor. Few were conned, but any number is too great. I was not among them, and he knew it. Meher Baha was a causal mechanism for my estranged late friend’s attempted spiritual self–glorification as a spiritual master and a psychic. In passing, “meher” (Persian مِهْر, mih°r; or Tajik, меҳр, mehr) can be translated as: love, sympathy, mercy, compassion, prosperity, or friendship. “Baba” (Persian بَابَا, bābā; or Tajik, Бобо, bobo) is papa or daddy.
      105. Kindly allow me to emphasize the importance of Marxists, including Maoist–Third Worldists like myself, having a proper appreciation, although a sense of disgust might be more appropriate in this case, for the Traditionalist School. It is one of the dominant ideologies of the far right—and an extremely dangerous one at that—throughout much of the world. Sadly, that ideology has received scant to no attention from the mass media. There is, similarly, not even a mention of the Traditionalist School in the otherwise excellent academic anthology, Confronting the New Conservatism: The Rise of the Right in America. The same cannot be said of dominionism or dominion theology.
      106. For anyone interested in comparative religion, I suggest Eranos or, better, the Institute on Religion in an Age of Science (IRAS). Both organizations are preferable to the counterrevolutionary Traditionalist Schooler movement. Long ago, I attended two IRAS summer conferences in New Hampshire’s Star Island community center. It is on the Isles of Shoals which straddle New Hampshire and Maine. IRAS also hosts regular webinars and cosponsors the highly respected Zygon: Journal of Religion and Science (now published under a Creative Commons by 4.0 license).
      107. Much needs to be said on the distinction between the Traditionalist School and IRAS. However, that subject will be only briefly addressed in this book. Traditionalist Schoolers, by and large, long for ancient, or metaphorically antediluvian, worlds. They race at breakneck speeds from modernity and scientific development. IRAS, on the other hand, embraces them both. It searches for approaches to dialogue between the religions and the sciences. One of the theological, scientific, and philosophical pillars of IRAS is theological critical realism. It is a distinct current of thought from ᙖᙍⴽ. Theological critical realists have sought areas of rapprochement between the religions and the sciences. One will find no mentions among theological critical critical realists of an imaginary ancient meta–Tradition () and the negation of most which appears modern. However, for any true believer in the Traditionalist School, there can never be genuine dialogues between the religions and the sciences. Traditionalists, instead, have commonly shunned the Enlightenment or Age of Reason, preferring to it antidemocratic monarchism and a mediæval world—prior to the commencement of the allegorical fall of man in the Renaissance.
      108. As a semantic clarification, there is a notable distinction between Traditional Islam and neo–Traditional Islam. The former is firmly grounded in the Traditionalist School. The latter, while strongly influenced by the metaTradder School’s interfaith tolerance, is more explicitly Sunni Islamic. Both Traditional Islam and neo–Traditional Islam should also be clearly differentiated from neo–Traditionalism—a designation which I do not personally find to be especially helpful. Neo–Traditionalists, the recent arrivals, may be hard, soft, or frequently radical Traditionalists (radder metaTradders). And then, to add just a bit of confusion to the mix, usages of those terms frequently vary.
      109. To cite only one example along that line, neo–Traditional Muslims have commonly referred to themselves as Traditional Muslims, including by the arguable originator of neo–Traditional Islam, Seyyed Hossein Nasr (né 1933). Notwithstanding his disturbing involvement in that movement, neo–Traditional Islam may be the one of the few variants of the Traditionalist School which does not concern me all that much. But neither Traditional nor neo–Traditional Islam should be confused with: Atharism (Arabic, الأَثَرِيَّة, ʾal•⫯Aṯariyyaẗ, “the reporting”), ⫯Ah°l ʾal•Ḥadīṯ (Arabic, أَهْل الحَدِيث ،followers of the oral tradition or, more literally, ‘people of the discussion,’ i.e. the discussants”), or certain other Islamic denominations. Although I am a Bahá’í, not a Muslim, if I were a Muslim, I would likely prefer ʾal•⫯ak°ṯar ḥik°maẗ (Arabic, الأَكْثَر حِكْمَة ،the wiser”) neo–traditionalist path (Arabic, طَرِيقَةُ التَقْلِيدِيَّة الجَدِيدَة ، ṭarīqaẗu ʾal•taq°līdiyyaẗ ʾal•ǧadīdaẗ), with a requisite initial lower–case “t” in traditionalist, of Wasatiyya or Wasatism (Arabic, وَسَطِيَّةُ ، ʾal•Wasaṭiyyaẗu, “the moderation”).
      110. The author or publisher of the book briefly quoted from below has oddly, or perhaps not so oddly, stated, “The characters and events portrayed in this book are fictitious. Any similarity to real persons, living or dead, is coincidental and not intended by the author.” Were it not for the fact that some of the claims made in the quotation have been substantiated by leaked confidential documents, I would advise readers to take the following with a healthy grain of salt:
      111. In 1974, Farah Pahlavi Empress of Iran commissioned [Seyyed Hossein] Nasr, her personal secretary, to establish the Imperial Iranian Academy of Philosophy, the first academic institution to be conducted in accordance with the intellectual principles of the Traditionalist School.
      112. Nasr also had close associations with several important American scholars such as Huston Smith. Wikileaks has recently published four cables relating to Nasr which establish his connections to Henry Kissinger and CIA Director Richard Helms, back in 1976. Nasr, who was a close friend of the Shah of Iran, is Professor of Islamic Studies at George Washington University. During the days of the Shah, Nasr directed the academy’s journal, Sophia Perennis. Nasr offered Peter Lamborn Wilson—also known as Hakim Bey, who founded the Moorish Orthodox Church of America (MOCA)—the position of editorship of the journal, which he edited from 1975 until 1978. Nasr is the father of Vali Nasr, who is currently Dean of the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies in Washington, DC, and a Senior Fellow in foreign policy at the Brookings Institution. He [Vali Nasr] appeared on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart. Due to the accuracy of his political predictions, Nasr has been hailed as a shrewd forecaster.
      113. 〜 David Livingstone. Ordo ab Chao, Volume Five: The New Age. New York: Sabilillah Publications. 2021. Ebook.
      114. Since I firmly believe my exploration of the Traditionalist Schooler movement to be a significant undertaking, I have persisted despite my increasing discomfort and, occasionally, even bewilderment. For example, how is advocating hierarchy and the caste system, common views within the Traditionalist School, consistent with a belief in Nonduality? I fail to see how anyone in their right minds could support oppressive and authoritarian caste systems, including the U.S. racial caste system. They distort human nature. MetaTradder Schoolers (𝛿) appear to conflate a belief in the hierarchical nature of reality with an advocacy for systems of social stratification. Assuming for the moment that human beings are naturally hierarchical, a presumption I would vigorously challenge, how would such a cosmic arrangement justify placing our fellow humans into ontological grades of being? As an ordinary person, I have no right to judge individuals as either inferior or superior to others.
      115. If that critical realist assertion of moral realism and ethical naturalism is offensive to some, I ask for your forgiveness, but so be it. My audience may be relatively small. Nevertheless, I feel a responsibility to be honest with readers. I too, like anyone else, am an imperfect being; and I sincerely pray that we shall all be forgiven. Given my academic background in the sociology of religion and in the history of religions, perpetuating cover–ups of malfeasance, or only possible malfeasance, by well–known and highly respected religious leaders is, thankfully, outside my manner of intellectual and social engagement. But I also would never presume that anyone is higher or lower than myself. Even so, all things considered, I sincerely attempt, as much as possible, to be considerate regarding views dissimilar to my own. Perhaps I am unsuccessful from time to time. Each of us is an ongoing project.
      116. So why, a reader might reasonably ask, all the: emojis, emoticons, Unicode glyphs, dingbats, wingdings, webdings, icons, and similar graphics? In retrospect, by presenting more metaTradder Schoolers than you can shake a sick at, I wanted to add color, if not light, to the darkness of human imaginings and, in some cases, possible perversity or perhaps even debauchery. I do sincerely apologize for my bluntness. Needless to say, this project has deeply disturbed me. Even more than that, it continues to haunt me. Fascism, by any other name, should outrage, and terrify, all of us. The fact that the Traditionalist Schooler movement was extensively developed within my own field of religious studies is particularly concerning to me. I love religious studies. Sometimes I strangely feel that the sociology of religion and the history of religions were developed only for my enjoyment.
      117. What now follows is an extensive, but by no means an exhaustive, enumeration of Traditionalist tendencies and perspectives. Some currents were, for one reason or another, intentionally excluded. However, the writer obviously assumes full responsibility for any errors of commission and significant omission in this listing. Please also note: My generalized critique of the Traditionalist School, as a new religious movement, was clearly not intended to impugn the intellectual integrity of the scholars included. Indeed, that would be impossible. Aside from one brief correspondence with a Traditionalist and my ongoing friendship with a former Traditionalist, I do not know any of them. Moreover, no claim is, or can be, made that all of the authors are metaTradder Schoolers (𝛿) or even writers on that school. In some cases, the writers simply appear to me to resonate with the Traditionalist School. Readers will need to make up their own minds.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Abrahamic Tradition as terra sāncta (Stephen Hirtenstein) 🌬️ 🪬 🌐 🧊 💎 🌊 🎐 💠 ✡️ ☦️ ✝️ ☪️ 🌟 ⭐ 🌕 🕋 🕍 ⛪️ 🕌 🌍 🌎 🌏 🗺️ 🧿 🌀 🌑 ⚫️ ⚪️ 🇦‌🇧‌🇹‌🇷‌🇦‌🇩‌
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Absolute Spirit, Pure Consciousness, or the Universal Mind as the fundamental essence of human nature and the totality of reality; contemplative Traditions; and the participatory approach to transpersonal and spiritual phenomena (Jorge N. Ferrer) 🌌 🧠 🦄 💮 🌺 🪷 🍄 ❤️‍🔥 ❤️‍🩹 🦋 ⚛️ 🌀 ⚽ 🧿 🎮 🪬 🌐 ❄️ 💧 🌊 🌟 ✨ 💫 ⚖️ 💡 🐦‍🔥 👁️ 🔮 🔭
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on absolute truth according to Nagarjuna and ⸍Ibn ⸌Arabi (Masoumeh Fathollahi and Mahmoudreza Esfandiar) ✨️ 🗝️️ 🔑️ ⚖️️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Advaita Vēdānta and Neoplatonism (Johan Frederik “J. F. ‘Frits’” Staal) ❝2️⃣➖1️⃣🟰1️⃣❞
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on an advaitic distinction between multiplicity and particularity (Avind Sharma) ❎ 🔡 ⏸️ 🔠 ⏸️ 🔤 ⏸️ 🔢 ⏸️ 0️⃣ ⏸️ 7️⃣ ⏸️ 3️⃣ ⏸️ 2️⃣ ⏸️ 6️⃣ ⏸️ 1️⃣ ⏸️ 4️⃣ ⏸️ 8️⃣ ⏸️ 9️⃣ ⏸️ 5️⃣
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the age of absurdity and Albert Camus’ absurdism (Eugene Dennis Rose aka Fr. Seraphim of Platina) 😵‍💫 🥴 🙃 🤤 🤪 🤥 😆 😨 🤡 👽 💩 🦹 🤷🏽‍♂️ 🤷🏻‍♀️ 💆🏽‍♀️ 💆🏻‍♀️ 💆🏽 🏂 🦞 🗡️ 🔪 🛁 🛀🏻 🩴 🪿 🏕️ 😻 🦩 𝓐𝓫𝓼𝓾𝓻𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓶 𝓲𝓼 𝓐𝓵𝓫𝓮𝓻𝓽 𝓒𝓪𝓶𝓾𝓼❜ 𝓿𝓮𝓻𝓼𝓲𝓸𝓷 𝓸𝓯 𝓙𝓮𝓪𝓷⹝𝓟𝓪𝓾𝓵 𝓢𝓪𝓻𝓽𝓻𝓮❜𝓼 𝓮𝔁𝓲𝓼𝓽𝓮𝓷𝓽𝓲𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓶。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community (Maria d’Arienzo and S.P. Ward) ☪️ ☮️ 🇵🇰 🕋 🕌 🕍 🏫 🏘️ 🥥 🏉 🍠 🌓 🌟 ✨ 📿 🍯 🐪 🕊️ 📖 🗺️ 🌐 ☝🏿 ☝🏾 ☝🏽 ☝🏼 ☝🏻 ☝️
          • da Ǧam°ʿata ʾAḥimadiýaha Musalima (Shahmukhi Punjabi, دَ جَامْعَتَ احِمَدِیَّہَ مُسَلِمَ, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • da Jamāꞌa Ahimadīꞌā Musalima (Gurmukhi Punjabi, ਦ ਜਮਾਅ ਅਹਿਮਦੀਆ ਮੁਸਲਿਮ ਦAhmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ǧam°ʿata ʾAḥamadiýýaha Mus°lima (Urdu, جَامْعَتَ احِمَدِیَّحَ مُسْلِمَ, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Jamāta Ahamadiyā Muslima (Hindi, जमात अहमदिया मुस्लिम), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ǧam°ʿiyyaẗ ʾal•⫯Aḥ°madiyyaẗ ʾal•⫰Ɪs°lāmiyyaẗ (Arabic, جَمْعِيَّة الأَحْمَدِيَّة الإِسْلَامِيَّة, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ǧam°ʿiyyaẗ ʾal•Mus°limiyyaẗ ʾal•⫯Aḥ°madiyyaẗ (Arabic, جَمْعِيَّة المُسْلِمِيَّة الأَحْمَدِيَّة, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ḡạ′miyyʾạṭ hạ•Mūsəlẹmiy hạ•ʾẠḥəmạdiyyạh (Hebrew, גַ׳מִיּאַט הַמֻסְלְמִי הַאַחְמַדִּיַּה, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • ǧay ʾAḥamadiyaha Mus°lima Ǧam°ʿiyata (Sindhi, جَي احَمَدِيَهَ مُسْلِمَ جَمْعِيَتَ, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Āh‌madīẏāṭi Musalima Jamiẏatē (Bengali, আহ্‌মদীয়াটি মুসলিম জমিয়তে, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ǧam°ʿah•i ʾAḥ°madiýah•i Mus°lamānān (Iranian and Dari Persian, جَامعَهِ احْمَدِیَهِ مُسْلَمَانَان, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ǧamoat•i Ahmadiya•i Muslima (Tajiki Persian, Ҷамоати Аҳмадияи муслима, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • da ʾAḥimadiýah Mus°lima Ǧamīʿat (Pashto, دَ احِمَدِیَه مُسْلِمَ جَمِيعَت, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ahmadiya Pysylmon Džamaat (Ossetian, Ахмадия Пысылмон Джамаат, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Ahmediye Müslüman Cemaati (Turkish), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Ahmediýa Musulman Jemgyýet (Turkmen), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Ahmadiya Muslim Jamiyati (Uzbek), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Ahmadiya Musulman Žamaaty (Kyrgyz, Ахмадия Мусулман Жамааты, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Əhmədiyyə Müsəlman Cəmiyyəti (Azerbaijani), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • ⫯Ẽḥ°mediýe Mūsil°mān Ǧemíýet (Soranî Kurdish, ئەحْمەدِیە موسڵْمان جەمِییەت, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Ehmediyeyê Misilmanên Cemiyeta (Kurmanjî Kurdish), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Əhmədiya Möselman Jaməmiyat (Crimean Tatar and Tatar, Әхмәдия Мөселман Jamәмият, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • ⫯Ẽmediye Musul°mān°lār Ǧāmiỳ°⫯yātiỳ (Uyghur, ئەھمەديە مۇسۇلْمَانْلَار جَامِىئَاتِى, “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community”)
          • Jemaah Muslim Ahmadiyah (Indonesian), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • ⫯Aḥ°mad•iš Mus°lim•ik Ǧam°ʿ•iš (my ʿĀlam•iš conlang), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Xhemati Musliman Ahmedia (Albanian), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
          • Społeczność Muzułmańska Ahmadiyya (Polish), “Ahmadiyya Muslim Community
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Ahmad Syafii Maarif’s Islamic Contribution to Religious Plurality in Indonesia (Ahmad Syafii Maarif, Riki Saputra, Rido Putra, and Endrika Widdia Putri) 🛐 ☪️ 🕉️ 🪯 ☯️ ☸️ ☦️ ✝️ ✡️ 🕎 🛕 🙏 💐 🌷 🌹 🪷 🌸 🌺 🕌 🛕 ⛪ 🕍 ⛩️ 🏯 🕋 🔮 🪽 📿 🌟 🌈 🪬 🌍 🌐 🌌
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Albert Gleizes’ cubism (Peter Brooke) 🧑‍🎨 🎨 👁️ 🗼 🎎 🌉 🌁 👃 🇫🇷 🧊 🟦 🟥 🟫 🟧 ⬛️ ⬜ ⏹️ ⏺️ ✳️ 🖼️ 🧱 ✴️ 🚼 📰 🧩 нє𝔵ᴀнєᴅʀᴀ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on alienation (B. Badarussyamsi, E. Ermawati, and M. Ridwan) 👤↔️👥 🫣🌧️💀 ⛓️ 🐙 😭 😰 😵‍💫 😖 😥 🥵 😱 🤪 🌧️ 🛟 🌡️ ⛔ ⭕ 🚱 🚩 💔 🪓 🤬 🧱 ҽʂƚɾαɳɠҽɱҽɳƚ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Aleksandr Dugin’s perversion of René Guénon’s perennial philosophy (S.P. Ward) 🍎 🆘 👙 👅 👺 🤬 👹 😈 🤪 😝 😅 😫 😋 😨 🙃 😳 😏 😑 🫠 ☢️ 🙆 🐆 🪸 🤢 🐍 😶‍🌫️ 💩 🦛
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism along with ⫰iʿ°ǧāzu ʾal•ʿil°miyy (Arabic, إِعْجَازُ العِلْمِيّ, “the scientific inimitability”)—based upon various literalistic readings of ʾal•Qurʾân (Arabic, القُرآن)—and Islamization (Arabic, الأَسْلَمَة, ʾal•⫯As°lamaẗ) as the three classical approaches to Islam and science (Nidhal Guessoum) 🔬 🔭 📐 📏 🪚 ✈️ 🥼 🧪 ⚗️ 📊 🩺 💉 🌬️ 🥽 📺 🧫 🌐 💎 🛡️ 🧊 🥣 ⚛️ 🌀 🧬 🚀 🧲 🌸 🍄 💥 💫 💡 ⚡️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on all religions aiming for the One Absolute (Steve Yim) 🛐 ☯️ 🪯 ☦️ ✝️ ☪️ ✡️ 🕎 🕉️ ☸️ ❦ 𝕁𝕦𝕤𝕥 𝕆𝕟𝕖 𝔹𝕚𝕘 𝕊𝕨𝕖𝕖𝕡𝕚𝕟𝕘 𝔾𝕖𝕟𝕖𝕣𝕒𝕝𝕚𝕫𝕒𝕥𝕚𝕠𝕟 ❦
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on anarcho–perennialism; and the Rothschilds and their corrupt global empire; the anarchist revelation; organic radicalism; nature, essence, and anarchy; transcendent anarchy; and the ancient light of truth (Paul Cudenec) 🅰️ 👅 🩸 💥 🚨 📌 🚫 🟥 ❤️ 🚩 🏴 🇦 🥷🏿 🥷🏾 🥷🏽 🥷🏼 🥷🏻 🥷 🅰 🏴‍☠️ 🖤 💀 ⛓️‍💥 🚧 🔥 Ⱥղąɾçհìʂʍ քӀմʂ քҽɾҽղղìąӀìʂʍ ҽզմąӀʂ ąղçìҽղէ ąղժ ҽէҽɾղąӀ ղօղցօѵҽɾղąղçҽ, į ցմҽʂʂ。 𝘛𝘩𝘪𝘴 𝘨𝘶𝘺 𝘤𝘭𝘢𝘪𝘮𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘵 𝘵𝘰 𝘣𝘦 𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘴𝘦𝘮𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘤 𝘸𝘩𝘪𝘭𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘷𝘰𝘬𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝑹𝒐𝒕𝒉𝒔𝒄𝒉𝒊𝒍𝒅𝒔 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘱𝘪𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘺 𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘰𝘳𝘺 ᎬᎯᎠ ᎻᎨᎷ ᎰᎾ ᎽᎾӃДᏕᎬᏝᖴ。 ᎷᎯᏦᎬ ӃД ᎽᎾӃД Ꮎᙎᑎ ᎷᎨᑎᎠ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Ananda K. Coomaraswamy’s manifesto (Pietro Mander) ✍️ 📜 🗃️ 📝 📋 📃 🧾 📄 🗒️ 📰 📗 📚 📘 📕 📌 📢 📞 🤬 🎉 📣 🎺 🔔 😱 😮 😫 😭 🗣️ 🎤 ᙢᓿᏕᏕᓿᏉᏋ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Ancient Aryan Traditions based upon the Slavic–Aryan Vedas (Aleksandr Yuryevich Khinevich) 🔥 🪔 🏮 🛕 🍯 🪵 🏺 ⛩️ 🛞 🇳🇵 🧘🏾 🧜🏻‍♂️ 🐍 📜 ☀️ 🪐 ✨ 🔱 💐 🕉️ ☸️ 🛐 🩴 🎎 ❄️ 🌊 🪷 🌸 💮 🏰
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the ānandatāṇḍava (Sanskrit, आनन्दताण्डव, “bliss–dance”) of Shiva (Sanskrit, शिव, Śiva, “Auspicious or Benign One”) (K. S. Kannan) 💃🏿 💃🏾 💃🏽 💃🏼 💃🏻 💃 🕺🏿 🕺🏾 🕺🏽 🕺🏼 🕺🏻 🕺 🤸🏿 🤸🏾 🤸🏽 🤸🏼 🤸🏻 🤸 🎶 🎵 🎧 🪩 🎤 🩰 🥁 🎸 🎉 🎭 📀
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the ancient stone and mound builders; Shiva and Shakti; and the kabbalistic Tradtion of inner reflecting outer and outer reflecting inner (Keith Critchlow) 🗿 🏛️ 🏦 🏢 🪦 🕋 🏛 🏟 🏙 🛳 🏠︎ 🕌 🏗️ 🗼 🏯 ⛩️ 🗽 🏰 🏨 🛕 🕍 ⛪ 🏡 🍯 🪘 🥮 🛎️ 📦 α૨૮ɦเƭε૮ƭµ૨ε ƒσ૨ ∂µɱɱเεร
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Ancient and Christian Neoplatonism; and intelligence as a theophany (Jean Borella) ⚔️👨‍🍳🪶✍️📚🪼🥨🫧*ੈ🌊✩‧₊˚🐋𓍯. ꧁ ༺ ༻ ꧂
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the angelic Tradition (Cecil Collins) 😇 👼🏿 👼🏿 👼🏽 👼🏼 👼🏻 👼 🧚🏿 🧚🏽 🧚🏼 🧚🏻 🧚 🪽 🤍 🪽 🕊️ 🦢 💕 🧸 🪷 🪼 🫧 🦇 🌷 ⚜️ 💥
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Anglo–American Traditional Islam (Kasper Mathiesen) 💂 🇬🇧 ☎️ 🫖 🌺 🏰 📍 🌹 🍓 🍄 🏟️ 🎩 🚂 🌉 🏇🏼 🥥 ☕️ 🌅 🎡 ⚔️ 🚇 🌊 ⚽️ 🚌 🌧️ 🏙️ 👑 🇺🇸 🦅 🗽 🏈 🤠 ༺ʆƲֆƬ ƠƔЄƦ ƬǶЄ ƤƠƝƊ༻
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on anthrocentric (i.e. anthropocentric) ontology (Cennet Ceren Çavuş) 👧🏾 👩🏽 👧🏽 👩🏻 👩🏻‍🦰 👱🏻‍♀️ 🌍 🌐 ❄️ 💎 🧿 🧞 🤬 🪷 ⚖️ ☢️ 🤓 🧐 😫 😬 🤔 🧝🏽 🧟 💩 🫂 👤 🗣 🗣️ 💀 ⛄
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the anthropology of Christianity (Louis Dumont, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 🍃 ♻️ 🏞️ 🧍🏻‍♀️ 🧕 👩🏻‍💼 🧝 👧🏽 👧🏾 👱🏻‍♀️ 👩🏻‍🦰 👩🏻 👩🏼‍🍳 👨🏼‍🍳 👨🏾‍🔬 👷🏾‍♂️ 🧑🏼‍🔬 🦸 🧘🏻‍♀️ 🧑‍🔧 👩🏾‍🤝‍👩🏼 👩🏽‍🤝‍👨🏾 👬 👨‍👨‍👦‍👦 👨‍👩‍👦 🌱 🌍 💀🧬🐒 📜 🏺
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on anti–perennial ethical Neo–Traditionalism (Shaykh Nuh Ha Mim Keller) 🌿 🦚 ✨ 📜 ⚖️ 🤔 🧐 😵‍💫 😵 😇 ⚖️ 🌌 🪐 💫 🗝️ 🪔 ☄️ 💐 🪷 🌺 🌸 💖 ❤️ 🩷 ❤️‍🔥 💕 🌷 🍧 🪞 🐚 💥 🕊️ 🌼 🫧 🪬 ❄️ 🛡️ 🌀 🦚 🧿 🌌 ι αɱ ʂσ ƈσɳϝυʂҽԃ❢❢❢
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on apocalyptical cosmism; Narrative Figuration; and the renewal of painting (Dragoš Kalajić, a radical Traditionalist or radder metaTradder Schooler) 🔭 💔 ⏳ 🔮 ☄️ 🌀 ❄️ 🛡️ 💎 🪼 ⚛️ 🌌 🌑 🌎 🚀 👽 🌟 ⭐ 🌙 🪐 ✨ 💫 ⭐ ☀️ 🌔 🌕 💥 🟠 🐙 🎨 🖌️ 💥 🖼️ 🌄 🎴 🌃 🏙️ 🌅 👩🏿‍🎨 👩🏾‍🎨 👩🏽‍🎨 👩🏼‍🎨 👩🏻‍🎨 👩‍🎨 👨🏿‍🎨 👨🏾‍🎨 👨🏽‍🎨 👨🏼‍🎨 👨🏻‍🎨 👨‍🎨 💐 🌷 🌹 🌸 🌺
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on apophatic or negative theology (Andrew Itter) 👿 ⛈️ ✝️ 🛐 📖 😒 😰 😤 🤕 😦 🔱 💢 ❌ 🚫 ⛔ 🚩 🚨 😡 🤬 😡 🛑 💔 🆘 🌐 💎 🛡️ 💧 🪬
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on architecture and the great peace (Ralph Adams Cram) ⛩️ 📐 📏 🏗️ 🚧 🪜 🏛️ 🏦 🧱 🏢 🏯 🏟️ 🕌 🛕 🏘️ 🏠 🏚️ ⛪ 🏫 🕍 🛖 🏡 👷🏿‍♀️ 👷🏾‍♀️ 👷🏽‍♀️ 👷🏼‍♀️ 👷🏻‍♀️ 👷‍♀️ ☮️ ƁƲƖԼƊƖƝƓ ƤЄƛƇЄ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Arcane Tradition of the Lemurians (Norman Lowell) 😠⚠️🤬☠️👿 ᒪᘿᘻᑘᖇᛨᗩ
        • To avoid the possibility of libel, I will remain silent on this entry. I would only suggest that, yes, there is a world beyond this one. Please avoiding reading the file if you have a weak stomach. You have been cautioned. On the basis of the book quoted from in that file, Lowell was found guilty, in a court of law in Malta, of incitement to racial hatred.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Aristasia, i.e. mythopœia and a role–playing game (the fascinating Miss Marianne Martindale; MP4 video) 🧝🏿‍♀️ 🧝🏾‍♂️ 🧝🏾‍♀️ 🧝‍♂️ 🧝‍♀️ 🦄 🧚 🧙 🧜🏾‍♀️ 🧜🏻‍♀️ 🧜🏼‍♀️ 🧜🏽 🧖🏻‍♀️ 🧞 🧞‍♀️ 🦹‍♀️ 🧛 🧛🏻‍♀️ 🧝🏿 🧝🏿‍♀️ 🧝🏼‍♀️ 🧝🏼‍ 🧝🏽 🧝🏻‍♀️ 🧝🏻‍♂️ 🧌 🧙🏽‍♂️ 👻 🧛 🧟 🧝🏼 🤴🏽 🔮 🐉 🐲 ⚔️ 🏰 🌈 🍀 🍯 🤰 👩‍🍼
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on art as an imitation of the Creator (Z’ev ben Shimon Halevi) 🥸 🤓 😜 🥴 🧐 🤪 😆 🤥 😠 😏 🥺 🙃 😃 😮 😌 🤔 😵 🙄 😦 🤐 ☺️ 😑 🙂‍↕️ 😠 ☠️ 👿 🤩 👺 🐷 🎭 ርዐየሃርልፕ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Ark as the receptacle of divine Immanence; and the question of initiation (Timothy Scott) ⛵ 🛳️ ⛴ 🚣 ⛺ 🌧️ 🏞️ 📥 📜 📑 📄 📝 🧾 📋 🐫 🧙🏽 🧙‍♂️ 🐘 🐆 🐭 🦆 🤫 🗝️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on art as stasis in memesis; the Huichol Sierra Indian’s immemorial esoteric Tradition; and symbolic thought as, mūtātīs mūtandīs (i.e. with all the requisite changes having been made), the natural mode of cognition among archæic peoples (John Carey) 🪖 🕴️ ⏳ 🕰️ 🕜 🥶 😴 😶 🦘 🦒 🚃 🏢 ⚓️ 🛶 🚡 💎 🧊 ⏸️ ↔️ ⏹️ 🛢️ 💦 💧 🩸 🏍️ 💈 📼 🛒 🚛 👀
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the arts of the imagination (Philip Sherrard, Kathleen Raine, and the Temenos Academy of Integral Studies) 🎨 🖌️ 🖍️ 🖼️ 🧮 🎭 🪄 💫 🔮 💭 🌀 🚀 🌌 ✨ 🌈 🦄 🍂 🪬 🦋 🪐 😶‍🌫️ 💥 ❄️ 🌐 ❤️‍🔥 💜 ⛄ 🧞
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on astrophysiology (Roger Sworder) ✨ ⭐ 🌕 🌙 🪐 🌞 ☀️ 🌅 🔮 ♊ ♋ ♈ ♒ ♐ ♌ ♍ ♉ ♑ ♏ ♎ ⛎ 🐟 🪬 🧿 🌎 🌌 🦀 🪷 🐂 ᗯɦαƭ❜𝙨 Ƴσυ𝔯 𐒡เǥɳʔ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on attacking Black and Jewish people while stereotyping Gay men and Lovecraftian Traditionalism (James J. O’Meara, a radical Traditionalist or radder metaTradder Schooler) 👀 🐁 🌲 🍄 🌙 🏘️ 🌊 👁️‍🗨️ 🧪 🐟 🧊 🛠️ ➡️ 😵 😱 🐙 🦑 🦀 ⚡ 🐻 🧛🏻 🔱 🧪 ⏳ 🦠 🎮 🐠 🕹️ 🧩 👾 😠️⚠️️️🤬️☠️️️👿️ 𝓣𝓱𝓲𝓼 𝕷𝓮𝓷𝓾𝓲𝓷𝓮𝓵𝔂 𝓭𝓲𝓼𝓰𝓾𝓼𝓽𝓲𝓷𝓰 𝓲𝓵𝓵𝓾𝓼𝓽𝓻𝓪𝓽𝓲𝓸𝓷 𝓸𝓯 𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓬𝓪𝓵 𝓣𝓻𝓪𝓭𝓲𝓽𝓲𝓸𝓷𝓪𝓵𝓲𝓼𝓶 𝓶𝓪𝓭𝓮 𝓶𝓮 𝓬𝓻𝔂。 𝓘 𝓪𝓶 𝓼𝓹𝓮𝓮𝓬𝓱𝓵𝓮𝓼𝓼 𝓪𝓷𝓭 𝓼𝓱𝓪𝓴𝓲𝓷𝓰。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on augmenting Aryan Traditions with non–Aryan Traditions; the arrival of humans on Earth after a nuclear holocaust destroyed civilization on Mars; Erosophia; and the devaluing of heterosexuality with the exaltation of bisexuality (Jason Reza Jorjani) 🕉️ 🧞‍♀️ 🧞 🪬 🏟️ 🐚 🪕 🦢 🪈 🛕 🪔 🪷 🌸 🌺 🌷 🦩 🦚 🇮🇷 🇮🇳 🇵🇰 🇧🇩 🛸 👽 🐉 👾 🤖 🌕 💕 👙 🫦 💃 🥵
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Australian Aboriginal Tradition (Aminah Smith) 🇦🇺 🌏 🐨 🦘 🦜 🪃 🏜️ 🌅 🏞️ ☀️ 🏉 🏆 🐊 🥥 🌴 🌱 🍍 🥝 🛖 🌋 🌸 💂‍♂️ 🥋 🦋 🪘
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on authentic religion vis–à–vis pseudo–religion (Haifaa Jawad) ✔️ 💎 🌐 ⛲️ 🌊 👘 🫶🏼 📣 📜 ⚜️ 🔑 🔐 🎖️ 🅰️ ❌ ⛔ 🚫 📌 💖 🎀 💯 🎯 💥 🪭 🎟️ 🛟
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the automomy of the rational will (Arash Bagheri Mohammadabadi) 🪝️ 🔑️ ⚖️️ 📜️ เ ฬเɭɭ Շђєгєʄ๏гє เ ค๓ 。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on an axiomatic approach to Traditional thought; a Traditionalist critique of the sociology of knowledge; Gandhian sociology; and Tradition as the mediator between time and eternity (Awadh Kishore “A. K.” Saran) 🤖 🚀 ⭕ 🛟 🪷 🌺 🤳🏻 🌌 #️⃣ ♾️ 🧢 🌀 💫 🔑 💡 📜 🌟 🔮 🙇🏽 👴🏽 🪔 🥥 👥 📊 📚 🌱 ♻️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a Bahá’í model of process perspectivism; and religious unity (Dann J. May) 👉🏿 👉🏾 👉🏽 👉🏼 👉🏻 👉 🧑🏽‍🤝‍🧑🏽 ✌🏽 🫶🏽 🫱🏾‍🫲🏽 ✊🏽 🤝🏽 🤲🏽 🫸🏽💥🫷🏼 ♾️ 🌀 ☸️ ☮️ ☯️ ⚧️ 💜 ⭕️ 🌈 🍥 🔮 🌉 🎲 💝 🔑 👅 🎯 📌 🔥 🚀 📢 ❗ 🚩 ⛔ 💡 ⏳ 🧊 💎 🪞 🧿 ➡️ ⬆️ ↗️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Bahá’í Tradition (Todd Lawson, possibly a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) ⁉️ ❓ ⭐️ 🌟 🌍 🤝🏿 🫱🏻‍🫲🏾 🫱🏻‍🫲🏼 🫱🏻‍🫲🏽 🫱🏽‍🫲🏿 🤝🏾 🤝 🫱🏾‍🫲🏼 👨🏿‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏽 👩🏻‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏻 👩🏻‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏽 👩🏼‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏿 👩🏾‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏼 🧑🏿‍🤝‍🧑🏻 🧑🏿‍🤝‍🧑🏿 🧑‍🤝‍🧑 🧑🏼‍🤝‍🧑🏽 🧑🏼‍🤝‍🧑🏿 💐 🪶 🪷 🪔 🕊️ 🪕
        • The above file on the Bahá’í Tradition contains The Complete Works of John Keats, volumes 1–5. The reason will become clear when reading the first part of the file.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the balance between wisdom and compassion in Buddhism (Harold Frederick Stewart, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 💖 💗 ❤️‍🔥 💌 🥰 😍 💞 💓 ❤️ 💖 💗 ❤️‍🔥 💌 🥰 😍 😘 💞 💓 ❤️ 💑🏽 💑🏾 🧑🏿‍❤️‍🧑🏽 🧑🏻‍❤️‍🧑🏾 🧑🏾‍❤️‍🧑🏻 💑🏻 🧑🏼‍❤️‍🧑🏻 💑 👩🏻‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏽 🤟🏿 🤟🏾 🤟🏽 🤟🏼 🤟🏻 🤟 🏩
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a Bashkir Sufi circle as sacred geometry (Arabic, دَائِرَةُ الصُّوفِيَّة البَاشْكِيرِيَّة ، Dā⫯Ɪraẗu ʾal•Ṣṣūfiyyaẗ ʾal•Bāš°kīriyyaẗ) (Lili Di Puppo) 🗺️ 📍 🏝️ 🌳 🌱 ♻️ 🌊 🛬 🌋 🗻 📚 📈 🗾 🌍 🗺️ 🌐 ⛵ 🏞️ 🌄 👗 🌦️ 🧭 🥞 🧇 🫐 🍒 🥐 ⭕ 🔴 🟠 🟡 🟢 🔵 🟣
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Bodhicitta in Mahayana Buddhism (Abolfazl Mahmoudi) 🧘🏾️ 📿️ ⛩️️ 🛕️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Book of the Celestial or Heavenly Cow (Edward P. Butler)🐮 🐄 🐂 🐐 🦬 🐏 🐗 💩 🥩 🌾 💫 🌟 ✨ ⭐ 🪐 🌙 🔥 🌕 ☀️ 🌘 🌖 🌑 🌈 🪬 🌀 🛡️ 🎇 ☄️ 👽
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on The Book of Mormon (Bryce Haymond) 😡 🤬 👹 😠 😖 😈 🤢 🥹 😢 😭 🪳 🅱ʳ๏ᵏɛղ ❝🧑🏼 ≠ 🧑🏿 = 🅘🅝🅢🅣🅘🅣🅤🅣🅘🅞🅝🅐🅛🅘🅩🅔🅓 🅡🅐🅒🅘🅢🅜❞ 𝓐𝓷 𝓲𝓷𝓼𝓹𝓲𝓻𝓮𝓭 𝓽𝓮𝔁𝓽??? ✀ ✁ ✂ ✃ ✄
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Bosnian paradigm; the reconciliation of dogmatism and relativism; and the transcendental One (Nevad Kahteran) 🇧🇦 💛 ⭐ ✨ ⚜️ ⚖️ 🎗️ 🔒 ☀️ 🔥 🪄 🍢 🐕 🐕‍🦺 🐶 🕋 ⛰️ 🛖 🙈 🙉 🙊 🏮 🐑 ☪️ 🛐 ⚔️ 🐺 🐩 🐾 Đσղ❜Ե ҍҽ ѕσ ժσցʍɑԵɨϲ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a Buddhist politics of freedom (Zach Dorfman) 📿 🕉️ ☯️ ☸️ 🛐 🫐 🧿 🪬 🪷 🌸 ✨ 🍵 🧘🏿 🧘🏾 🧘🏽 🧘🏼 🧘🏻 🧘 🙏🏿 🙏🏾 🙏🏽 🙏🏼 🙏🏻 🙏 🛞 ⛩️ 🛕 🇱🇰 🗻
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on building an ark that will gather up what we have and hold onto it through the dark time to come (Daniel Bradley) ⛵ 🚤 🚢 ⚓ 🌈 𓃥 𓃠 𓃰 𓃱 𓃯 𓃭 𓃸 𓃵 𓃗 𓃘 𓃙 𓃟 𓄀 𓄁 𓄂 𓄃 𓃚 𓃛 𓃜 𓃝 𓃞 𓃒 𓃓 𓃔 𓃕 𓃖 𓃡 𓃢 𓃦 𓃩 𓃫 𓃬 𓃮 𓃲 𓃴 𓃶 𓃷 𓃹 𓃻 𓃽 𓃾 𓃿 𓄄 𓄅 𓄆 𓄇 𓆇 𓆈 𓆉 𓆌 𓆏 𓆗 𓆘 𓆙 𓆚 𓆐 𓆑 𓆒 𓆓 𓆔 𓆕 𓆖 𓆊 𓆍 𓆣 𓆤 𓆥 𓆦 𓆧 𓆨 𓆛 𓆜 𓆝 𓆞 𓆟 𓆠 𓆡 𓆢 𓄿 𓅀 𓅁 𓅂 𓅃 𓅄 𓅅 𓅆 𓅇 𓅈 𓅉 𓅊 𓅋 𓅌 𓅍 𓅎 𓅏 𓅐 𓅑 𓅒 𓅓 𓅔 𓅕 𓅖 𓅗 𓅘 𓅙 𓅚 𓅛 𓅜 𓅝 𓅞 𓅟 𓅠 𓅢 𓅣 𓅤 𓅥 𓅦 𓅧 𓅨 𓅩 𓅪 𓅫 𓅬 𓅭 𓅮 𓅯 𓅰 𓅱 𓅲 𓅳 𓅴 𓅵 𓅷 𓅶 𓅸 𓅹 𓅺 𓅻 𓅼 𓅽 𓅾 𓅿 𓆀 𓆁 𓆂 𓆃 𓆆
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Camp Hobbit as a radical Traditionalist or radder metaTradder appropriation of John Ronald Reuel “J.R.R.” Tolkien’s work (Giorgia Meloni et al.) ⛰️ 💍 🐑 🌋 🧿 🥝 🦧 🤽🏿‍♂️ ♨️ 🏰 🧙🏾 🧙 🧙🏿‍♂️ 🧙‍♂️ 🧌 🧝🏿‍♀️ 🧝🏾 🧝🏽 🧝 👨🏿‍🎨 👨🏿‍🔧 🦄 🧚🏿‍♂️ 🧜 👰🏿‍♂️ 🧛🏾‍♂️ 🍆 🐌
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Carl Gustav Jung (Carl Gustav Jung, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 👸 🧙‍♂️ 🧙 🦸‍♂️🆚🦹‍♀️ 🤹 🧝🏽 🎠 👻 🧑🏿‍✈️ 👨🏻‍✈️ 👩🏿‍✈️ 👩🏻‍✈️ 🇭🇰 👿 🚂 🚇 🚆 🔱 🦖 ⛄ 🦇 🔰 💩 🦫 🐶 🦔 🏉 🪸 🛸 👽 єиє́ Ǥцє́иσи ωσυℓ∂ вє υинαρρу。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on castled or castellated levels of the heart as the concentric castles of the soul (Arabic, الحَكِيم التِرْمِذِيّ ، ʾal•Ḥakīm ʾal•Tir°miḏiyy, “the Sage of Tirmidh or ‘Termez,’” circā 755 CE–869 CE) vis–à–vis interior castles (Sister Teresa of Ávila, née Teresa Sánchez de Cepeda Dávila y Ahumada, 1515 CE–1582 CE); and scientia sācra (Latin, “sacred sciences”) (Seyyed Hossein Nasr) 🎪 🏰 💒 🏫 🏩 🏨 🏚️ 🏠 🏘️ 🏡 ⛪️ 🏟️ ♕ ⛪ 🏯 🕌 🏙 🛕 🏛 🏬 ♚ 👗 ♝ ⛰︎ 🏢 🏔 🏛️ 🗼 🛕 🖼 🌇 🕍 🛖 🏔️ 🏜 🏙️ 🌃 🌆 🏟 🏭 🗽
        • Syed Mehboob Bukhari (né 1991) presents a cogent critique of Nasr’s sacred, ultimately neo–Islamic, sciences.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on castles and castes (Ian Chambers) 🏰 🏯 🎪 🏙 🛕 🕍 🕌 🏫 🏦 🏛 ♕ ♖ ♘ ♗ ♔ ♗ 🌃 🌆 🏢 🛡️ ⚔️ 🗡️ 🤺 👑 🗝️ 🔑 ⚜️ 📜 🐎 🐉 Ħ๏µ§ε Đเѵเ∂ε∂
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Celtic Tradition (Thierry Jolif) 🇮🇪 🏴󠁧󠁢󠁳󠁣󠁴󠁿 🥨 ⚜️ 🌟 ⚡️ 🔥 🪶 👩‍🦰 👨🏻‍🦰 🏀 🏰 🗡️ 🌬️ 🪬 ❄️ ⚓️ 🛡️ 💦 🏞️ ⚽ 🧊 🌀 🍀 ☘️ 💚 🌳 🌲 🍃 🐉 🧝🏿 🧝🏿 🧝🏽 🧝🏼 🧝🏻 🧝
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Chinese Tradition, deep ecological awareness, the perennial philosophy, and the Tao of physics (Fritjof Capra, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) ⚡️ 🧲 💡 🔭 ☯️ ⚛️ 🌌 🌠 🚀 🪐 🌕 🌑 ☄️ 🛸 👩🏻‍🔬 ⚗️ 🧪 🥼 🔮 👾 💫 📡 🧫 🏗️ 💮
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Christian apocalyptic Tradition (Gilbert Durand) 🧟 ☣️ ☢️ 🤧 ⚠️ 🌻 🔥 🩸 🍁 🚨 🆘 ☠️ 💀 🌪️ 🦴 🛠️ 🏢 🍂 👹 🌋 💣 👹 👿 🥶 🩻 🌩️ 🐍 🐲 𝖉𝖆𝖘 𝕰𝖓𝖉𝖊 𝖎𝖘𝖙 𝖓𝖆𝖍𝖊。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Christian epistemic or epistemological realism (John Senior, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 👁️ 🧶 ⚓ ♾️ 🧗 💇🏿 💇 🤹🏽 🤹 🧑🏿‍🚀 🧑‍🚀 🧘🏽‍♀️ 🧘‍♀️ 🧘🏻 ✨ 🪂 ⚛️ 🤿 💥 💯 📼 📍 🪬 🧿 🌀 💎 🍭
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Christian white European identitarian nationalism (Jonas De Geer) 😈 🤬 😡 👹 👺 😱 😰 🥺 😭 💀 🦹‍♂️ 💢 🐦‍🔥 💔 🥀 🦇 🖤 🪳 🔱 🐍 🧨 🔥 ⸙ Ⱨµɱρɦ。 𝕷σσкιиg αт єνιℓ ѕqυαяєℓу ιи тнє єуєѕ。 Į ɦǟʋɛ❟ ȶɦɛʀɛʄօʀɛ❟ ֆȶօքքɛɖ ɮɛɨռɢ ֆʊʀքʀɨֆɛɖ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a Christo–centric perennialism (Christian Guild) ☦️ ✝️ ⚛️ ⭕️ 🪙 🏀 🪷 🔴 🟠 🟡 🟢 🔵 🟣 ⚫ 🏉 🧿 🌐 ❄️ 🌀 ⚽ 💎 🌎 🪞 🐟 🐠
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the circles of existence (Kurt Almqvist with Stephen Lambert) ⭕ 🔴 🟠 🟡 🌕 🪙 🌓 🌔 🙂 🟢 🔵 🟣 ⚪ 💿 🔘 ⚫ 🟤 🌀 ⛔ 🌐 🛑 0️⃣ 🌍
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on civil society (Indonesian, masyarakat madani) (Nurcholish Madjid) 👨🏿‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏽 👨🏼‍❤️‍👨🏿 🧑🏾‍❤️‍💋‍🧑🏻 🧑🏽‍⚖️ 🧑‍⚖️ 🙎🏿 🙎🏻 🤷🏽 🤷🏻 🧑🏽‍🦲 🧑🏻‍🦲 🧑🏿‍🦼 🧑🏻‍🦼 🧑🏿‍🍼 🧑🏻‍🍼 🙅🏿 🙅🏻 💁🏾 💁🏼 🤾🏿 🤾🏻 👳🏿 👳🏽 🧖🏿 🧖🏽 🧖🏻 📓 📖 💵 📃 🤙 📜 ✒️ 🔏 ⚖️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the classic conservatism of Seyyed Hossein Nasr (Hamid Reza Esmaeili) 🏛️ 💰 🧱 🛡️ ⏳ 🐐 🐑 🐘 🗽 🦅 🎆 🤠 🎉 🪰 🔫 🎈 🔥 🛑 🏉 👮 ⤵️ 🪖 🏮 🎎 🔨 ¢σиѕєяνιиg єχα¢тℓу ωнαт⸮ ᗩᑎᔕᗯᗴᖇ࿒ ᗰᗝᑎᗩᖇᑕᕼƳ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the commodification of corn with a corresponding loss of symbolic content among the Hopi and the fallenness of man (Peter Moore) 🌽 🌶️ 🥑 🍅 🥕 🍇 🍓 🍑 🍚 🥔 🍉 🍗 🫐 🍄‍🟫 🌶️ 🫘 🍠 🍍 🥦 🍈 🥭 🍆 🍊 🌵 🍒 🪇 🧉 💚 🏕️ 🌿 🌲 🌳 ☘️ 𐒄𐤠ƖⱿƸ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on A Common Word Between Us and You and the traditional doctrine of symbolism (Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad of Jordan; Arabic, الأَمِير غَازِي بِن مُحَمَّد مِن الأُرْدُنّ ، ʾal•⫯Amīr Ġāzī bin Muḥammad min ʾal•⫯Ur°dunn) ☪️ ☦️ ✝️ 🕉️ ✡️ ☸️ ☯️ 🕌 🕍 ⛪ 🛕 💒 ⛩️ 🏯 🕋 📿 🙏🏼 🙏 🤲 🧕 👳🏽‍♂️ 👳 🙇🏿 🙇‍♂️ 👩🏾‍🤝‍👩🏼 🧎 🧎‍♂️ 🧎‍♀️ 🧎‍➡️ 🧎‍♀️‍➡️ 🧎‍♂️‍➡️ 🪬
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a comparison of the methods of Burckhardt and Oleg Grabar concerning Islamic architecture (Seyyed Hadi Jalali, Nayyar Tahori, and Iraj Etesam) 📐️ 🏗️️ 🕌️ 🕋️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on compassion and the perennial philosophy (Karen Armstrong, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) ☀️ 💧 🌿 ✨ 🪷 🤲 🌍 💖 💗 🥰 💞 💓 ❤️ 🫶🏿 🫶🏾 🫶🏽 🫶🏼 🫶🏻 🫶 🙌🏿 🙌🏾 🙌🏽 🙌🏼 🙌🏻 🙌 🫱🏽‍🫲🏿 🤝🏿 🫱🏾‍🫲🏼 🫱🏽‍🫲🏾 🫱🏿‍🫲🏽 🤝
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the complementarity of the ideas of René Guénon, Ananda K. Coomaraswamy, and Frithjof Schuon; the hierarchical connection among Traditionalists; and Sacred Reality as a strong foundation for the question of “Why Moral?” (Chi–chung “Andy” Yu) 🛡️ 💎 💦 💧 🐳 🌊 📜 💖 🧠 🌷 🌺 ⚖️ 🏛️ 🎭 🤔 😇 👼🏼 ⚖️ 🔮 🏰 🏫 🕍 🛕 🌟 💢 ⚔️ 🧜🏾 🦹‍♂️ 🧕 👨🏿‍❤️‍💋‍👨🏽
        • The author refers to himself as a writer about Traditionalism. However, his statements concerning the Traditionalist School are, generally unlike mine, positive.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on concordia discors or discordant harmony in Latin; the Platonic and Neoplatonic Tradition; and the sacred geography of order and chaos; and the sacred geography of order and chaos (Luca Siniscalco) 🌐 💎 🛡️ 🐬 💦 💧 🌀 🧿 🪼 🎮 🫐 ☸️ 🥧 🧸 🥐 🧇 🍦 🥨 🥯 🗝️ ⭐ 🔰 🕰️ 🦇 ☕️ 👜 🤎 🟤 🟫 🍄‍🟫 🪵 💼 💩 🥥 🎓 🪐 🪶 🪴 📚 📖 📋 🏰 🍇 ☕️ 📜 🍂 ☂️ 🧠 🦆 👩🏽‍🏫 🌳 🌂 🫖 🏹 🎻👞 💼 ✍🏼 👓 🤵🏼‍♀️ 🧥 🔎 🌘 🫐 🥃 ⏳ ✒️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the contrast between perennialism and materialism (M. Baharudin and Muhammad Aqil Luthfan) ⚛️ 💰 🤑 💲 💸 🥂💍 💎 🦞 🍷 🍺 🍨 🐍 🐊 🎍 🤢 🤬 💔 🛟 🐏 🪸 ♨️ 🛺 🎅 🏇 🐎 🎁 👄 💄 💋
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on conditioned realities versus the Unconditioned Reality (Khalil Andani) 💯 ❤️ 🦺 🌡️ 🆙 🆓 👓 ♾️ 🪬 💠 🧿 💎 🛡️ 🌀 🌐 ❄️ 🌊 🧢 💺 👘 👔 👖 👗 🧳 🐦‍🔥 👁️‍🗨️ 🦋⃤♡⃤🌈⃤
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the conservative anti–egalitarian, anti–capitalist, and anti–Communist intellectual Tradition (Tomislav Sunic) 🚫 🚩 🏰 🇰🇵 🛑 🔴 ⭕ 🎈 🇨🇳 🇨🇺 🇻🇳 🇰🇭 🇱🇦 🇰🇵 📕 🇰🇵⃠ 💼 🧑🏿‍🤝‍🧑🏿 🧑🏿‍🤝‍🧑🏼 🧑🏾‍🤝‍🧑🏻 🧑🏽‍🤝‍🧑🏼 🧑🏻‍🤝‍🧑🏾 🧑🏻‍🤝‍🧑🏽 🧑🏼‍🤝‍🧑🏽 👭🏿 👩🏿‍🤝‍👩🏻 👩🏼‍🤝‍👩🏿 👩🏼‍🤝‍👩🏿 👩🏼‍🤝‍👩🏽 👩🏻‍🤝‍👩🏼 👭 ᗩℓℓ тнє αℓℓєɢє∂ єνιℓѕ ᴏғ єɢαℓιтαʀιαиιѕм⸼ ᕼᗰᑭᖴ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the controversy surrounding “from the One, only one proceeds” (Mehdi Asgari, Mohammed Soori, and Fatemeh Ansari) 1️⃣️ ❶️ ☝🏽️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on cosmogenesis (John Major Jenkins) 🚀🌕🌌🌋🌑☄️💩🍝🛸༘ ✴ ⋆ ₊ ⊹ ★ ⭑⋆ 。 ˚ 🔭๋࣭ 🫣 🏋🏿‍♂️ 🏋🏼‍♀️ 🏋🏻‍♀️ 🎐🪐☄️⚛️🫧🌙🪼💠🌀🔛
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the counter–initiatic tendency of transhumanism and a Traditional society as the heavenly Kingdom on Earth (Richard Heathen) Ӻꌦเ⁑ค๓ςгเtเςคl tгคภรђย๓คภเรt 🔬 💻 🦾 🧬 💉 ⚡️ ⚙️ 🧑🏽‍⚕️ 🧝🏽 🗿 🏬 🧠 🌐 🔌 🌟 🥩 🌌 🌠 🪐 🌍 ✨ 🕊️ 😇 👼
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on craftsmanship (Kamaladevi Chattopadhyay) 🧶 🖍️ 🖌️ ✏️ 🖊️ ✒️ 🔨 🪡 ✂️ 🧵 🎨 👩🏿‍🎨 👩🏾‍🎨 👩🏽‍🎨 👩🏼‍🎨 👩🏻‍🎨 👩‍🎨 💃 📍 🌸 🦄 🎶 🤸 🎀 🩰 🎃 👗 🖼️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on creationism (Tavakoli Bina) 🌍️ 🌿️ 🪄️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the crisis of modernity; the modern scientific reduction of the cosmos from a conscious being to pure matter; and Seyyed Hossein Nasr’s critique of Cartesian dualism (Seyed Amir Hossein Asghari) 😬 🔥 📉 🤷‍♂️ 🚨 🤯 🌪️ ⏳ 🆘 ⚠️ 💥 🪖 🥷 🌡 🌡️ 🚑 👮🏾 👮🏻 🚩 🚢 🛟 🚨 📢 📣 🔊 ‼️ 🏟️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism critiqued as counter–discourse (Brannon Ingram) 🗣️ 🗣 🗨 👥 🔢 🔡 🔣 📖 🌐 🖋️ 📺 📚 🎤 🤖 📞 🈵 🈯 🈚 🈲 🉐 💬 🤔 📜 🙊 🧑🏿‍🏫 🧑🏾‍🏫 🧑🏽‍🏫 🧑🏼‍🏫 🧑🏻‍🏫 🧑‍🏫
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism critiqued as an instance of ontological essentialistic Orientalism in reverse aka Occidentalism (Philipp Valentini, a writer on the metaTradder School, based on the thought of Sadik Jalal al–‘Azm) 😌 🏺 🍯 🏮 🗝️ 🔑 ✨ ⚜️ 🌟 🏉 🥟 🍛 🍠 🌸 🛑 🍚 🕌 🕍 🕋 🔮 🌉 💒 🏰 🧿 🩴 🎐 💎 🌏 🌐 ❄️ 🛡️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism critiqued as an alleged transcendental disunity of religions (Stratford Caldecott, a former metaTradder Schooler) 🕊️ 😶‍🌫️ 🔭 🪩 🔮 🪶 🍤 💫 🤯 ✨ ⭐ ⚡ 🌜 🔱 🔥 🪔 🏉 🌄 🪷 🌸 🌷 🎈 👛 🍄 🎏 👒 🎃 ☸️ 🪀 🦄 🥝 🐍 🥻 🌐 🔍 🔎
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a critique of Modernity, a defense of Tradition, and the lost wisdom of our time (Reza Davari Ardakani; Persian, رِضَا دَاوَرِی ارْدَکَانِی, Riḍā Dāvarí ʾAr°daḱāní) 📜 🪔 ⚱️ ⛰️ 🗝️ 🔑 💫 ✨ 💡 📜 🎓 🔮 🧙🏿 🧙🏾 🧙🏽 🧙🏼 🧙🏻 🧙🏻 🧞‍♀️ 🧞 🧞‍♂️ 🌬️ 🪬 🧿 🌀 💎 ❄️ 🌐 🛡️ ⛲
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a critique of Mullā Ṣad°rā’s epistemological distinction between knowledge and the mental mode of existence (Mohammad Yazdani, Azam Ghasemi, and Gholamreza Zakiany) 🕵️️ 👁️️ 👀️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a critique of non–resistant non–belief (Stephen Napier) 🚫🙏 🤔 🤮 🌚 👿 👎 🤞 🤦🏻‍♂️ 🤷🏿‍♀️ 🤷🏾‍♀️ 🤷🏿 🤷‍♂️ 🤷 🤷‍♀️ ☠️ 🪦 🪯 🥥 🪒 🌜🌛 💔
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on C.S. Lewis’ novel, That Hideous Strength: a modern fairy–tale for grown–ups, as a dramatization of René Guénon’s counter–Tradition and counter–initiation (Mihai Marinescu) 🧟 🪲 🐉 🐛 🐍 🤢 🤮 😱 😖 😝 😵 😨 👹 🙈 🐀 💩 🪳 🦂 🦟 🐞 👺 🎃 🤡 🩻 ⛈️ 👾 🗑️ 🐁 👻 爪丨丂卂卩卩尺ㄖ卩尺丨卂ㄒ丨ㄖ几
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on decolonial Traditional Islam (a fascinating fusion of the right–wing Traditionalist School with left–wing decoloniality theory by Jason Idriss Sparkes) 👍 ✊🏽 ✊🏾 ✊🏻 ✊ 👌🏼 👍🏿 👍🏻 👌 👨🏿‍🌾 👩‍🌾 🏘️ 🏚️ 🤤 😄 😅 🥳 😮‍💨 🎍 🪆 💂🏻 🧘‍♀️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on decolonizing religious studies through the metaTradder School (Noah H. Taj) 👑 🤒 😫 😞 🔒 🔐 🔓 🗝️ 🔑 📉 🎯 🌱 🌍 🗺️ 🧫 🌐 ❄️ ✊🏿 ✊🏾 ✊🏽 ✊🏼 ✊🏻 ✊ ⛓️ ⚔️ 🔨 🔗 ⛓️‍💥 ᗪᗴᑕᗝᒪᗝᑎꞮᗩᒪꞮՇᖻ ՇᕼᖇᗝᑌǤᕼ ᑕᗝᒪᗝᑎꞮᗩᒪꞮՇᖻʡ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the deconstruction of modernity (Sviatoslav Dmytrovich Vyshynskyi, i.e. Ukrainian, Святослав Дмитрович Дишинський, Svâtoslav Dmitrovič Višinsʹkij) ⚙️ 🔧 🔨 🔩 🛠️ ⚔️ ⚒️ 🔪 📐 ⚙️ ⛓️ 🔗 🍴 📏 🪚 🔬 🗑️ 🌪️ 🪕 🏬 🧩 🪓 🪛 ✂️ 📝 🏗️ ❄️ 💮
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on deep Traditionalism (Jonathan Pageau, T. S. Eliot, Farasha Euker, Charles Philip Arthur George “King Charles III” Mountbatten–Windsor, et al.) 👀 🪦 🛠️ 🔨🗡️ 🦈 🔜 🔚 🤫 🪔 🌅 🖤 ⏬ ⤵️ ⬇️ 🌊 🥽 💤 ⚓ 🧿 🌀 🤿 ♨️ ❣️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on de–esotericization and esotericization in Sufism (Francesco Piraino) 𓆙𓃵𓂀𓀊❄🕊𓁿𓃦𓆲𓇗𓂀𓋹𓁈𓃠☥𓅓𓅇 𐂂 ♝ 𖤓 ❇ 𖣐 ☬ ✠︎ ⚘ 🗞 ❀ 𖤣 𖥧 𖡼 ⊱ ✿ ⊰ 𖡼 𖥧 𖤣 ❀
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on defining religion as: ritual, dogma, leadership, textual authority, history, and the legitimization of morality (Suhermanto Ja’far) 🛐 🕉️ ☯️ 🪯 ☸️ ☪️ ✡️ 🕎 ☦️ ✝️ 🪷 🌸 🌺 📍 💥 🎎 💐 🌷 🌹 🪬 🧿 🌐 🛡️ 💧 🐍 🌙 ⭐ 🕋 🕌 🕍 ⛪ 🪘 🍯 📿 🌟 🔱 尺ƐՆİƓİᏫƝ
        • As a sociologist of religion and a historian of religions, I use Émile Durkheim’s more generalizable definition: “A religion is a unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden – beliefs and practices which unite into one single [moral] community called a Church, all those who adhere to them. The second element which thus finds a place in our definition is no less essential than the first; for by showing that the idea of religion is inseparable from that of the Church, it makes it clear that religion should be an eminently collective thing.” Church would obviously be modified as required.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the degeneration of right order in Eric Voegelin and René Guénon (Thomas Bertonneau) 📉 💔 ✂️ 🏭 👹 🌉 ❌ 🍷 🌹 🥀 🌱 🔨 🗑️ 💀 🦴 😶‍🌫️ ⏳ 🚬 😣 😥 😖 😩 😭 🪸 🔥 🌐 🎐 🩴 🎣 ŦĦ€ ᕲЄℂ₳Ƴ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on democracy as the triumph of mediocrity over the wise (Tengku Ahmad Hazri) 💢 👹 👿 🤬 😡 👺 😠 🥺 😱 😨 🥵 😤 😵‍💫 🦹‍♂️ 🐦‍🔥 🔥 🩸 ❌ 🥀 👅 🐉 ₦Ø ₵Ø̶M̶M̶E̶N̶₮
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the descent of light into the dark abyss of matter; the law of an endless evolutionary cycle of rise and fall; the law of karma; and duality as the price paid by Unity in order to achieve self-consciousness and to perform the divine act of creation (Abir Taha) 🌞 ☀️ ✨ 🌟 🔆 🔅 ⭐ 🪐 💫 🕯️ 💡 🔥 ⚡️ 📀 ⚫ 🖤 ⬛ 🌃 🔮 ⏾ 👁️‍🗨️ 🎱 🔄 🔁 1️⃣ 2️⃣ 🇺🇳 🧿 🌀 ☸️ ☯️ 🐍 🌳
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the destruction of the Christian Tradition (Rama P. Coomaraswamy) 💀 🔪 🔨 😵 🤕 🥵 😬 🥺 🩸 💔 💥 🧨 🪓 ✂️ 🚨 💔 😡 🤬 💣 🥷🏿 🥷🏾 🥷🏽 🥷🏼 🥷🏻 🥷 🪦 🧹 🪣
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the dialectic of Unity–in–diversity; Carl Jung’s replacement of sacred Tradition with a deification of the psyche; and René Guénon and Frithjof Schuon and jnanic (epistemological or cognitive) types (Samuel Bendeck Sotillos) 🙃 🧑🏼‍❤️‍🧑🏾 ⏳ ☯️ ⬅ ➡ ⬆ ⬇ ⚔ ↔️ メ 𝟶 メ 𝟶 ☯︎ ☽ ☾ 🔄 ♻️ 🫱🏼‍🫲🏾 😊
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Direct Path of Sri Atmananda Krishna Menon (Sanskrit, श्री आत्मानंद कृष्ण मेनन, Śrī Ātmānaṁda Kr̥ṣṇa Menana) (Terry Moore) 🛤️ 🛣️ 🦶 👣 🥾 👞 👠 🛼 ⛸️ 👢 👟 🩰 🎿 🚶🏻 🏃 🏃‍♂️ 🏃 🚴 🚲 🚵 ⛷️ 🏂 🧗 🛵 🚀 ᒎᑌᔕ丅 ᖴᗝᒪᒪᗝᗯ 丅ᕼᗴ Ƴᗴᒪᒪᗝᗯ ᗷᖇIᑕᛕ ᖇᗝᗩᗪ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on divine beatitude and the “fire” of liberating knowledge (Reza Shah–Kazemi) 🌷✨☁️🫧🌷͙֒🩷˚.💐🎂🎈🎉🎀༘⋆୧⍤⃝ ˚˖𓍢ִ໋˚˖𓍢ִ໋*ੈ✩‧₊˚༺☆༻*ੈ⋆✩‧₊˚❀。✧˚.• *₊°。 ❀°。✧🦋⃤♡⃤🌈⃤ 🧡✨👩🏻‍❤️‍👨🏻🏅🎁🤲🏼🍃💚
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Divine Consciousnesss as the Ground of Being (Paul Davies) 🧠 💭 🦋 🌺 🪷 🌳 🍃 🍀 🍄 💧 🔮 🤫 🔌 🌐 ☯️ ☮️ ⚛️ 💫 🪬 🧿 👁️⃤ 💡 🧘🏽‍♀️ 🧘‍♂️ 💤 🌟 🎐 🫧 🦋 💠 🌀 🩸 🔥 Ⓤⓗ؟ Ⓝⓞⓟⓔ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Divine Essence (Mohamad M. Davar and Fatemeh Mohamadi Salamian) 💿 🔮 🌟 ⭐ ✨ 🔑 🪄 🔥 💥 🎇 💖 ❤️‍🔥 💘 💝 💗 🌺 ☄️ 🧴 🦋 🍯 ☂️ 🕉️ ⚛️ ♏ 🥏 💎 💧 🌀 ℚ𝕦𝕚𝕕𝕕𝕚𝕥𝕪
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the divine liturgy and the Rosary as spiritual way (Jean Hani) 🙏 📖 😌 🕊️ 🍇 🌾 ⛪️ 🕍 🏠 🕯️ ✝️ 🛐 ☦️ 🫛 🎶 🤲🏼 🧎🏾‍♀️ 🧎🏿‍♂️ 🧎🏽‍♂️ 🍖 ♨️ 🔥 🥩 🥓 🍳 🗼 📿
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Divine Mystery; the sacred science of mind; and the sacred psychology of humanity (John Herlihy) 🕵️ 🕵🏻‍♀️ 👤 🧙 ❓ 👣 🔍 🍀 🤔 🤫 🧐 🐈‍⬛ 🔑🧩 📷
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the divine source of all celestial revelations (Victor Danner) ✨ 💫 🌟 🌙 🥠 🪐 ⭐ 🌕 🌞 ☀️ 🌥️ 🔆 🌖 🌘 🌓 🌒 🌔 🌗 🌏 ⚪ 🟠 🔄 🛸 ⚗️ ☄️ 💥 🎇 🌠 🎆 🌌 🎮 🕹️ 👾
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on dream interpretation; the symbolic order; the transformist illusion of evolution; and loneliness (Rodney Blackhirst) 💤 🛌 🐑 💭 🦭 👁️ 🕊️ 🌼 🫧 🦄 💗 🌷 🌙 😴 🌟 ✨ 🎇 🪐 💡 ⏳ 🌒 🌈 💎 🌊 🛡️ 🌐 🧿 🏙️ 🌌
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Druid Tradition in the Order of Bards, Ovates, and Druids (Philip Carr–Gomm, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 🧛🏽‍♂️ 🍀 ☘️ 🧙 🌕 🧚🏾‍♂️ 🪨 🏝️ 🧙🏾‍♂️ 🧙‍♂️ 🪨 🧀 🧝🏽 ⛈️ 💩 🎪 👩🏽‍🍳 🪅 👨🏼‍🚒 🪵 🦞 🐴 🥾 🌊 🛡️ 🧊 🗺️ 🍄 ✨ Ɪȶ ιʂ Đɾυιԃ ֊ ɳσȶ Đɾυȥҽ₊
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Earth Maker (Paul Goble) 🌍 🌎 🌍 🌏 🌎 🔵 🟣 🌐 ❄️ 🌀 🌬️ 💎 🛡️ 🧊 🌊 🇺🇳 🧢
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Eastern Orthodox Hesychasm and Islamic Sufism and naïve set theory (Peter Samsel) 🙏 📿 ❤️ ❤️‍🩹 ❤️‍🔥 💖 🪆 🧘‍♂️ 🧘 ✨ ☦️ 🕍 ⛪ 🕌 🏰 💒 🪜 🧎‍♀️ 🏺 🎸 🕯️ ✨ 🕊️ 🧣 🇬🇷 🇷🇺 🇺🇦
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Eastern Orthodox Christianity and the desacralization of nature (Philip Sherrard) ☦️ Иисус 🛐 🏰 🀀 🎹 🏋 ⚓ 👌 🏫 ☦ Ἰησοῦς ✟ ❝✖️𝓮𝓭 𝓸𝓾𝓽𝑜𝓇 𝑜𝓉𝒽𝑒𝓇𝓌𝒾𝓈𝑒 𝓈𝓉𝒶𝓉𝑒𝒹❝➖❞🌳༘⋆🌷🫧💭₊˚ෆ🌊🍃🐚꧁🪷🌷🌸🌺🦩꧂☁️☘️🌴✨🏕️🌿🌲
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on an Eastern Orthodox neo–perennialist spiritual intelligence; the contemplative aspect of apophaticism; and a genuine dialogue of science and theology (Christopher C. Knight, an Eastern Orthodox priest and a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 🤔 🤓 🧐 😏 😎 🤩 😂 😉 🧠 📚 📖 🎓 ℹ️ 🗂️ 📝 ⚗️ 🧪 🤖 🌐 🏵️ 👨‍🎓 👩‍🏫 👩‍💻
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on ecophilosophy (John Griffin) 🌴 🌳 🌿 🍃 🌎 🦋 🐠 ⛅️ ⛈️ 🦊 ☃️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Eastern Orthodox religious morphology (Marco Tito) 🔤 →️ 🔡 🇿 🇳 🆎 🅱️ 📰 📙 📖 📚 📜 📄 📝 ✍🏻 ✒️ 🖊️ ✎ 🔊 🧠 🫀 🫁 🦴
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the ecclesiatical Tradition and philosophy in Origen’s thought (Alfons Fürst) ☦️ ✝️ 🛐 🧿 💙 🎿 📍 🍉 ⛱️ 🍹 🍠 🍹 🥥 🪔 📿 ✨ 🌅 🥚 🐣 ⛪ 💒 🗝️ 🔑 ⭐ ⚜️ 🌱 🌴 🕊️ ØⱤł₲Ɇ₦، ₦Ø₮ ØⱤł₲ł₦。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on eco–Sufism (Seyyed Hossein Nasr, Munir Sadjali, Anne Marieke Schwencke, et al.) 🚮 🗑️ 🛢️ 🔋 🗑 🍃 ♻️ 🏞️ 🌄 💚 🌱
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the ecumenical concerns of the mystical experience debate (Charles Minnaar) ✝️️ ⇔️ ☦️ 🕊️ ⛪ 💒 🏫 🤝 🌬️ 🎑 🧞 🐟 📖
        • I am a researcher and an outsider. Still, the Traditionalist School and ecumenism seem incompatible to me.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Eden as God manifested in man and the Earthly paradise (Mihnea Capruta) 🍎 💫 ⭐ ♾️ 🌤️ 🌠 🌈 👧 👦 🌳 🌴 🌱 🍀 🐍 🐉 🍇 🍏 🍎 🐌 🎐
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the (educational) theory of Perennialism and the Divine; and Tradition–based education (Ismail Asiyah and Mardiah Astuti) 👩🏾‍🎓 👩🏽‍🎓 👩🏼‍🎓 👩🏻‍🎓 👩‍🎓 👨🏿‍🎓 👨🏾‍🎓 👨🏽‍🎓 👨🏼‍🎓 👨🏻‍🎓 👨‍🎓 🧑🏿‍🎓 🧑🏾‍🎓 🧑🏽‍🎓 🧑🏼‍🎓 🧑🏻‍🎓 🧑🏿‍🎓 🧑🏾‍🎓 🧑🏽‍🎓 🧑🏼‍🎓 🧑🏼‍🎓 🧑‍🎓 🧑🏿‍🏫 🧑🏾‍🏫 🧑🏽‍🏫 🧑🏼‍🏫 🧑🏻‍🏫 🧑‍🏫 🙋🏿 🙋🏾 🙋🏽 🙋🏼 🙋🏻 🙋 🤔 🤩 🎒 🍎 📚 🏫 ✏️ 🎓 💡 📣 📝 📖 💻 🔍 🏛️ 💼 🎒 🧠 📍
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the eight auspicious symbols of Tibet: the parasol, the pair of golden fish, the treasure vase, the lotus flower, the right spiraling conch, the endless knot, the victory banner, and the golden wheel (Nanci Takeyama) 🪷 🌸 💮 🍄 🦐 🚩 🐡 ☂️ ☔ 🌂 🪂 🐢 🎐 🎣 🪢 🌐 ❄️ 🌀 💎 🐟 🎏 🐠 ➰ 🧿 ☸️ 🍧 🛞 🎡 🏺 🪘 ⚱️ 🧉 🥥 🐚 ᴛɪᙘᴇᴛₜᵢɓₑₜƬƗ฿€Ե
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the entire universe, physical as well as spiritual, contained in man (Richard Baez) 🌙 💫 ✨ 🌟 ⭐️ 🪐 🌑 🌒 🌓 🌔 🌕 🌠 ⚡️ ☄️ 🚀 🎐 🫧 👾 🌍 👽 🌌 🦋 🧿 🛸 💠 🌀 🌐 🪬 🧊 🔮 🪩 ØŇ€ ĐΔŇǤ€ŘØỮŞ ĐỮĐ€
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the environmental crisis as an outward reflection of the inward crisis of modern–day humanity (Munjed M. Murad) 🌍 🔥 🌡️ ⏳ ⚠️ ❗ 🚨 💥 🌪️ 🏚️ 🤢 🏭 ☣️ 🌬️ ⚓ 🌐 🛂 🎦♾️ 🚆 🏪 🪀 🌑 🍥 🧹 🍈 🌾 ⛽ 🃏
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on an eschatology of ʾapokatástasis (Ancient Greek, ἀποκατάστασις), i.e. universal salvation (Oluwaseyi Bello) 🌬️ 🪬 💎 🌐 ❄️ ⚽ 🌀 🩴 🎆 🌍 🪅 🪷 💮 🍚 🎺 📯 🪈 🪇 ⚖️ ⏳ 📜 ✨ 🌟 ⭐ 🌠 🔥 👑 🛞 🔔 🏉
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on essential primary predication (Arabic, الحِمْل الأَوَّلِيّ الذَاتِيّ, ʾal•ḥim°l ʾal•⫯awwaliyy ʾal•ḏātiyy) (Mahmood Zeraatpisheh) 📝️ 🧾️ 📑️ 📄️ 📃️ 📋️ 📈️ 🗒️️ 📜️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the esoteric interpretation (Arabic, التَّأْوِيل ، ʾal•tt⫯ā°wīl) of the Kingdom (Arabic, المَلَكُوت ، ʾal•Malakūt) (David Mitchell) 🔮 🤫 🪄 🌙 🕯️ ✨ 🪐 🗝️ ✨ 🧿 🪬 🦄 🪅 🧙🏿‍♂️ 🧙🏾‍♂️ 🧙🏽‍♂️ 🧙🏼‍♂️ 🧙🏻‍♂️ 🧙‍♂️ 🧙🏿‍♀️ 🧙🏾‍♀️ 🧙🏽‍♀️ 🧙🏼‍♀️ 🧙🏻‍♀️ 🧙‍♀️ 🍄 ❤️‍🔥 🪷 🏰
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on esoteric Trumpism (Constantin von Hoffmeister) 🤡 💢 🚚 🎠 🤪 🤠 😠 😤 🤓 😵‍💫 👿 🤬 😡 👹 💩 👺 🚫 🆘 ❓ ⛽ 🚜 🛻 🚚 🚛 🛺 🏠 🐐 🔥 🚙 🧑🏿‍🌾 🧑🏾‍🌾 🧑🏽‍🌾 🧑🏼‍🌾 🧑🏻‍🌾 🧑‍🌾
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the eternal energy that created the revelations of old (Jacob Needleman) ⚡ 💡 🔋 🪫 🔌 🔥 ♻️ 🚀 🥤 🍫 ♨️ ❄️ 🎈 🥓 🍗 🔆 🌸 🫧 🌋 🩸 ⚛️ 🔦 ⛽️ 🚂 💥
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the eternal Hermes (Antoine Faivre) 🏛️ 🏺 ⚰️ 🗡️ 🏹 🪙 🔱 ⚜️ 🗝️ 🔒 👜 🐦‍🔥 ⚡ 👑 👅 🔮 📍 🧜🏽‍♀️ 🧜🏻‍♀️ 🧜🏼‍♀️ 🧜‍♀️ 🧜‍♂️ 🧜🏻 🧜🏻‍♂️ 🧚🏻 🪄 🧢
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on eternal salvation (Tariq Samady) 😑 🤧 🤩 😇 👼 ✨ 🌟 💫 🪄 🏆 👑 🔥 🎑 🙏🏽 🙏🏼 🙏 🤲🏾 🤲🏼 🙇🏻‍♂️ 🧕 🌅 💘 🛑 🔴 🥻 🥥
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Eternal Wisdom in religious architecture (S. Hadi Ghoddusifar and Farah Habib) 🏛️ 🏦 🏢 🛕 🏚️ 🏠 🏡 🏘️ 🏫 ⛪ 🗽 🏰 🏯 ⛩️ 🏨 🕌 🚧 🏙 🏟 🌃 🌆 🌇 👷🏿‍♀️ 👷🏾‍♀️ 👷🏽‍♀️ 👷🏼‍♀️ 👷🏻‍♀️ 👷‍♀️ 👷🏿‍♂️ 👷🏾‍♂️ 👷🏽‍♂️ 👷🏼‍♂️ 👷🏻‍♂️ 👷‍♂️ 👷🏿 👷🏾 👷🏽 👷🏼 👷🏻 👷
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on ethnic hatred in apocalyptic thinking (Miguel Martinez, a “soft” Traditionalist or soft metaTradder Schooler) 😡 🤬 👺 💢 💔 🚫 ❌ ♨️ 👿 🥶 🤢 ❎ 🐍 🤮 😩 😠 😤 😖 🔥 🖕🏿 🖕🏾 🖕🏽 🖕🏼 🖕🏻 🖕 🔪 💀 🗑️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on evolutionary panentheism (Michael Murphey) 🐒 🐵 🔜 🤠 🌱 ➡️ 🌳 🧬 🦠 🦖 🦕 🦎 ⏳ 🐟 ⏳ ☄️ 🦇 🦅 🦊 🦣 🐘 🔴 ⚪️ ✨
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the evolutionist thesis versus the miracle of creation (Martin Lings, Titus Burckhardt, Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad of Jordan, et al.) 🦣 🧬 🐘 🦖 🦕 🦠 🐛 🦎 🐉 🐍 🐊 🐸 🌱 🌿 🔬 🦐 🐺 🌾 🐠
        • Notably, the terms “evolutionist” and “evolutionism” are frequently used by creationists but never, to my knowledge, by researchers within biology, the neurosciences, genetics, and in the even wider life sciences—a branch of natural science. From a Bhaskarian critical realist perspective, the social sciences to are sciences. Human beings, endowed with agency, and societies are both embedded in nature and, through that conscious power of agency, can transcend it. As a sociologist (and a historian), I would only use the terms evolutionism and evolutionist in relation to social and particularly anthropological theory.
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the evolution of the ontology of perceptual states in the Islamic philosophical Tradition (Faezeh Banikhazaee and Mahdi Saatchi) 🌌️ ⚛️️ ♾️️ ❓️ 🌸️ 🧩️ 🔗️ 💡️ 🌐️ 🧊️ 💎️ 🌊️ 🔗️ 📝️ 🤖️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the existential and hermeneutical relation of the humanities to humanism (Seyed Masoud Zamani) 🧘🏽‍♀️️ 🔮️ 🪬️ 🪷️ 🧑🏻‍❤️‍💋‍🧑🏿️ 🧑🏽‍⚕️️ 💆🏽‍♀️️ 👨🏿‍🤝‍👨🏻️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on explanatory social mechanisms (Özer Türker) ⚙️️ 🔧️ 📐️ 🔩️ 🛠️️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on extropianism; and all things as either an expression or a distortion of consciousness (David Catherine) 🧑🏽‍⚕️ 👤 ➡️ 🦾 🧠 💊 🤖 🧬 ♾️ 💉 🌬️ 🌐 ⛲ 💻 🧿 👽 🧟 💩 👁️ ⚙️ 🦿 🔌 🏉 〽️ ✨
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on fairy tales by the Brothers Grimm (Samuel D. Fohr) 🧝🏾‍♀️ 🔮 🪐 🧙🏽‍♂️ 🧛🏽 🧜🏽 🧚🏿 🧙🏻‍♀️ 🐉 🐲 🧝‍♂️ 🦄 🧚 🧙🏽‍♂️ 👻 🔮 👹 👺 💘 🧜🏾‍♀️ 🧜🏽 🧞 🧞‍♀️ 🦹‍♀️ 🏰 👻 ⚔️ 👑
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on fantastic realism (Jacques Bergier and Louis Pauwels, “soft” Traditionalists or soft metaTradders) 👀 🔮 🌬️ 💎 🧊 🌐 💧 🪬 🛸 🧝🏿 🧝🏾 🧝🏽 🧝🏼 🧝🏻 🧝 🧚🏿‍♂️ 🧚🏾‍♂️ 🧚🏽‍♂️ 🧚🏼‍♂️ 🧚🏻‍♂️ 🧚‍♂️ 🧞 🧞‍♀️ 🧞‍♂️ 🥶 🌑 🪻 🦄 🧚‍♂️ 🏞️ 🖼️ ⛰️ 🐉 🦚 🔥 🌟 🔆 🪐 🌕 💫 ⚜️ 🪄 🪈 🪷 ☄️ 🦩 🏰 Ŧ♄ɛ ᙢσɾɳιɳɠ σϝ ᎿᏲҽ ϻαɠιƈιαɳʂ𑑝 łɳƚɾσԃυƈƚισɳ ƚσ ϝαɳƚαʂƚιƈ ᖇҽαlιʂɱ
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on fighting detraditionalization through the Beshara (Arabic from Aramaic, البِشَارَة [MP3], ʾal•bišaraẗ, “the Gospel or the good news”) movement’s turn to ⸍Ɪbn ⸌Arabi (Suha Taji–Farouki) 🤜🤛 ⚔️ 🏹 🗡️ ⛏️ 🔨 🔪 🗡 🤼 🤺 🥷 🪖 🗿 🔫 🚀 👊
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Filianism and Déanism (Sarah–Andrea A. Morrigan at al.), i.e. inspired by Aristasia 👸🏽 👸 👸🏻 🧞‍♀️ 🤱 💆🏻‍♀️ 🧙🏻‍♀️ 👰🏻 👰🏻‍♀️ 🧘‍♀️ 🧜‍♀️ 🧕🏻 🧝🏽‍♀️ 🤱🏻 🧝🏻‍♀️ 🧝🏻 🪄 🔥 💖 🙏 💐 🌷 🌹 🌸 🌺 💍
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Five Colors of the Light (Nigel Jackson) ♥️📌☎️🥁🌶️🗼⊹🧡🦁🍊🎃📙🍑 ⊹🌷🎀🦩💗💷🏩 ⊹ 🎆🧞🍠🦄🙆‍♀️🪻💧
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the flying saucer Tradition, ufology, earth mysteries, crop circles, and ley lines (the radical Traditionalist or radder metaTradder John F. Michell) ‽ 𓂃🛸⸝🗺️👁️‍🗨️👾⛤🕵️‍♂️👀👾⸝⸝ ⦿ 🌌 〝 〞 🪐⸝⸝ 😵‍💫 ☁︎๋࣭ ˚☽˚.⋆⚝⭒ 🟢 🧑‍🚀 🐣 📍 🟤 🌸 🕊️ 💗 𓂃🛸⸝
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Forbidden Door (Mark Perry) 🗝️ 🔑 🔒 🔓 🔏 🔐 🚧 🚪 ⛩️ 🔥 🪜 🗡️ ❌ 🛑 ⛔ 📛 🚨 🔴 📵 🔞 ♨️ ❗ 🍄 ⛓️ ✋🏿 ✋🏾 ✋🏽 ✋🏼 ✋🏻 ✋
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the forest as the Paradise transformed by the Presence of Krishna (Stephen Cross) 💚 🏕️ 🌿 🌲 🌳 🌴 ☘️ ⛰️ 🏜️ 🦎 🐾 🪵 🍂 🍄‍🟫 🍄 🍁 🪷 🦜 🦋 🐻 🦫 🦌 🦉 🧸 🧺 ☀️ 🪸 🔥 🍹 🪼 🛤️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the foundations of Christian sacred art and the consciously conservative man (Titus Burckhardt) 🎴𝅘𝅥𝅱 🎨🖌️🎼🖋️✧˚⋆✒ 👩‍🎤。˚👩‍🎨。˚👩🏻‍🎨🎀🪞🩰🦢🕯️⚱️𝄞🕺🎺🎶🎸✒️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the four ages of humanity (Gaston Georgel) ⚔️🛠️⚒️🏹🗡️🔨⚙️📜➡️🗿➡️🏛️➡️🏰➡️🏙️🏭🚀💊🎢🎸⏰🚅 🌀 🛡️ 🌐 ❄️ 💎 🗺️ 🔮 ✨ 💮 🕸️ ⏳➡️🕰️
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the fourth political theory (the Russian philosopher and radical Traditionalist or radder metaTradder Aleksandr Dugin’s neopagan Eurasianism and political Platonism) 👺😬🇪🇺🌏💢🏙, i.e. perhaps including the Proud Boys
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the French neopagan Nouvelle Droite or New Right (the radical Traditionalist or radder metaTradder Alain de Benoist, et al.) 😲😨🤢😡🕸 🇫🇷 ˚˖𓍢ִ໋⊹ 🥐✧˚. 🍾🐓
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on free improvisational æsthetics and pedagogy (Matthew Sansom) 🍥 🐚 🦪 🫶🏻 🌙 🦢 💎 🙆 👘 🪭 🎣 🧴 💾 💅 🥁 🙆 🙋🏻‍♀️ 💿 🚇 ☣️ 🪗
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Freemasonry, the three stages of initiation, and the path of the warrior–mystic (Angel Millar) 🧿⃤ 🛕⚜️🏤🐺⚒️🗡⛲🧞🥷🏽🥷🏾🥷🏿🥷🏻🥷🏼🍟🏨👁𓃶 🜏 𖤐 𐕣 🏟 🛁👁️⃤
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph „F.W.J.“ von Schelling’s later philosophy of religion as a philosophy of life (Hadi Fakhoury) 🧐 😇 😌 ✨ ⚖️ 🕯️ 〽️ 📿 🎺 🎷 🌠 🍗 🥮 🪔 🏮 🥙 🍯 💁🏽 🌈 📚 🍃 🗣️ 🧠 🦄 💥 ❓ 🛑 🎏 ⚓ 💧 🎉
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Frithjof Schuon as the kalki avatar, the greatest of all the prophets, and the divine Logos (Jedi Scribe and the non–Traditionalist academic scholar Hugh B. Urban) ⚜️ 🔥 👑 🏰 🌋 🫧 🌊 🪬 🌀 🔵 🪼 🌬️ 💧 💦 🌐 💎 🧢 🐬 💙 🌍 ☯️ 🧞‍♂️ 🧌 🧙🏾 🦹🏾 🧝🏿‍♂️ 🎮 𝓗𝓸𝔀 𝓖𝓻𝓮𝓪𝓽 𝓣𝓱𝓸𝓾 𝓢𝓾𝓹𝓹𝓸𝓼𝓮𝓭𝓵𝔂 𝓦𝓮𝓻𝓽。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Frithjof Schuon as a Shaivite aka Shivaite and not a Vaishnavite aka Vishnuvite (Jean–Baptiste Aymard and Patrick Laude) 🐍 🔱 📿 🪘 🛕 🕉️ 🛐 🧿 ❤️ 🌺 🪷 🪈🦚🪷🪄 🪬 🐚 🌿 🍃 ✨️ 🔥 🤌🏿 🤌🏾 🤌🏽 🤌🏼 🤌🏻 🤌 🙏🏿 🙏🏾 🙏🏽 🙏🏼 🙏🏻 🙏
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Frithjof Schuon’s perspectival realism (Paul Ducay) 🌬️ 🏞️ 🔎 🔍 🌐 🧊 🛡️ 💎 🪬 💧 💦 🖥️ 💻 📺 🎭 🌀 🛤️ 🖼️ 🦚 🐉 ⛰️ 🗿 👁️ 🛠️ ⚔️ 🌪️ ⚙️ 📷 🎥 🔮 🌃 💀 🦋 🪷 🪈 🔥 ᙁσρҽ❢ ꝒҽɾʂρҽƈԵɩʋαꙆ ιԃҽαꙆιʂɱ。
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on Frithjof Schuon as a spiritual master and a messenger of the perennial philosophy, political Traditionalism as a nōn sequitur, and Thomas Yellowtail as a supporter of the sacred Traditions (Michael Oren Fitzgerald, a metaTradder Schooler and a Bahá’í) Just a question: It is really none of my business. And no disrespect is intended. We are, after all, just human. Still, I am curious. How can a Bahá’í believe that Frithjof Schuon was a “messenger of the perennial philosophy,” a term appropriated by metaTradder Schoolers for the the metaTradder School? The Prophets of God are the Messengers of the divine philosophy (Arabic, حِكْمَةُ الإِلٰهِيَّة, Ḥik°maẗu ʾal•⫰Ɪlꞌahiyyaẗ; or Hebrew, חָכְמָה הַאֱלֹהִית, Ḥoḵəmāh hạ•ʾĔlôhiyṯ), not Mr. Schuon—a man with multiply legally alleged, but admittedly legally unproven, acts of sexual perversion. Yet, Mr. Schuon was recognized by his disciples as the new avatar (Sanskrit, अवतार, avatāra, “a descent of the Divine from on high to inhabit a human form”), a Station given to Bahá’u’lláh: the tenth Avatar aka the Kalki Avatar (Sanskrit, कल्किअवतार, Kalki•Avatāra), i.e, contextually translated here as the divine Equestrian on a white horse Who, after riding down the heavenly Highlands into a state of mortal Manifestation for a sinful world, ends the dark age (Sanskrit, कलियुग, kali•yuga, “the yoke or cycle of discord”). 🥋 ☯️ 🕉️ 💜 🌠 🪷 🌸 🧘🏿 🧘🏾 🧘🏽 🧘🏼 🧘🏻 🧘 🧝🏿 🧝🏾 🧝🏽 🧝🏼 🧝🏻 🧝 ✨ 📿 🛕 😇 👼 🦅 🌟 💖 ❤ 🪶 ✊🏽 ✊🏼 🪘 ⚱️ 🧉 🥥 🦌⚖️ 🍂🦬 🦅 🐻 🏹 🦇 🌞 🌲 🏹 🩸 🛶 💦 🛡️ 💧 🌲 🐊 🥝 🍐
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on from poetics to logic, consciousness of consciousness, and the theory of the four discourses (Olavo de Carvalho) ☕🕰📜🎞🖋️༉‧₊˚ 🧠⚙️<0️⃣/1️⃣>🕯️🪕🗝🎭🤌🏻💌💔💖❤️‍🩹💗💓💞🤎♡🩰🦢🧸🍂🎀🫶🏻🌻☕🥐⚡️🙇‍♀️🤫😮‍💨😅🥰😱
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a fundamental unity underlying body and mind (Francis X. Charet) 👩🏽‍🦱 👩🏻 👩🏻‍🦰 🧔🏾‍♂️ 🧔🏻 🕴🏼 🧍‍♂️ 🏋🏾 🏋️ ✌🏽 ✌🏻 🫶🏽 🫶🏼 🫶 ✊🏽 ✊🏼 ✊ 🤝🏽 🫱🏻‍🫲🏽 🫱🏿‍🫲🏻 🤝 🫸💥🫷
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on the Gaudiya Vaishnavite (aka Chaitanya Vaishnavite) Trinity of Rādhā–Kr̥ṣṇa–Prēma (Sanskrit, राधा–कृष्ण–प्रेम) as the bonds of love connecting Radha and Krishna (Klaus Klostermaier) ❤️ 💖 💗 🩷 💓 🥰 💞 ❤️‍🩹 ❤️‍🔥 💘 🍑 🎀 🌸 🪷 🍝 🍦 🍇 ✨ 🌟 💫 ☘️ 🛡️ 🌀 🌐 🌊
        • the Traditionalist School of esotericism on a genuine European Tradition found